A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels — Volume 15 eBook

A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels — Volume 15 by Robert Kerr (writer)

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Table of Contents

Table of Contents
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CHAPTER IV.—­Continued.4

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[Continuing An Account of a Voyage towards the South Pole, and round the World, performed in his Majesty’s ships the Resolution and Adventure, in the Years 1772, 3, 4, and 5:  Written by James Cook, Commander of the Resolution.]

Chap.  IV.—­Continued.—­From leaving New Zealand to our return to England,

Sect.  III.  Range from Christmas Sound, round Cape Horn, through Strait Le Maire, and round Staten Land; with an Account of the Discovery of a Harbour in that Island, and a Description of the Coasts,

IV.  Observations, geographical and nautical, with an Account of the Islands near Staten Land, and the Animals found in them,

V. Proceedings after leaving Staten Island, with an Account of the Discovery of the Isle of Georgia, and a Description of it,

VI.  Proceedings after leaving the Isle of Georgia, with an Account of the Discovery of Sandwich Land; with some Reasons for there being Land about the South Pole,

VII.  Heads of what has been done in the Voyage; with some Conjectures concerning the Formation of Ice-Islands; and an Account of our Proceedings till our Arrival at the Cape of Good Hope,

VIII.  Captain Furneaux’s Narrative of his Proceedings, in the Adventure, from the Time he was separated from the Resolution, to his Arrival in England; including Lieutenant Burney’s Report concerning the Boat’s Crew who were murdered by the Inhabitants of Queen Charlotte’s Sound,

Sect.  IX.  Transactions at the Cape of Good Hope; with an Account of some Discoveries made by the French; and the Arrival of the Ship at St Helena,

X. Passage from St Helena to the Western Islands, with a Description of the Island of Ascension and Fernando Noronha,

XI.  Arrival of the Ship at the Island of Fayal, a Description of the Place, and the Return of the Resolution to England,

A Vocabulary of the Language of the Society Isles,

Book iii.  A Voyage to the Pacific Ocean, undertaken by the Command of his Majesty, for making Discoveries in the Northern Hemisphere; to determine the Position and Extent of the West Side of North America, its Distance from Asia, and the Practicability of a Northern Passage to Europe.  Performed under the Direction of Captains Cook, Clerke, and Gore, in his Majesty’s Ships the Resolution and Discovery, in the Years 1776, 1777, 1778, 1779, & 1780,


Chap.  I. Transactions from the Beginning of the Voyage till our
Departure from New Zealand,

Sect.  I. Various Preparations for the Voyage.  Omai’s Behaviour on embarking.  Observations for determining the Longitude of Sheerness, and the North Foreland.  Passage of the Resolution from Deptford to Plymouth.  Employments there.  Complements of the Crews of both Ships, and Names of the Officers.  Observations to fix the Longitude of Plymouth.  Departure of the Resolution,

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II.  Passage of the Resolution to Teneriffe.  Reception there.  Description of Santa Cruz Road.  Refreshments to be met with.  Observations for fixing the Longitude of Teneriffe.  Some Account of the Island.  Botanical Observations.  Cities of Santa Cruz and Laguna, Agriculture.  Air and Climate.  Commerce.  Inhabitants,

III.  Departure from Teneriffe.  Danger of the Ship near Bonavista.  Isle of Mayo.  Port Praya.  Precautions against the Rain and sultry Weather in the Neighbourhood of the Equator.  Position of the Coast of Brazil.  Arrival at the Cape of Good Hope.  Transactions there.  Junction of the Discovery.  Mr Anderson’s Journey up the Country.  Astronomical Observations.  Nautical Remarks on the Passage from England to the Cape, with regard to the Currents and the Variation,

Sect.  IV.  The two Ships leave the Cape of Good Hope.  Two Islands, named Prince Edward’s, seen, and their Appearance described.  Kerguelen’s Land visited.  Arrival in Christmas Harbour.  Occurrences there.  Description of it,

V. Departure from Christmas Harbour.  Range along the Coast, to discover its Position and Extent.  Several Promontories and Bays, and a Peninsula, described and named.  Danger from Shoals, Another Harbour and a Sound.  Mr Anderson’s Observations on the Natural Productions, Animals, Soil, &c. of Kerguelen’s Land,

VI.  Passage from Kerguelen’s to Van Diemen’s Land.  Arrival in Adventure Bay.  Incidents there.  Interviews with the Natives.  Their Persons and Dress described.  Account of their Behaviour.  Table of the Longitude, Latitude, and Variation.  Mr Anderson’s Observations on the Natural, Productions of the Country, on the Inhabitants, and their Language,

VII.  The Passage from Van Diemen’s Land to New Zealand.  Employments in Queen Charlotte’s Sound.  Transactions with the Natives there.  Intelligence about the Massacre of the Adventure’s Boat’s Crew.  Account of the Chief who headed the Party on that Occasion.  Of the two young Men who embark to attend Omai.  Various Remarks on the Inhabitants.  Astronomical and Nautical Observations,

VIII.  Mr Anderson’s Remarks on the Country near Queen Charlotte’s Sound.  The Soil.  Climate.  Weather.  Winds.  Trees.  Plants.  Birds.  Fish.  Other Animals.  Of the Inhabitants.  Description of their Persons.  Their Dress.  Ornaments.  Habitations.  Boats.  Food and Cookery.  Arts.  Weapons.  Cruelty to Prisoners.  Various Customs.  Specimen of their Language,

Chap.  II From leaving New Zealand to our Arrival at Otaheite, or the Society Islands,

Sect.  I. Prosecution of the Voyage.  Behaviour of the two New Zealanders on board.  Unfavourable Winds.  An Island called Mangeea discovered.  The Coast of it examined.  Transactions with the Natives.  An Account of their Persons, Dress, and Canoes.  Description of the Island.  A Specimen of the Language.  Disposition of the Inhabitants,

II.  The Discovery of an Island called Wateeoo.  Its Coasts examined.—­Visits from the Natives on board the Ships.  Mess, Gore, Burney, and Anderson, with Omai, sent on Shore.  Mr Anderson’s Narrative of their Reception.  Omai’s Expedient to prevent their being detained.  His meeting with some of his Countrymen, and their distressful Voyage.  Farther Account of Wateeoo, and of its Inhabitants,

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III.  Wenooa-ette, or Otokootaia, visited.  Account of that Island, and of its Produce.  Hervey’s Island, or Terougge mou Attooa, found to be inhabited.  Transactions with the Natives.  Their Persons, Dress, Language, Canoes.  Fruitless Attempt to land there.  Reason for bearing away for the Friendly Islands.  Palmerston’s Island touched at.  Description of the two Places where the Boats landed.  Refreshments obtained there.  Conjectures on the Formation of such low Islands.  Arrival at the Friendly Islands,

IV.  Intercourse with the Natives of Komango, and other Islands.  Arrival at Annamooka.  Transactions there.  Feenou, a principal Chief, from Tongataboo, comes on a Visit.  The Manner of his Reception in the Island, and on board.  Instances of the pilfering Disposition of the Natives.  Some Account of Annamooka.  The Passage from it to Hepaee,

V. Arrival of the Ships at Hepaee, and friendly Reception there.  Presents and Solemnities on the Occasion.  Single Combats with Clubs.  Wrestling and Boxing Matches.  Female Combatants.  Marines exercised.  A Dance performed by Men.  Fireworks exhibited.  The Night-entertainments of Singing and Dancing particularly described,

Sect.  VI.  Description of Lefooga.  Its cultivated State.  Its Extent.  Transactions there.  A female Oculist.  Singular Expedients for shaving off the Hair.  The Ships change their Station.  A remarkable Mount and Stone.  Description of Hoolaiva.  Account of Poulaho, King of the Friendly Islands.  Respectful Manner in which he is treated by his People.  Departure from the Hepaee Islands.  Some Account of Kotoo.  Return of the Ships to Annamooka.  Poulaho and Feenou meet Arrival at Tongataboo,

VII.  Friendly Reception at Tongataboo.  Manner of distributing a baked Hog and Kava to Poulaho’s Attendants.  The Observatory, &c. erected.  The Village where the Chiefs reside, and the adjoining Country, described.  Interviews with Mareewagee, and Toobou, and the King’s Son.  A grand Haiva, or Entertainment of Songs and Dances, given by Mareewagee.  Exhibition of Fireworks.  Manner of Wrestling and Boxing.  Distribution of the Cattle.  Thefts committed by the Natives.  Poulaho, and the other Chiefs, confined on that Account.  Poulaho’s Present and Haiva,

VIII.  Some of the Officers plundered by the Natives.  A fishing Party.  A Visit to Poulaho.  A Fiatooka described.  Observations on the Country Entertainments at Poulaho’s House.  His Mourning Ceremony.  Of the Kava Plant, and the Manner of preparing the Liquor.  Account of Onevy, a little Island.  One of the Natives wounded by a Sentinel.  Messrs King and Anderson visit the King’s Brother.  Their Entertainment.  Another Mourning Ceremony.  Manner of passing the Night.  Remarks on the Country they passed through.  Preparations made for Sailing.  An Eclipse of the Sun, imperfectly observed.  Mr Anderson’s Account of the Island, and its Productions,

