Before I proceed to make some additions to the reasons which have been adduced by my honorable friend over the way, I must take the liberty to make some observations on what was said by another gentleman (Mr. Henry).  He told us that this constitution ought to be rejected, because, in his opinion, it endangered the public liberty in many instances.  Give me leave to make one answer to that observation—­let the dangers with which this system is supposed to be replete, be clearly pointed out.  If any dangerous and unnecessary powers be given to the general legislature, let them be plainly demonstrated, and let us not rest satisfied with general assertions of dangers, without proof, without examination.  If powers be necessary, apparent danger is not a sufficient reason against conceding them.  He has suggested, that licentiousness has seldom produced the loss of liberty; but that the tyranny of rulers has almost always effected it.  Since the general civilization of mankind, I believe there are more instances of the abridgment of the freedom of the people by gradual and silent encroachments of those in power, than by violent and sudden usurpations; but on a candid examination of history, we shall find that turbulence, violence, and abuse of power, by the majority trampling on the rights of the minority, have produced factions and commotions which, in republics, have, more frequently than any other cause, produced despotism.  If we go over the whole history of ancient and modern republics, we shall find their destruction to have generally resulted from those causes.  If we consider the peculiar situation of the United States, and go to the sources of that diversity of sentiment which pervades its inhabitants, we shall find great danger to fear that the same causes may terminate here in the same fatal effects which they produced in those republics.  This danger ought to be wisely guarded against.  In the progress of this discussion, it will perhaps appear, that the only possible remedy for those evils, and the only certain means of preserving and protecting the principles of republicanism, will be found in that very system which is now exclaimed against as the parent of oppression.  I must confess that I have not been able to find his usual consistency in the gentleman’s arguments on this occasion.  He informs us that the people of this country are at perfect repose; that every man enjoys the fruits of his labor peaceably and securely, and that everything is in perfect tranquillity and safety.  I wish sincerely, sir, this were true.  But if this be really their situation, why has every State acknowledged the contrary?  Why were deputies from all the States sent to the general convention?  Why have complaints of national and individual distresses been echoed and re-echoed throughout the continent?  Why has our general government been so shamefully disgraced, and our Constitution violated?  Wherefore have laws been made to authorize a change, and wherefore