New York Times Current History; The European War, Vol 2, No. 3, June, 1915 eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 441 pages of information about New York Times Current History; The European War, Vol 2, No. 3, June, 1915.

New York Times Current History; The European War, Vol 2, No. 3, June, 1915 eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 441 pages of information about New York Times Current History; The European War, Vol 2, No. 3, June, 1915.

And now, something about this talk of peace, and the terms of peace.  Well, I consider it very sinister and very dangerous.  Very dangerous, indeed, because nothing heartens the Kaiser and his advisers so much as weakness in any of the allied nations.  It is no use expecting Germany to understand that the people who are talking about peace are animated by a genuine love for peace.  I go further as regards peace movements.  I think that in this country, and in America, and in all the neutral countries, there are a great many very well-meaning people who are genuine lovers of peace.  What woman does not dread the effects of war?  Germans are encouraging the call for peace.  The Kaiser knows he is going to be beaten, and he wants to get out of it on as easy terms as possible, and so it is worth while for German-Americans to run a peace movement in America.  They want America, which is a great neutral country, to intervene to try to force peace and to let the Germans down easily without having to pay for all that they have done in Belgium and in France.  Similar tactics are being pursued in this country.

Only those who have been in close touch with people who know what goes on, and what has gone on, since the year 1870, after the Franco-German war, can realize how insidious this German influence is, and so I say to you who love peace (and who does not love peace?) if you take part in any of these peace movements you are playing the German game and helping Germany. [Loud applause.] They talk of peace, but consider the position of our allies.  The Germans in possession of the North of France, devastating the country, even today driving thousands of innocent, helpless people at the point of the bayonet, outraging women, and burning homes!  And people in this country—­an allied nation—­allowing themselves to talk about terms of peace.

It is for Germany to talk of peace, not for us. [Loud applause.] It is for us to show a strong and determined front, because if we do anything else we are misunderstood, and advantage is taken of the situation.  Since some women have responded to an invitation to take part in a peace conference at The Hague, I feel bound to say that they do not represent the mass of Englishwomen. [Loud applause.] The mass of Englishwomen are whole-hearted in our support of our own Government in this matter and in the support of our allies—­[loud applause]—­and we are prepared to face all the necessary sacrifices to bring this war to a successful issue from our point of view, because we know, because we feel, that this terrible business, forced upon us, has to be properly finished to save us from the danger of another war perhaps in ten years’ time. [Applause.]

We have clear consciences on this matter.  We did not want this war.  France did not want this war.  Belgium did not want this war.  I do not believe that Russia wanted this war.  It has been forced upon us, and since Germany took up the sword, the sword must be held in the hands of the Allies until Germany has had enough of war and does not want any more of it. [Loud applause.] For us to talk about peace now, for us to weaken our side now, is to make the condition of those men who are laying down their lives for us in France more terrible than it already is.  We have to support them, and to stand loyally by them, and to make our sacrifices and show our patriotism to them.

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New York Times Current History; The European War, Vol 2, No. 3, June, 1915 from Project Gutenberg. Public domain.