Sect.  IX.  A grand Solemnity, called Natche, in Honour of the King’s Son, performed.  The Procession and other Ceremonies, during the first Day, described.  The Manner of passing the Night at the King’s House.  Continuation of the Solemnity the next Day; Conjectures about the Nature of it.  Departure from Tongataboo, and the Arrival at Eooa.  Account of that Island, and Transactions there,

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X. Advantages derived from visiting the Friendly Islands.  Best Articles for Traffic.  Refreshments that may be procured.  The Number of the Islands, and their Names.  Keppel’s and Boscawen’s Islands belong to them.  Account of Vavaoo, of Hamao, of Feejee.  Voyages of the Natives in their Canoes.  Difficulty of procuring exact Information.  Persons of the Inhabitants of both Sexes.  Their Colour.  Diseases.  Their general Character.  Manner of wearing their Hair.  Of puncturing their Bodies.  Their Clothing and Ornaments.  Personal Cleanliness,

XI.  Employments of the Women at the Friendly Islands.  Of the Men.  Agriculture.  Construction of their Houses.  Their working Tools.  Cordage and fishing Implements.  Musical Instruments.  Weapons.  Food and Cookery.  Amusements.  Marriage.  Mourning Ceremonies for the Dead.  Their Divinities.  Notions about the Soul, and a future State.  Their Places of Worship.  Government.  Manner of paying Obeisance to the King.  Account of the Royal Family.  Remarks on their Language, and Specimen of it.  Nautical and other Observations,

A Vocabulary of the Language of the Friendly Isles,

A Vocabulary of the Language of Atooi, one of the Sandwich Islands,

general history
voyages and travels.


[An Account of a Voyage towards the South Pole, and round the World, performed in his Majesty’s ships the Resolution and Adventure, in the Years 1772, 3, 4, and 5:  Written by James Cook, Commander of the Resolution.]

CHAPTER IV.—­Continued.

From leaving new Zealand to our return to England.


Range from Christmas Sound, round Cape Horn, through Strait Le Maire, and round Staten Land; with an Account of the Discovery of a Harbour in that Island, and a Description of the Coasts.

At four o’clock in the morning on the 28th, we began to unmoor, and at eight weighed, and stood out to sea, with a light breeze at N.W., which afterwards freshened, and was attended with rain.  At noon, the east point of the sound (Point Nativity) bore N. 1/2 W., distant one and a half leagues, and St Ildefonzo Isles S.E. 1/2 S., distant seven leagues.  The coast seemed to trend in the direction of E. by S.; but the weather being very hazy, nothing appeared distinct.

We continued to steer S.E. by E. and E.S.E.; with a fresh breeze at W.N.W., till four o’clock p.m., when we hauled to the south, in order to have a nearer view of St Ildefonzo Isles.  At this time we were abreast of an inlet, which lies E.S.E, about seven leagues from the sound; but it must be observed that there are some isles without this distinction.  At the west point of the inlet are two high peaked hills, and below them, to the east, two round hills, or isles, which lie in the direction of N.E. and S.W. of each other.  An island, or what appeared to be an island, lay in the entrance; and another but smaller inlet appeared to the west of this:  Indeed the coast appeared indented and broken as usual.

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At half past five o’clock, the weather clearing up, gave us a good sight of Ildefonzo Isles.  They are a group of islands and rocks above water, situated about six leagues from the main, and in the latitude of 55 deg. 53’ S., longitude 69 deg. 41’ W.

We now resumed our course to the east, and, at sun-set, the most advanced land bore S.E. by E. 3/4 E.; and a point, which I judged to be the west point of Nassau Bay, discovered by the Dutch fleet under the command of Admiral Hermite in 1624, bore N. 80 deg.  E., six leagues distant.  In some charts this point is called False Cape Horn, as being the southern point of Terra del Fuego.  It is situated in latitude 55 deg. 39’ S. From the inlet above-mentioned to this false cape, the direction of the coast is nearly east, half a point south, distant fourteen or fifteen leagues.

At ten o’clock, having shortened sail, we spent the night in making short boards under the top-sails, and at three next morning made sail, and steered S.E. by S., with a fresh breeze at W.S.W., the weather somewhat hazy.  At this time the west entrance to Nassau Bay extended from N. by E. to N.E. 1/2 E., and the south side of Hermite’s Isles, E. by S. At four, Cape Horn, for which we now steered, bore E. by S. It is known, at a distance, by a high round hill over it.  A point to the W.N.W. shews a surface not unlike this; but their situations alone will always distinguish the one from the other.

At half past seven, we passed this famous cape, and entered the southern Atlantic ocean.  It is the very same point of land I took for the cape, when I passed it in 1769, which at that time I was doubtful of.  It is the most southern extremity on a group of islands of unequal extent, lying before Nassau Bay, known by the name of Hermite Islands, and is situated in the latitude of 55 deg. 58’, and in the longitude of 68 deg. 13’ W.; according to the observations made of it in 1769.  But the observations which we had in Christmas Sound, and reduced to the cape by the watch, and others which we had afterwards, and reduced back to it by the same means, place it in 67 deg. 19’.  It is most probable that a mean between the two, viz. 67 deg. 46’, will be nearest the truth.  On the N.W. side of the cape are two peaked rocks, like sugar-loaves:  They lie N.W. by N., and S.E. by S., by compass, of each other.  Some other straggling low rocks lie west of the cape, and one south of it; but they are all near the shore.  From Christmas Sound to Cape Horn the course is E.S.E 1/4 E., distant thirty-one leagues.  In the direction of E.N.E., three leagues from Cape Horn, is a rocky point, which I called Mistaken Cape, and is the southern point of the easternmost of Hermite Isles.  Between these two capes there seemed to be a passage directly into Nassau Bay; some small isles were seen in the passage; and the coast, on the west side, had the appearance of forming good bays or harbours.  In some charts, Cape Horn is laid down as belonging to a small island.  This was neither confirmed, nor can it be contradicted by us; for several breakers appeared on the coast, both to the east and west of it; and the hazy weather rendered every object indistinct.  The summits of some of the hills were rocky, but the sides and vallies seemed covered with a green turf, and wooded in tufts.[1]

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[Footnote 1:  True Cape Horn, distinguishable at a distance by a round hill of considerable height, is the south point of Hermite’s Isles, a cluster which separates the Atlantic and Pacific oceans.  False Cape Horn lies nine miles to the north-east and is the west point of Nassau Bay, where James Hermite cast anchor.  Vide vol. x. page 197.—­E.]

From Cape Horn we steered E. by N. 1/2 N., which direction carried us without the rocks that lie off Mistaken Cape.  These rocks are white with the dung of fowls, and vast numbers were seen about them.  After passing them we steered N.E. 1/2 E. and N.E., for Strait Le Maire, with a view of looking into Success Bay, to see if there were any traces of the Adventure having been there.  At eight o’clock in the evening, drawing near the strait, we shortened sail, and hauled the wind.  At this time the Sugar-loaf on Terra del Fuego bore N. 33 deg.  W.; the point of Success Bay, just open of the cape of the same name, bearing N. 20 deg.  E.; and Staten Land, extending from N. 53 deg.  E. to 67 deg.  E. Soon after the wind died away, and we had light airs and calms by turns till near noon the next day, during which time we were driven by the current over to Staten Land.

The calm being succeeded by a light breeze at N.N.W., we stood over for Success Bay, assisted by the currents, which set to the north.  Before this we had hoisted our colours, and fired two guns; and soon after saw a smoke rise out of the woods, above the south point of the bay, which I judged was made by the natives, as it was at the place where they resided when I was here in 1769.  As soon as we got off the bay, I sent Lieutenant Pickersgill to see if any traces remained of the Adventure having been there lately; and in the mean time we stood on and off with the ship.  At two o’clock, the current turned and set to the south; and Mr Pickersgill informed me, when he returned, that it was falling water on shore, which was contrary to what I had observed when I was here before, for I thought then that the flood came from the north.  Mr Pickersgill saw not the least signs of any ship having been there lately.  I had inscribed our ship’s name on a card, which he nailed to a tree at the place where the Endeavour watered.  This was done with a view of giving Captain Furneaux some information, in case he should be behind us and put in here.

On Mr Pickersgill’s landing he was courteously received by several of the natives, who were clothed in guanicoe and seal skins, and had on their arms bracelets, made of silver wire, and wrought not unlike the hilt of a sword, being no doubt the manufacture of some Europeans.  They were the same kind of people we had seen in Christmas Sound, and, like them, repeated the word pechera on every occasion.  One man spoke much to Mr Pickersgill, pointing first to the ship and then to the bay, as if he wanted her to come in.  Mr Pickersgill said the bay was full of whales and seals; and we had observed the same in the strait, especially on the Terra del Fuego side, where the whales, in particular, are exceedingly numerous.[2]

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[Footnote 2:  “Not less than thirty large whales, and some hundreds of seals, played in the water about us.  The whales went chiefly in couples, from whence we supposed this to be the season when the sexes meet.  Whenever they spouted up the water, or, as the sailors term it, were seen blowing to windward, the whole ship was infested with a most detestable, rank, and poisonous stench, which went off in the space of two or three minutes.  Sometimes these huge animals lay on their backs, and with their long pectoral fins beat the surface of the sea, which always caused a great noise, equal to the explosion of a swivel.  This kind of play has doubtless given rise to the mariner’s story of a fight between the thrasher and the whale, of which the former is said to leap out of the water in order to fall heavily on the latter.  Here we had an opportunity of observing the same exercise many times repeated, and discovered that all the belly and under side of the fins and tail are of a white colour, whereas the rest are black.  As we happened to be only sixty yards from one of these animals, we perceived a number of longitudinal furrows, or wrinkles, on its belly, from whence we concluded it was the species by Linnaeus named balaena boops.  Besides flapping their fins in the water, these unwieldy animals, of forty feet in length, and not less than ten feet in diameter, sometimes fairly leaped into the air, and dropped down again with a heavy fall, which made the water foam all round them.  The prodigious quantity of power required to raise such a vast creature out of the water is astonishing; and their peculiar economy cannot but give room to many reflections.”—­G.F.]

