Sir, gentlemen appear to me to forget that they stand on American soil; that they are not in the British House of Commons, but in the chamber of the House of Representatives of the United States; that we have nothing to do with the affairs of Europe, the partition of territory and sovereignty there, except so far as these things affect the interests of our own country.  Gentlemen transform themselves into the Burkes, Chathams, and Pitts of another country, and, forgetting, from honest zeal, the interests of America, engage with European sensibility in the discussion of European interests.  If gentlemen ask me whether I do not view with regret and horror the concentration of such vast power in the hands of Bonaparte, I reply that I do.  I regret to see the Emperor of China holding such immense sway over the fortunes of millions of our species.  I regret to see Great Britain possessing so uncontrolled a command over all the waters of the globe.  If I had the ability to distribute among the nations of Europe their several portions of power and of sovereignty, I would say that Holland should be resuscitated and given the weight she enjoyed in the days of her De Witts.  I would confine France within her natural boundaries, the Alps, Pyrenees, and the Rhine, and make her a secondary naval power only.  I would abridge the British maritime power, raise Prussia and Austria to their original condition, and preserve the integrity of the Empire of Russia.  But these are speculations.  I look at the political transactions of Europe, with the single exception of their possible bearing upon us, as I do at the history of other countries and other times.  I do not survey them with half the interest that I do the movements in South America.  Our political relation with them is much less important than it is supposed to be.  I have no fears of French or English subjugation.  If we are united we are too powerful for the mightiest nation in Europe or all Europe combined.  If we are separated and torn asunder, we shall become an easy prey to the weakest of them.  In the latter dreadful contingency our country will not be worth preserving.

Next to the notice which the opposition has found itself called upon to bestow upon the French Emperor, a distinguished citizen of Virginia, formerly President of the United States, has never for a moment failed to receive their kindest and most respectful attention.  An honorable gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Quincy), of whom I am sorry to say it becomes necessary for me, in the course of my remarks, to take some notice, has alluded to him in a remarkable manner.  Neither his retirement from public office, his eminent services, nor his advanced age, can exempt this patriot from the coarse assaults of party malevolence.  No, sir.  In 1801 he snatched from the rude hand of usurpation the violated Constitution of his country, and that is his crime.  He preserved that instrument, in form, and substance, and spirit, a precious inheritance