affected as they were by different circumstances, to abolish slavery in their own way and at their own pleasure, instead of confiding that duty to Congress; and that they secured to the slave States, while yet retaining the system of slavery, a three-fifths representation of slaves in the Federal Government, until they should find themselves able to relinquish it with safety.  But the very nature of these modifications fortifies my position, that the fathers knew that the two systems could not endure within the Union, and expected within a short period slavery would disappear forever.  Moreover, in order that these modifications might not altogether defeat their grand design of a republic maintaining universal equality, they provided that two thirds of the States might amend the Constitution.

It remains to say on this point only one word, to guard against misapprehension.  If these States are to again become universally slave-holding, I do not pretend to say with what violations of the Constitution that end shall be accomplished.  On the other hand, while I do confidently believe and hope that my country will yet become a land of universal freedom, I do not expect that it will be made so otherwise than through the action of the several States cooperating with the Federal Government, and all acting in strict conformity with their respective constitutions.

The strife and contentions concerning slavery, which gently-disposed persons so habitually deprecate, are nothing more than the ripening of the conflict which the fathers themselves not only thus regarded with favor, but which they may be said to have instituted.

* * * I know—­few, I think, know better than I—­the resources and energies of the Democratic party, which is identical with the slave power.  I do ample justice to its traditional popularity.  I know further—­few, I think, know better than I—­the difficulties and disadvantages of organizing a new political force, like the Republican party, and the obstacles it must encounter in laboring without prestige and without patronage.  But, understanding all this, I know that the Democratic party must go down, and that the Republican party must rise into its place.  The Democratic party derived its strength, originally, from its adoption of the principles of equal and exact justice to all men.  So long as it practised this principle faithfully, it was invulnerable.  It became vulnerable when it renounced the principle, and since that time it has maintained itself, not by virtue of its own strength, or even of its traditional merits, but because there as yet had appeared in the political field no other party that had the conscience and the courage to take up, and avow, and practise the life-inspiring principle which the Democratic party had surrendered.  At last, the Republican party has appeared.  It avows, now, as the Republican party of 1800 did, in one word, its faith and its works, “Equal and exact justice to all men.”  Even when it first entered the field, only half organized, it struck a blow which only just failed to secure complete and triumphant victory.  In this, its second campaign, it has already won advantages which render that triumph now both easy and certain.