As soon as the boat was hoisted in, which, was not till near six o’clock, we made sail to the east, with a fine breeze at north.  For since we had explored the south coast of Terra del Fuego, I resolved to do the same by Staten Land, which I believed to have been as little known as the former.  At nine o’clock the wind freshening, and veering to N.W., we tacked, and stood to S.W., in order to spend the night; which proved none of the best, being stormy and hazy, with rain.

Next morning, at three o’clock, we bore up for the east end of Staten Land, which, at half past four, bore S. 60 deg.  E., the west end S. 2 deg.  E., and the land of Terra del Fuego S. 40 deg.  W. Soon after I had taken these bearings, the land was again obscured in a thick haze, and we were obliged to make way, as it were, in the dark; for it was but now and then we got a sight of the coast.  As we advanced to the east, we perceived several islands, of unequal extent, lying off the land.  There seemed to be a clear passage between the easternmost, and the one next to it, to the west.  I would gladly have gone through this passage, and anchored under one of the islands, to have waited for better weather, for on sounding we found only twenty-nine fathoms water; but when I considered that this was

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running to leeward in the dark, I chose to keep without the islands, and accordingly hauled off to the north.  At eight o’clock we were abreast of the most eastern isle, distant from it about two miles, and had the same depth of water as before.  I now shortened sail to the three top-sails, to wait for clear weather; for the fog was so thick that we could see no other land than this island.  After waiting an hour, and the weather not clearing, we bore up and hauled round the east end of the island, for the sake of smooth water and anchorage, if it should be necessary.  In hauling round, we found a strong race of a current, like unto broken water; but we had no less than nineteen fathoms.  We also saw on the island abundance of seals and birds.  This was a temptation too great for people in our situation to withstand, to whom fresh provisions of any kind were acceptable; and determined me to anchor, in order that we might taste of what we now only saw at a distance.  At length, after making a few boards, fishing, as it were, for the best ground, we anchored in twenty-one fathoms water, a stony bottom, about a mile from the island, which extended from N. 18 deg.  E. to N. 55 deg. 1/2 W.; and soon after, the weather clearing up, we saw Cape St John, or the east end of Staten Land, bearing S. 76 deg.  E., distant four leagues.  We were sheltered from the south wind by Staten Land, and from the north wind by the island; the other isles lay to the west, and secured us from that wind; but beside being open to the N.E. and E., we also lay exposed to the N.N.W. winds.  This might have been avoided by anchoring more to the west, but I made choice of my situation for two reasons; first, to be near the island we intended to land upon, and, secondly, to be able to get to sea with any wind.

After dinner we hoisted out three boats, and landed with a large party of men; some to kill seals, others to catch or kill birds, fish, or what came in our way.  To find the former it mattered not where we landed, for the whole shore was covered with them; and by the noise they made one would have thought the island was stocked with cows and calves.  On landing we found they were a different animal from seals, but in shape and motion exactly resembling them.  We called them lions, on account of the great resemblance the male has to that beast.[3] Here were also the same kind of seals which we found in New Zealand, generally known by the name of sea-bears; at least we gave them that name.

[Footnote 3:  The resemblance had been noticed by earlier voyagers, and procured for these animals the same name.  This is mentioned by Mr G.F., who refers to Francis Petty in Hackluyt’s collection, Sir Richard Hawkins, Sir John Nasborough and Labbe, in Des Brosses’ Nav. aux Terres Australes.  The description which the same gentleman has given of these remarkable creatures is too interesting (though Cook’s account afterwards given might suffice) to be omitted.  “The old males were, in

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general, very fat, and measured from ten to twelve feet in length; the females were more slender, and from six to eight feet long.  The weight of the largest male amounts to 1200 or 1500 lb., for one of a middle size weighed 550 lb. after the skin, entrails, and blubber were taken off.  The head of the male has really some resemblance to a lion’s head, and the colour is likewise very nearly the same, being only a darker hue of tawny.  The long shaggy hair on the neck and throat of the male, beginning at the back of the head, bears a strong resemblance to a mane; and is hard and coarse to the touch; all the rest of the body is covered with short hairs, which lie very close to the skin, and form a smooth glossy coat.  The lioness is perfectly smooth all over the body; but both sexes are formed alike with regard to the feet, or rather fins.  Those fins, which originate near the breast, are large flat pieces of a black coriaceous membrane, which have only some small indistinct vestiges of nails on their middle.  The hinder fins are rather more like feet, being black membranes divided into five long toes, with a thin thong, or membrane, projecting far beyond the nails, which are very small.  With these nails, however, we have seen them scratch all parts of their body.  The tail is excessively short, and hid between the hind feet or fins, which grow close together.  The whole hind quarters are very round, being covered with an amazing quantity of fat.  The noise which all the animals of this kind made together was various, and sometimes stunned our ears.  The old males snort and roar like mad bulls or lions; the females bleat exactly like calves, and the young cubs like lambs.  Of the young we saw great numbers on the beaches; and one of the females being knocked down with a club, littered in the same instant.  The sea-lions live together in numerous herds.  The oldest and fattest males lie apart, each having chosen a large stone, which none of the rest dares approach without engaging in a furious battle.  We have often seen them seize each other with a degree of rage which is not to be described; and many of them had deep gashes on their backs, which they had received in the wars.  The younger active sea-lions, with all the females and the cubs, lie together.  They commonly waited the approach of our people, but as soon as some of the herd were killed, the rest took flight with great precipitation, some females carrying off a cub in their mouths, whilst many were so terrified as to leave them behind.  When left to themselves, they were often seen caressing each other in the most tender manner, and their snouts often met together, as if they were kissing.  They come ashore on these uninhabited spots to breed; they do not, however, breed during their stay on shore, which sometimes lasts several weeks, but grow lean, and swallow a considerable quantity of stones to keep their stomach distended.  We were surprised to find the stomachs of many of these animals entirely empty, and of others filled with ten or a dozen round heavy stones, each of the size of two fists.”—­Professor Steller’s description of these animals, which he found at Bering’s Isle, near Kamtchatka, corresponds perfectly with that now given, and is referred to by Mr G.F.  Pernetty, Bougainville, and others also speak of them as met with in their voyages.—­E.]

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They were, in general, so tame, or rather stupid, as to suffer us to come near enough to knock them down with sticks; but the large ones we shot, not thinking it safe to approach them.  We also found on the island abundance of penguins and shags; and the latter had young ones almost fledged, and just to our taste.  Here were geese and ducks, but not many; birds of prey, and a few small birds.  In the evening we returned on board, our boats well laden with one thing or other.[4]

[Footnote 4:  “Having made some havock among the sea-lions, we walked upon the summit of the island, which was nearly level, but covered with innumerable little mounds of earth, on each of which grew a large tuft of grass (dactylis glomerata).  The intervals between these tufts were very muddy and dirty, which obliged us to leap from one tuft to another.  We soon discovered that another kind of seals occupied this part of the island, and caused the mud by coming out of the sea.  These were no other than the sea-bears which we had already seen at Dusky Bay, but which were here infinitely more numerous, and grown to a much larger size, equalling that assigned to them by Steller.  They are, however, far inferior to the sea-lions, the males being never above eight or nine feet long, and thick in proportion.  Their hair is dark-brown, minutely sprinkled with grey, and much longer on the whole body than that of the sea-lion, but does not form a mane.  The general outline of the body, and the shape of the fins, are exactly the same.  They were more fierce towards us, and their females commonly died in defence of their young.  We observed on another occasion, that these two species, though sometimes encamped on the same beach, always kept at a great distance asunder, and had no communication.  A strong rank stench is common to them, as well as to all other seals; a circumstance as well known to the ancients, as their inactivity and drowsiness whilst they lie on shore—­

   Web-footed seals forsake the whitening waves,
   And sleep in herds, exhaling nauseous stench. 

Great numbers of a species of vultures, commonly called carrion crows by the sailors (vultur aura), were seen upon this island, and probably feed on young seal-cubs, which either die in the birth, or which they take an opportunity to seize upon.  Besides them we also found a new species of hawks, and several geese of the sort which had so well furnished out our Christmas entertainment.  Here we likewise saw a few penguins, of a species which we had not met with before, some large petrels of the size of albatrosses, being the same species which the Spaniards name que-branta-huessos, or the bone-breakers, and some shags.”—­G.F.]

