We set up a kindergarten in New York.  We called it the Chamber of Horrors.  We exhibited there a great many things manufactured in the United States, with the prices at which they were sold in the United States, and the prices at which they were sold outside of the United States, marked on them.  If you tell a woman that she can buy a sewing machine for eighteen dollars in Mexico that she has to pay thirty dollars for in the United States, she will not heed it or she will forget it unless you take her and show her the machine with the price marked on it.  My very distinguished friend, Senator Gore, of Oklahoma, made this interesting proposal:  that we should pass a law that every piece of goods sold in the United States should have on it a label bearing the price at which it sells under the tariff and the price at which it would sell if there were no tariff, and then the Senator suggests that we have a very easy solution for the tariff question.  He does not want to oblige that great body of our fellow-citizens who have a conscientious belief in “protection” to turn away from it.  He proposes that everybody who believes in the “protective” tariff should pay it and the rest of us should not; if they want to subscribe, it is open to them to subscribe.

As for the rest of us, the time is coming when we shall not have to subscribe.  The people of this land have made up their minds to cut all privilege and patronage out of our fiscal legislation, particularly out of that part of it which affects the tariff.  We have come to recognize in the tariff as it is now constructed, not a system of protection, but a system of favoritism, of privilege, too often granted secretly and by subterfuge, instead of openly and frankly and legitimately, and we have determined to put an end to the whole bad business, not by hasty and drastic changes, but by the adoption of an entirely new principle,—­by the reformation of the whole purpose of legislation of that kind.  We mean that our tariff legislation henceforth shall have as its object, not private profit, but the general public development and benefit.  We shall make our fiscal laws, not like those who dole out favors, but like those who serve a nation.  We are going to begin with those particular items where we find special privilege intrenched.  We know what those items are; these gentlemen have been kind enough to point them out themselves.  What we are interested in first of all with regard to the tariff is getting the grip of special interests off the throat of Congress.  We do not propose that special interests shall any longer camp in the rooms of the Committee on Ways and Means of the House and the Finance Committee of the Senate.  We mean that those shall be places where the people of the United States shall come and be represented, in order that everything may be done in the general interest, and not in the interest of particular groups of persons who already dominate the industries and the industrial