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Next day, being January the 1st, 1775, finding that nothing was wanting but a good harbour to make this a tolerable place for ships to refresh at, whom chance or design, might bring hither, I sent Mr Gilbert over to Staten Land in the cutter to look for one.  Appearances promised success in a place opposite the ship.  I also sent two other boats for the lions, &c. we had killed the preceding day; and soon after I went myself, and observed the sun’s meridian altitude at the N.E. end of the island, which gave the latitude 54 deg. 40’ 5” S. After shooting a few geese, some other birds, and plentifully supplying ourselves with young shags, we returned on board, laden with sea-lions, sea-bears, &c.  The old lions and bears were killed chiefly for the sake of their blubber, or fat, to make oil of; for, except their haslets, which were tolerable, the flesh was too rank to be eaten with any degree of relish.  But the young cubs were very palateable, and even the flesh of some of the old lionesses was not much amiss, but that of the old males was abominable.  In the afternoon I sent some people on shore to skin and cut off the fat of those which yet remained dead on shore, for we had already more carcases on board than necessary; and I went myself, in another boat, to collect birds.  About ten o’clock Mr Gilbert returned from Staten Land, where he found a good port, situated three leagues to the westward of Cape St John, and in the direction of north, a little easterly, from the N.E. end of the eastern island.  It may be known by some small islands lying in the entrance.  The channel, which is on the east side of these islands, is half a mile broad.  The course is in S.W. by S., turning gradually to W. by S. and W. The harbour lies nearly in this last direction; is almost two miles in length; in some places near a mile broad; and hath in it from fifty to ten fathoms water, a bottom of mud and sand.  Its shores are covered with wood fit for fuel; and in it are several streams of fresh water.  On the islands were sea-lions, &c. and such an innumerable quantity of gulls as to darken the air when disturbed, and almost to suffocate our people with their dung.  This they seemed to void in a way of defence, and it stunk worse than assafoetida, or what is commonly called devil’s dung.  Our people saw several geese, ducks, and race-horses, which is also a kind of duck.  The day on which this port was discovered occasioned my calling it New-Year’s Harbour.  It would be more convenient for ships bound to the west, or round Cape Horn, if its situation would permit them to put to sea with an easterly and northerly wind.  This inconvenience, however, is of little consequence, since these winds are never known to be of long duration.  The southerly and westerly are the prevailing winds, so that a ship never can be detained long in this port.[5]

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[Footnote 5:  “The largest of the New-Year’s Islands, as we called them, and which we now left, is about six leagues in circuit, and that under which we lay at anchor, between three and four leagues.  They are excellent places of refreshment for a ship’s crew bound on expeditions like ours; for though the flesh of sea-lions and penguins is not the most palateable food, yet it is infinitely more salubrious than salt meat; and by searching the different islands, it is not improbable that a sufficient quantity of celery and scurvy-grass might be found to supply the whole crew, especially as we saw both the species on our excursions.  Our seamen lived several days on young shags and penguins, of which they found the former extremely palateable, comparing them to young pullets.  They likewise roasted several little cubs of seals, but there was a degree of softness in the meat which made it disgustful.  The flesh of young, but full-grown sea-bears, was greatly preferable, and tasted like coarse and bad beef; but that of the old sea-lions and bears was so rank and offensive, that we could not touch it.”—­G.F.]

As we could not sail in the morning of the 2d for want of wind, I sent a party of men on shore to the island, on the same duty as before.  Towards noon we got a fresh breeze at west; but it came too late, and I resolved to wait till the next morning, when, at four o’clock, we weighed, with a fresh gale at N.W. by W., and stood for Cape St John, which, at half past six, bore N. by E., distant four or five miles.  This cape, being the eastern point of Staten Land, a description of it is unnecessary.  It may, however, not be amiss to say, that it is a rock of a considerable height, situated in the latitude of 54 deg. 46’ S., longitude 63 deg. 47’ W., with a rocky islet lying close under the north part of it.  To the westward of the cape, about five or six miles, is an inlet, which seemed to divide the land, that is, to communicate with the sea to the south; and between this inlet and the cape is a bay, but I cannot say of what depth.  In sailing round the cape we met with a very strong current from the south:  It made a race which looked like breakers; and it was as much as we could do, with a strong gale, to make head against it.[6]

[Footnote 6:  Captain Krusenstern, as has been noticed in vol. 12, page 413, verified Cook’s longitude of Cape St John, having found it to agree exactly with that pointed out by the watches on board his consort the Neva, which differed but a few minutes from those in his own vessel.—­E.]

After getting round the cape, I hauled up along the south coast, and as soon as we had brought the wind to blow off the land, it came upon us in such heavy squalls as obliged us to double-reef our top-sails.  It afterwards fell, by little and little, and at noon ended in a calm.  At this time Cape St John bore N. 20 deg.  E., distant three and a half leagues; Cape St Bartholomew, or the S.W. point of Staten Land,

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S. 83 deg.  W.; two high detached rocks N. 80 deg.  W.; and the place where the land seemed to be divided, which had the same appearance on this side, bore N. 15 deg.  W. three leagues distant.  Latitude observed 54 deg. 56’.  In this situation we sounded, but had no bottom with a line of 120 fathoms.  The calm was of very short duration, a breeze presently springing up at N.W.; but it was too faint to make head against the current, and we drove with it back to the N.N.E.  At four o’clock the wind veered, at once, to S. by E., and blew in squalls attended with rain.  Two hours after, the squalls and rain subsided, and the wind returning back to the west, blew a gentle gale.  All this time the current set us to the north, so that, at eight o’clock, Cape St John bore W.N.W., distant about seven leagues.  I now gave over plying, and steered S.E., with a resolution to leave the land; judging it to be sufficiently explored to answer the most general purposes of navigation and geography.[7]

[Footnote 7:  The very intelligent officer mentioned in the preceding note, seems to have been very materially benefited by the observations of Captain Cook, in navigating this quarter, and does not hesitate to avow his obligations.  An instance of this is recorded in our account of Byron’s voyage, vol. 12, p. 74, which refers to a passage in the next section as to the currents losing their force at ten or twelve leagues from land.—­E.]


Observations, geographical and nautical, with an Account of the Islands near Staten Land, and the Animals found in them.[8]

[Footnote 8:  It has been thought advisable to retain this section verbatim, although the references it makes to Captain Cook’s chart can scarcely be understood without that accompaniment, and several observations of another sort which it contains, are given elsewhere.  In justice to the memory of Cook, it was resolved to preserve the whole of his relation, at the risk of a very trivial repetition, which the reader, it is believed, will be little disposed to resent.—­E.]

The chart will very accurately shew the direction, extent, and position of the coast, along which I have sailed, either in this or my former voyage.  The latitudes have been determined by the sun’s meridian altitude, which we were so fortunate as to obtain every day, except the one we sailed from Christmas Sound, which was of no consequence, as its latitude was known before.  The longitudes have been settled by lunar observations, as is already mentioned.  I have taken 67 deg. 46’ for the longitude of Cape Horn.  From this meridian the longitudes of all the other parts are deduced by the watch, by which the extent of the whole mast be determined to a few miles; and whatever errors there may be in longitude, must be general.  But I think it highly probable that the longitude is determined to within a quarter of a degree.  Thus the extent of Terra del Fuego from east to west, and consequently that of the straits of Magalhaens, will be found less than most navigators have made it.

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In order to illustrate this and to shew the situations of the neighbouring lands, and, by this means, make the chart of more general use, I have extended it down to 47 deg. of latitude.  But I am only answerable for the accuracy of such parts as I have explored myself.  In laying down the rest I had recourse to the following authorities.

The longitude of Cape Virgin Mary, which is the most essential point, as it determines the length of the straits of Magalhaens, is deduced from Lord Anson, who made 2 deg. 30’ difference of longitude between it and the Strait Le Maire.  Now as the latter lies in 65 deg. 22’, Cape Virgin-Mary must lie in:  67 deg. 52’, which is the longitude I have assigned to it, and which, I have reason to think, cannot be far from the truth.

The strait of Magalhaens, and the east coast of Patagonia, are laid down from the observations made by the late English and French navigators.

The position of the west coast of America, from Cape Victory northward, I have taken from the discoveries of Sarmiento, a Spanish navigator, communicated to me by Mr Stuart, F.R.S.

Falkland Islands are copied from a sketch taken from Captain M’Bride, who circumnavigated them some years ago in his majesty’s ship Jason; and their distance from the main is agreeable to the run of the Dolphin, under the command of Commodore Byron, from Cape Virgin Mary to Port Egmont, and from Port Egmont to Port Desire, both of which runs were made in a few days; consequently no material errors could happen.

The S.W. coast of Terra del Fuego, with respect to inlets, islands, &c. may be compared to the coast of Norway; for I doubt if there be an extent of three leagues where there is not an inlet or harbour which will receive and shelter the largest shipping.  The worst is, that till these inlets are better known, one has, as it were, to fish for anchorage.  There are several lurking rocks on the coast, but happily none of them lie far from land, the approach to which may be known by sounding, supposing the weather so obscure that you cannot see it.  For to judge of the whole by the parts we have sounded, it is more than probable that there are soundings all along the coast, and for several leagues out to sea.  Upon the whole, this is by no means the dangerous coast it has been represented.

Staten Land lies near E. by N. and W. by S., and is ten leagues long in that direction, and no where above three or four leagues broad.  The coast is rocky, much indented, and seemed to form several bays or inlets.  It shews a surface of craggy hills which spire up to a vast height, especially near the west end.  Except the craggy summits of the hills, the greatest part was covered with trees and shrubs, or some sort of herbage, and there was little or no snow on it.  The currents between Cape Deseada and Cape Horn set from west to east, that is, in the same direction as the coast; but they are by no means

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considerable.  To the east of the cape their strength is much increased, and their direction is N.E. towards Staten Land.  They are rapid in Strait Le Maire and along the south coast of Staten Land, and set like a torrent round Cape St John; where they take a N.W. direction, and continue to run very strong both within and without New Year’s Isles.  While we lay at anchor within this island, I observed that the current was strongest during the flood; and that on the ebb its strength was so much impaired, that the ship would sometimes ride head to the wind when it was at W. and W.N.W.  This is only to be understood of the place where the ship lay at anchor, for at the very time we had a strong current setting to the westward, Mr Gilbert found one of equal strength near the coast of Staten Land setting to the eastward, though probably this was an eddy current or tide.

If the tides are regulated by the moon, it is high-water by the shore at this place on the days of the new and full moon, about four o’clock.  The perpendicular rise and fall is very inconsiderable, not exceeding four feet at most.  In Christmas Sound it is high-water at half past two o’clock on the days of the full and change, and Mr Wales observed it to rise and fall on a perpendicular three feet six inches; but this was during the neap tides, consequently the spring tides must rise higher.  To give such an account of the tides and currents on these coasts as navigators might depend on, would require a multitude of observations, and in different places, the making of which would be a work of time.  I confess myself unprovided with materials for such a task; and believe that the less I say on this subject the fewer mistakes I shall make.  But I think I have been able to observe, that in Strait Le Maire the southerly tide or current, be it flood or ebb, begins to act on the days of new and full moon about four o’clock, which remark may be of use to ships who pass the strait.

Were I bound round Cape Horn to the west, and not in want of wood or water, or any other thing that might make it necessary to put into port, I would not come near the land at all.  For by keeping out at sea you avoid the currents, which, I am satisfied, lose their force at ten or twelve leagues from land; and at a greater distance, there is none.

During the time we were upon the coast we had more calms than storms, and the winds so variable, that I question if a passage might not have been made from east to west in as short a time as from west to east; nor did we experience any cold weather.  The mercury in the thermometer at noon was never below 46 deg.; and while we lay in Christmas Sound it was generally above temperate.  At this place the variation was 23 deg. 30’ E.; a few leagues to the S. W. of Strait Le Maire it was 24 deg.; and at anchor, within New Year’s Isles, it was 24 deg. 20’ E.

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These isles are, in general, so unlike Staten Land, especially the one on which we landed, that it deserves a particular description.  It shews a surface of equal height, and elevated about thirty or forty feet above the sea, from which it is defended by a rocky coast.  The inner part of the isle is covered with a sort of sword-grass, very green, and of a great length.  It grows on little hillocks of two or three feet in diameter, and as many or more in height, in large tufts, which seemed to be composed of the roots of the plant matted together.  Among these hillocks are a vast number of paths made by sea-bears and penguins, by which they retire into the centre of the isle.  It is, nevertheless, exceedingly bad travelling; for these paths are so dirty that one is sometimes up to the knees in mire.  Besides this plant, there are a few other grasses, a kind of heath, and some celery.  The whole surface is moist and wet, and on the coast are several small streams of water.  The sword-grass, as I call it, seems to be the same that grows in Falkland Isles, described by Bougainville as a kind of gladiolus, or rather a species of gramen[9] and named by Pernety corn-flags.

[Footnote 9:  See English Translation of Bougainville, p. 51.]

The animals found on this little spot are sea-lions, sea-bears, a variety of oceanic, and some land-birds.  The sea-lion is pretty well described by Pernety, though those we saw here have not such fore-feet or fins as that he has given a plate of, but such fins as that which he calls the sea-wolf.  Nor did we see any of the size he speaks of; the largest not being more than twelve or fourteen feet in length, and perhaps eight or ten in circumference.  They are not of that kind described under the same name by Lord Anson; but, for aught I know, these would more properly deserve that appellation:  The long hair, with which the back of the head, the neck and shoulders, are covered, giving them greatly the air and appearance of a lion.  The other part of the body is covered with short hair, little longer than that of a cow or a horse, and the whole is a dark-brown.  The female is not half so big as the male, and is covered with a short hair of an ash or light-dun colour.  They live, as it were, in herds, on the rocks, and near the sea-shore.  As this was the time for engendering as well as bringing forth their young, we have seen a male with twenty or thirty females about him, and always very attentive to keep them all to himself, and beating off every other male who attempted to come into his flock.  Others again had a less number; some no more than one or two; and here and there we have seen one lying growling in a retired, place, alone, and suffering neither males nor females to approach him:  We judged these were old and superannuated.

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The sea-bears are not so large, by far, as the lions, but rather larger than a common seal.  They have none of that long hair which distinguishes the lion.  Theirs is all of an equal length, and finer than that of the lion, something like an otter’s, and the general colour is that of an iron-grey.  This is the kind which the French call sea-wolfs, and the English seals; they are, however, different from the seals we have in Europe and North America.  The lions may, too, without any great impropriety, be called over-grown seals; for they are all of the same species.  It was not at all dangerous to go among them, for they either fled or lay still.  The only danger was in going between them and the sea; for if they took fright at any thing, they would come down in such numbers, that, if you could not get out of their way, you would be run over.  Sometimes, when we came suddenly upon them, or waked them out of their sleep, (for they are a sluggish sleepy animal), they would raise up their heads; snort and snarl, and look as fierce as if they meant to devour us; but as we advanced upon them they always run away, so that they are downright bullies.

The penguin is an amphibious bird, so well known to most people, that I shall only observe, they are here in prodigious numbers, so that we could knock down as many as we pleased with a stick.  I cannot say they are good eating.  I have indeed made several good meals of them, but it was for want of better victuals.  They either do not breed here, or else this was not the season; for we saw neither eggs nor young ones.

Shags breed here in vast numbers; and we carried on board not a few, as they are very good eating.  They take certain spots to themselves, and build their nests near the edge of the cliffs on little hillocks, which are either those of the sword-grass, or else they are made by the shags building on them from year to year.  There is another sort rather smaller than these, which breed in the cliffs of rocks.

The geese are of the same sort we found in Christmas Sound; we saw but few, and some had young ones.  Mr Forster shot one which was different from these, being larger, with a grey plumage, and black feet.  The others make a noise exactly like a duck.  Here were ducks, but not many; and several of that sort which we called race-horses.  We shot some, and found them to weigh twenty-nine or thirty pounds; those who eat of them said they were very good.

The oceanic birds were gulls, terns, Port Egmont hens, and a large brown bird, of the size of an albatross, which Pernety calls quebrantahuessas.  We called them Mother Carey’s geese, and found them pretty good eating; The land-birds were eagles, or hawks, bald-headed vultures, or what our seamen called turkey-buzzards, thrushes, and a few other small birds.

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Our naturalists found two new species of birds.  The one is about the size of a pigeon, the plumage as white as milk.  They feed along-shore, probably on shell-fish and carrion, for they have a very disagreeable smell.  When we first saw these birds we thought they were the snow-peterel, but the moment they were in our possession the mistake was discovered; for they resemble them in nothing but size and colour.  These are not webb-footed.  The other sort is a species of curlews nearly as big as a heron.  It has a variegated plumage, the principal colours whereof are light-grey, and a long crooked bill.

I had almost forgot to mention that there are sea-pies, or what we called, when in New Zealand, curlews; but we only saw a few straggling pairs.  It may not be amiss to observe, that the shags are the same bird which Bougainville calls saw-bills; but he is mistaken in saying that the quebrantahuessas are their enemies; for this bird is of the peterel tribe, feeds wholly on fish, and is to be found in all the high southern latitudes.

It is amazing to see how the different animals which inhabit this little spot are mutually reconciled.  They seem to have entered into a league not to disturb each other’s tranquillity.  The sea-lions occupy most of the sea-coast; the sea-bears take up their abode in the isle; the shags have post in the highest cliffs; the penguins fix their quarters where there is the most easy communication to and from the sea; and the other birds choose more retired places.  We have seen all these animals mix together, like domestic cattle and poultry in a farm-yard, without one attempting to molest the other.  Nay, I have often observed the eagles and vultures sitting on the hillocks among the shags, without the latter, either young or old, being disturbed at their presence.  It may be asked how these birds of prey live?  I suppose on the carcases of seals and birds which die by various causes; and probably not few, as they are so numerous.

This very imperfect account is written more with a view to assist my own memory than to give information to others.  I am neither a botanist nor a naturalist; and have not words to describe the productions of nature, either in the one branch of knowledge or the other.


Proceedings after leaving Staten Island, with an Account of the Discovery of the Isle of Georgia, and a Description of it.

Having left the land in the evening of the 3d, as before mentioned, we saw it again next morning, at three o’clock, bearing west.  Wind continued to blow a steady fresh breeze till six p.m., when it shifted in a heavy squall to S.W., which came so suddenly upon us, that we had not time to take in the sails, and was the occasion of carrying away a top-gallant mast, a studding-sail boom, and a fore studding-sail.  The squall ended in a heavy shower of rain, but the wind remained at S.W.  Our course was S.E., with a view of discovering that extensive coast laid down by Mr Dalrymple in his chart, in which is the gulph of St Sebastian.  I designed to make the western point of that gulph, in order to have all the other parts before me.  Indeed I had some doubt of the existence of such a coast; and this appeared to me the best route for clearing it up, and for exploring the southern part of this ocean.

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On the 5th, fresh gales, and wet and cloudy weather.  At noon observed in 57 deg. 9’, latitude made from Cape St John, 5 deg. 2’ E. At six o’clock p.m., being in the latitude 57 deg. 21’, and in longitude 57 deg. 45’ W., the variation was 21 deg. 28’ E.

At eight o’clock in the evening of the 6th, being then in the latitude of 58 deg. 9’ S., longitude 53 deg. 14’ W., we close-reefed our top-sails, and hauled to the north, with a very strong gale at west, attended with a thick haze and sleet.  The situation just mentioned is nearly the same that Mr Dalrymple assigns for the S.W. point of the gulph of St Sebastian.  But as we saw neither land, nor signs of land, I was the more doubtful of its existence, and was fearful that, by keeping to the south, I might miss the land said to be discovered by La Roche in 1675, and by the ship Lion in 1756, which Mr Dalrymple places in 54 deg. 30’ latitude, and 45 deg. of longitude; but on looking over D’Anville’s chart, I found it laid down 9 deg. or 10 deg. more to the west; this difference of situation being to me a sign of the uncertainty of both accounts, determined me to get into the parallel as soon as possible, and was the reason of my hauling to the north at this time.

Towards the morning of the 7th the gale abated, the weather cleared up, and the wind veered to the W.S.W., where it continued till midnight, after which it veered to N.W.  Being at this time in the latitude of 56 deg. 4’ S., longitude 53 deg. 36’ W., we sounded, but found no bottom with a line of one hundred and thirty fathoms.  I still kept the wind on the larboard-tack, having a gentle breeze and pleasant weather.  On the 8th, at noon, a bed of sea-weed passed the ship.  In the afternoon, in latitude 55 deg. 4’, longitude 51 deg. 43’ W., the variation was 20 deg. 4’ E.

On the 9th, wind at N.E., attended with thick hazy weather; saw a seal, and a piece of sea-weed.  At noon, latitude 55 deg. 12’ S., longitude 50 deg. 15’ W., the wind and weather continuing the same till towards midnight, when the latter cleared up, and the former veered to west, and blew a gentle gale.  We continued to ply till two o’clock the next morning, when we bore away east, and at eight E.N.E.; at noon, observed in latitude 54 deg. 35’ S., longitude 47 deg. 56’ W., a great many albatrosses and blue peterels about the ship.  I now steered east, and the next morning, in the latitude of 54 deg. 38’, longitude 45 deg. 10’ W., the variation was 19 deg. 25’ E. In the afternoon saw several penguins, and some pieces of weed.

Having spent the night lying-to, on the 12th, at day-break, we bore away, and steered east northerly, with a fine fresh breeze at W.S.W.; at noon observed in latitude 54 deg. 28’ S., longitude in 42 deg. 8’ W.; that is, near 3 deg.  E. of the situation in which Mr Dalrymple places the N.E. point of the gulph of St Sebastian; but we had no other signs of land than seeing a seal and a few penguins; on the contrary, we had a swell from E.S.E., which would hardly have been, if any extensive track of land lay in that direction.  In the evening the gale abated, and at midnight it fell calm.

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The calm, attended by a thick fog, continued till six next morning, when we got a wind at east, but the fog still prevailed.  We stood to the south till noon, when, being in the latitude of 55 deg. 7’, we tacked and stretched to the north with a fresh breeze at E. by S. and E.S.E., cloudy weather; saw several penguins and a snow-peterel, which we looked on to be signs of the vicinity of ice.  The air too was much colder than we had felt it since we left New Zealand.  In the afternoon the wind veered to the S.E., and in the night to S.S.E., and blew fresh, with which we stood to the N.E.

At nine o’clock the next morning we saw an island of ice, as we then thought, but at noon were doubtful whether it was ice or land.  At this time it bore E. 3/4 S., distant thirteen leagues; our latitude was 53 deg. 56’ 1/2, longitude 39 deg. 24’ W.; several penguins, small divers, a snow-peterel, and a vast number of blue peterels about the ship.  We had but little wind all the morning, and at two p.m. it fell calm.  It was now no longer doubted that it was land, and not ice, which we had in sight.  It was, however, in a manner wholly covered with snow.  We were farther confirmed in our judgement of its being land, by finding soundings at one hundred and seventy-five fathoms, a muddy bottom.  The land at this time bore E. by S., about twelve leagues distant.  At six o’clock the calm was succeeded by a breeze at N.E., with which we stood to S.E.  At first it blew a gentle gale; but afterwards increased so as to bring us under double-reefed top-sails, and was attended with snow and sleet.

We continued to stand to the S.E. till seven in the morning on the 15th, when the wind veering to the S.E., we tacked and stood to the north.  A little before we tacked, we saw the land bearing E. by N. At noon the mercury in the thermometer was at 35 deg. 1/4.  The wind blew in squalls, attended with snow and sleet, and we had a great sea to encounter.  At a lee-lurch which the ship took, Mr Wales observed her to lie down 42 deg..  At half past four p.m. we took in the top-sails, got down top-gallant yards, wore the ship, and stood to the S.W., under two courses.  At midnight the storm abated, so that we could carry the top-sails double-reefed.

At four in the morning of the 16th we wore and stood to the east, with the wind at S.S.E., a moderate breeze, and fair; at eight o’clock saw the land extending from E. by N. to N.E. by N.; loosed a reef out of each top-sail, got top-gallant yards across, and set the sails.  At noon observed in latitude 54 deg. 25’ 1/2, longitude 38 deg. 18’ W. In this situation we had one hundred and ten fathoms water; and the land extended from N. 1/2 W. to E., eight leagues distant.  The northern extreme was the same that we first discovered, and it proved to be an island, which obtained the name of Willis’s Island, after the person who first saw it.

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At this time we had a great swell from the south, an indication that no land was near us in that direction; nevertheless the vast quantity of snow on that in sight induced us to think it was extensive, and I chose to begin with exploring the northern coast.  With this view we bore up for Willis’s Island, all sails set, having a fine gale at S.S.W.  As we advanced to the north, we perceived another isle lying east of Willis’s, and between it and the main.  Seeing there was a clear passage between the two isles, we steered for it, and at five o’clock, being in the middle of it, we found it about two miles broad.

Willis’s Isle is an high rock of no great extent, near to which are some rocky islets.  It is situated in the latitude of 54 deg.  S., longitude 38 deg. 23’ W. The other isle, which obtained the name of Bird Isle, on account of the vast number that were upon it, is not so high, but of greater extent, and is close to the N.E. point of the main land, which I called Cape North.

The S.E. coast of this land, as far as we saw it, lies in the direction of S. 50 deg.  E., and N. 50 deg.  W. It seemed to form several bays or inlets; and we observed huge masses of snow, or ice, in the bottoms of them, especially in one which lies ten miles to the S.S.E. of Bird Isle.

After getting through the passage, we found the north coast trended E. by N., for about nine miles; and then east and east-southerly to Cape Buller, which is eleven miles more.  We ranged the coast, at one league distance, till near ten o’clock, when we brought-to for the night, and on sounding found fifty fathoms, a muddy bottom.

At two o’clock in the morning of the 17th we made sail in for the land, with a fine breeze at S.W.; at four, Willis’s Isle bore W. by S., distant thirty-two miles; Cape Buller, to the west of which lie some rocky islets, bore S.W. by W.; and the most advanced point of land to the east, S. 63 deg.  E. We now steered along shore, at the distance of four or five miles, till seven o’clock, when, seeing the appearance of an inlet, we hauled in for it.  As soon as we drew near the shore, having hoisted out a boat, I embarked in it, accompanied by Mr Forster and his party, with a view of reconnoitring the bay before we ventured in with the ship.  When we put off from her, which was about four miles from the shore, we had forty fathoms water.  I continued to sound as I went farther in, but found no bottom with a line of thirty-four fathoms, which was the length of that I had in the boat, and which also proved too short to sound the bay, so far as I went up it.  I observed it to lie in S.W. by S. about two leagues, about two miles broad, well sheltered from all winds; and I judged there might be good anchorage before some sandy beaches which are on each side, and likewise near a low flat isle, towards the head of the bay.  As I had come to a resolution not to bring the ship in, I did not think it worth my while to go and examine these places; for it did not seem probable that any one would ever be benefited by the discovery.  I landed at three different places, displayed our colours, and took possession of the country in his majesty’s name, under a discharge of small arms.

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I judged that the tide rises about four or five feet, and that it is high water on the full and change days about eleven o’clock.

The head of the bay, as well as two places on each side, was terminated by perpendicular ice-cliffs of considerable height.  Pieces were continually breaking off, and floating out to sea; and a great fall happened while we were in the bay, which made a noise like cannon.

The inner parts of the country were not less savage and horrible.  The wild rocks raised their lofty summits till they were lost in the clouds, and the valleys lay covered with everlasting snow.  Not a tree was to be seen, nor a shrub even big enough to make a toothpick.  The only vegetation we met with was a coarse strong-bladed grass growing in tufts, wild burnet, and a plant like moss, which sprung from the rocks.

Seals, or sea-bears, were pretty numerous.  They were smaller than those at Staten Land:  Perhaps the most of those we saw were females, for the shores swarmed with young cubs.  We saw none of that sort which we call lions; but there were some of those which the writer of Lord Anson’s voyage describes under that name; at least they appeared to us to be of the same sort; and are, in my opinion, very improperly called lions, for I could not see any grounds for the comparison.

Here were several flocks of penguins, the largest I ever saw; some which we brought on board weighed from twenty-nine to thirty-eight pounds.  It appears by Bougainville’s account of the animals of Falkland Islands, that this penguin is there; and I think it is very well described by him under the name of first class of penguins.  The oceanic birds were albatrosses, common gulls, and that sort which I call Port Egmont hens, terns, shags, divers, the new white bird, and a small bird like those of the Cape of Good Hope, called yellow birds; which, having shot two, we found most delicious food.

All the land birds we saw consisted of a few small larks, nor did we meet with any quadrupeds.  Mr Forster indeed observed some dung, which he judged to come from a fox, or some such animal.  The lands, or rather rocks, bordering on the sea-coast, were not covered with snow like the inland parts; but all the vegetation we could see on the clear places was the grass above-mentioned.  The rocks seemed to contain iron.  Having made the above observations, we set out for the ship, and got on board a little after twelve o’clock, with a quantity of seals and penguins, an acceptable present to the crew.

It must not, however, be understood that we were in want of provisions:  we had yet plenty of every kind; and since we had been on this coast, I had ordered, in addition to the common allowance, wheat to be boiled every morning for breakfast; but any kind of fresh meat was preferred by most on board to salt.  For my own part, I was now, for the first time, heartily tired of salt meat of every kind; and though the flesh

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of the penguins could scarcely vie with bullock’s liver, its being fresh was sufficient to make it go down.  I called the bay we had been in, Possession Bay.  It is situated in the latitude of 54 deg. 5’ S., longitude 37 deg. 18’ W., and eleven leagues to the east of Cape North.  A few miles to the west of Possession Bay, between it and Cape Buller, lies the Bay of Isles, so named on account of several small isles lying in and before it.

As soon as the boat was hoisted in, we made sail along the coast to the east, with a fine breeze at W.S.W.  From Cape Buller the direction of the coast is S. 72 deg. 30’ E., for the space of eleven or twelve leagues, to a projecting point, which obtained the name of Cape Saunders.  Beyond this cape is a pretty large bay, which I named Cumberland Bay.  In several parts in the bottom of it, as also in some others of less extent, lying between Cape Saunders and Possession Bay, were vast tracks of frozen snow, or ice, not yet broken loose.  At eight o’clock, being just past Cumberland Bay, and falling little wind, we hauled off the coast, from which we were distant about four miles, and found one hundred and ten fathoms water.

We had variable light airs and calms till six o’clock the next morning, when the wind fixed at north, and blew a gentle breeze; but it lasted no longer than ten o’clock, when it fell almost to a calm.  At noon, observed in latitude 54 deg. 30’ S., being then about two or three leagues from the coast, which extended from N. 59 deg.  W. to S. 13 deg.  W. The land in this last direction was an isle, which seemed to be the extremity of the coast to the east.  The nearest land to us being a projecting point which terminated in a round hillock, was, on account of the day, named Cape Charlotte.  On the west side of Cape Charlotte lies a bay which obtained the name of Royal Bay, and the west point of it was named Cape George.  It is the east point of Cumberland Bay, and lies in the direction of S.E. by E. from Cape Saunders, distant seven leagues.  Cape George and Cape Charlotte lie in the direction of S. 37 deg.  E. and N. 37 deg.  W., distant six leagues from each other.  The isle above-mentioned, which was called Cooper’s Isle, after my first lieutenant, lies in the direction of S. by E., distant eight leagues from Cape Charlotte.  The coast between them forms a large bay, to which I gave the name of Sandwich.  The wind being variable all the afternoon we advanced but little; in the night it fixed at S. and S.S.W., and blew a gentle gale, attended with showers of snow.

The 19th was wholly spent in plying, the wind continuing at S. and S.S.W., clear pleasant weather, but cold.  At sunrise a new land was seen, bearing S.E. 1/2 E. It first appeared in a single hill, like a sugar-loaf; some time after other detached pieces appeared above the horizon near the hill.  At noon, observed in the latitude 54 deg. 42’ 30” S., Cape Charlotte bearing N. 38 deg.  W., distant four

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leagues; and Cooper’s Isle S. 31 deg.  W. In this situation a lurking rock, which lies off Sandwich Bay, five miles from the land, bore W. 1/2 N., distant one mile, and near this rock were several breakers.  In the afternoon we had a prospect of a ridge of mountains behind Sandwich Bay, whose lofty and icy summits were elevated high above the clouds.  The wind continued at S.S.W. till six o’clock, when it fell to a calm.  At this time Cape Charlotte bore N. 31 deg.  W., and Cooper’s Island W.S.W.  In this situation we found the variation, by the azimuths, to be 11 deg. 39’, and by the amplitude, 11 deg. 12’ E. At ten o’clock, a light breeze springing up at north, we steered to the south till twelve, and then brought-to for the night.

At two o’clock in the morning of the 20th we made sail to S.W. round Cooper’s Island.  It is a rock of considerable height, about five miles in circuit, and one mile from the main.  At this isle the main coast takes a S.W. direction for the space of four or five leagues to a point, which I called Cape Disappointment.  Off that are three small isles, the southernmost of which is green, low, and flat, and lies one league from the cape.

As we advanced to S.W. land opened, off this point, in the direction of N. 60 deg.  W., and nine leagues beyond it.  It proved an island quite detached from the main, and obtained the name of Pickersgill Island, after my third officer.  Soon after a point of the main, beyond this island, came in sight, in the direction of N. 55 deg.  W., which exactly united the coast at the very point we had seen, and taken the bearing of, the day we first came in with it, and proved to a demonstration that this land, which we had taken for part of a great continent, was no more than an island of seventy leagues in circuit.

Who would have thought that an island of no greater extent than this, situated between the latitude of 54 deg. and 55 deg., should, in the very height of summer, be in a manner wholly covered, many fathoms deep, with frozen snow, but more especially the S.W. coast?  The very sides and craggy summits of the lofty mountains were cased with snow and ice; but the quantity which lay in the valleys is incredible; and at the bottom of the bays the coast was terminated by a wall of ice of considerable height.  It can hardly be doubted that a great deal of ice is formed here in the water, which in the spring is broken off, and dispersed over the sea; but this island cannot produce the ten-thousandth part of what we saw; so that either there must be more land, or the ice is formed without it.  These reflections led me to think that the land we had seen the preceding day might belong to an extensive track, and I still had hopes of discovering a continent.  I must confess the disappointment I now met with did not affect me much; for, to judge of the bulk by the sample, it would not be worth the discovery.

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I called this island the isle of Georgia, in honour of his majesty.  It is situated, between the latitudes of 53 deg. 57’ and 54 deg. 57’ S.; and between 38 deg. 13’ and 35 deg. 34’ west longitude.  It extends S.E. by E. and N.W. by W., and is thirty-one leagues long in that direction; and its greatest breadth is about ten leagues.  It seems to abound with bays and harbours, the N.E. coast especially; but the vast quantity of ice must render them inaccessible the greatest part of the year; or, at least, it must be dangerous lying in them, on account of the breaking up of the ice cliffs.

It is remarkable that we did not see a river, or stream of fresh water, on the whole coast.  I think it highly probable that there are no perennial springs in the country; and that the interior parts, as being much elevated, never enjoy heat enough to melt the snow in such quantities as to produce a river, or stream, of water.  The coast alone receives warmth sufficient to melt the snow, and this only on the N.E. side; for the other, besides being exposed to the cold south winds, is, in a great degree, deprived of the sun’s rays, by the uncommon height of the mountains.

It was from a persuasion that the sea-coast of a land situated in the latitude of 54 deg., could not, in the very height of summer, be wholly covered with snow, that I supposed Bouvet’s discovery to be large islands of ice.  But after I had seen this land, I no longer hesitated about the existence of Cape Circumcision; nor did I doubt that I should find more land than I should have time to explore.  With these ideas I quitted this coast, and directed my course to the E.S.E. for the land we had seen the preceding day.

The wind was very variable till noon, when it fixed at N.N.E., and blew a gentle gale; but it increased in such a manner, that, before three o’clock, we were reduced to our two courses, and obliged to strike top-gallant yards.  We were very fortunate in getting clear of the land, before this gale overtook us; it being hard to say what might have been the consequence had it come on while we were on the north coast.  This storm was of short duration; for, at eight o’clock it began to abate; and at midnight it was little wind.  We then took the opportunity to sound, but found no bottom with a line of an hundred and eighty fathoms.

Next day the storm was succeeded by a thick fog, attended with rain; the wind veered to N.W., and, at five in the morning, it fell calm, which continued till eight; and then we got a breeze southerly, with which we stood to the east till three in the afternoon.  The weather then coming somewhat clear, we made sail, and steered north in search of land; but, at half-past six, we were again involved in a thick mist, which made it necessary to haul the wind, and spend the night in making short boards.

We had variable light airs next to a calm, and thick foggy weather, till half-past seven o’clock in the evening of the 22d, when we got a fine breeze at north, and the weather was so clear that we could see two or three leagues round us.  We seized the opportunity, and steered to west; judging we were to the east of the land.  After running ten miles to the west, the weather again became foggy, and we hauled the wind, and spent the night under top-sails.

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Next morning at six o’clock, the fog clearing away, so that we could see three or four miles, I took the opportunity to steer again to the west, with the wind at east, a fresh breeze; but two hours after, a thick fog once more obliged us to haul the wind to the south.  At eleven o’clock, a short interval of clear weather gave us view of three or four rocky islets extending from S.E. to E.N.E., two or three miles distant; but we did not see the Sugar-Loaf Peak beforementioned.  Indeed, two or three miles was the extent of our horizon.

We were well assured that this was the land we had seen before, which we had now been quite round; and therefore it could be no more than a few detached rocks, receptacles for birds, of which we now saw vast numbers, especially shags, who gave us notice of the vicinity of land before we saw it.  These rocks lie in the latitude of 55 deg.  S., and S. 75 deg.  E., distant twelve leagues from Cooper’s Isle.

The interval of clear weather was of very short duration, before we had as thick a fog as ever, attended with rain, on which we tacked in sixty fathoms water, and stood to the north.  Thus we spent our time, involved in a continual thick mist; and, for aught we knew, surrounded by dangerous rocks.  The shags and soundings were our best pilots; for after we had stood a few miles to the north, we got out of soundings, and saw no more shags.  The succeeding day and night we spent in making short boards; and at eight o’clock on the 24th, judging ourselves not far from the rocks by some straggling shags which came about us, we sounded in sixty fathoms water, the bottom stones and broken shells.  Soon after, we saw the rocks bearing S.S.W. 1/2 W., four miles distant, but still we did not see the peak.  It was, no doubt, beyond our horizon, which was limited to a short distance; and, indeed, we had but a transient sight of the other rocks, before they were again lost in the fog.

With a light air of wind at north, and a great swell from N.E., we were able to clear the rocks to the west; and, at four in the p.m., judging ourselves to be three or four leagues east and west of them, I steered south, being quite tired with cruizing about them in a thick fog; nor was it worth my while to spend any more time in waiting for clear weather, only for the sake of having a good sight of a few straggling rocks.  At seven o’clock, we had at intervals a clear sky to the west, which gave us a sight of the mountains of the isle of Georgia, bearing W.N.W., about eight leagues distant.  At eight o’clock we steered S.E. by S., and at ten S.E. by E., with a fresh breeze at north, attended with a very thick fog; but we were, in some measure, acquainted with the sea over which we were running.  The rocks above-mentioned obtained the name of Clerke’s Rocks, after my second officer, he being the first who saw them.[10]

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[Footnote 10:  There was no inducement to offer a single remark on the discoveries mentioned in this section, and the one that follows, or to give any additional observations from the works hitherto used.  It is utterly improbable that any human being could be benefited by the most perfect information that might be afforded, respecting these desolate regions.  Mr G.F. it is true, hazards a speculation, that if the northern ocean should ever be cleared of whales, by our annual fisheries, this part of the southern hemisphere might be visited for the sake of procuring these animals so abundant in it.  But as besides this proviso, he thinks it necessary that Patagonia and Tierra del Fuego should be inhabited and civilized like Scotland and Sweden, there will evidently be time enough some centuries hence, to investigate minutely the geography and natural history of Georgia and its kindred neighbours.—­E.]


_ Proceedings after leaving the Isle of Georgia, with an Account of the Discovery of Sandwich Land; with some Reasons for there being Land about the South Pole_.

On the 25th, we steered E.S.E., with a fresh gale at N.N.E., attended with foggy weather, till towards the evening, when the sky becoming clear, we found the variation to be 9 deg. 26’ E., being at this time in the latitude of 56 deg. 16’ S., longitude 32 deg. 9’ W.

Having continued to steer E.S.E., with a fine gale at N.N.W., till day-light next morning, on seeing no land to the east, I gave orders to steer south, being at this time in the latitude of 56 deg. 33’ S., longitude 31 deg. 10’ W. The weather continued clear, and gave us an opportunity to observe several distances of the sun and moon for the correcting our longitude, which at noon was 31 deg. 4’ W., the latitude observed 57 deg. 38’ S. We continued to steer to the south till the 27th, at noon, at which time we were in the latitude of 59 deg. 46’ S., and had so thick a fog that we could not see a ship’s length.  It being no longer safe to sail before the wind, as we were to expect soon to fall in with ice, I therefore hauled to the east, having a gentle breeze at N.N.E.  Soon after the fog clearing away, we resumed our course to the south till four o’clock, when it returned again as thick as ever, and made it necessary for us to haul upon a wind.

I now reckoned we were in latitude 60 deg.  S., and farther I did not intend to go, unless I observed some certain signs of soon meeting with land.  For it would not have been prudent in me to have spent my time in penetrating to the south, when it was at least as probable that a large tract of land might be found near Cape Circumcision.  Besides, I was tired of these high southern latitudes, where nothing was to be found but ice and thick fogs.  We had now a long hollow swell from the west, a strong indication that there was no land in that direction; so that I think I may venture to assert that the extensive coast, laid down in Mr Dalrymple’s chart of the ocean between Africa and America, and the Gulph of St Sebastian, do not exist.

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At seven o’clock in the evening, the fog receding from us a little, gave us a sight of an ice island, several penguins and some snow peterels; we sounded, but found no ground at one hundred and forty fathoms.  The fog soon returning, we spent the night in making boards over that space which we had, in some degree, made ourselves acquainted with in the day.

At eight in the morning of the 28th, we stood to the east, with a gentle gale at north; the weather began to clear up; and we found the sea strewed with large and small ice; several penguins, snow peterels, and other birds were seen, and some whales.  Soon after we had sun-shine, but the air was cold; the mercury in the thermometer stood generally at thirty-five, but at noon it was 37 deg.; the latitude by observation was 60 deg. 4’ S., longitude 29 deg. 23’ W.

We continued to stand to the east till half-past two o’clock, p.m., when we fell in, all at once, with a vast number of large ice-islands, and a sea strewed with loose ice.  The weather too was become thick and hazy, attended with drizzling rain and sleet, which made it the more dangerous to stand in among the ice.  For this reason we tacked and stood back to the west, with the wind at north.  The ice-islands, which at this time surrounded us, were nearly all of equal height, and shewed a flat even surface; but they were of various extent, some being two or three miles in circuit.  The loose ice was what had broken from these isles.

Next morning, the wind falling and veering to S.W., we steered N.E.; but this coarse was soon intercepted by numerous ice-islands; and, having but very little wind, we were obliged to steer such courses as carried us the clearest of them; so that we hardly made any advance, one way or other, during the whole day.  Abundance of whales and penguins were about us all the time; and the weather fair, but dark and gloomy.

At midnight the wind began to freshen at N.N.E., with which we stood to the N.W., till six in the morning of the 30th, when the wind veering to N.N.W., we tacked and stood to N.E., and soon after sailed through a good deal of loose ice, and passed two large islands.  Except a short interval of clear weather about nine o’clock, it was continually foggy, with either sleet or snow.  At noon we were, by our reckoning, in the latitude of 59 deg. 3O’ S., longitude 29 deg. 24’ W.

Continuing to stand to N.E. with a fresh breeze at N.N.W., at two o’clock, we passed one of the largest ice-islands we had seen in the voyage, and some time after passed two others, which were much smaller; Weather still foggy, with sleet:  And the wind continued at N. by W., with which we stood to N.E., over a sea strewed with ice.

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At half an hour past six next morning, as we were standing N.N.E. with the wind at west, the fog very fortunately clearing away a little, we discovered land ahead, three or four miles distant.  On this we hauled the wind to the north; but finding we could not weather the land on this tack, we soon after tacked in one hundred and seventy-five fathoms water, three miles from the shore, and about half a league from some breakers.  The weather then cleared up a little more, and gave us a tolerably good sight of the land.  That which we had fallen in with proved three rocky islets of considerable height.  The outermost terminated in a lofty peak like a sugar-loaf, and obtained the name of Freezeland Peak, after the man who first discovered it.  Latitude 59 deg.  S., longitude 27 deg.  W. Behind this peak, that is to the east of it, appeared an elevated coast, whose lofty snow-clad summits were seen above the clouds.  It extended from N. by E. to E.S.E., and I called it Cape Bristol, in honour of the noble family of Hervey.  At the same time another elevated coast appeared in sight, bearing S.W. by S., and at noon it extended from S.E. to S.S.W., from four to eight leagues distant; at this time the observed latitude was 59 deg. 13’ 30” S., longitude 27 deg. 45’ W. I called this land Southern Thule, because it is the most southern land that has ever yet been discovered.  It shews a surface of vast height, and is every where covered with snow.  Some thought they saw land in the space between Thule and Cape Bristol.  It is more than probable that these two lands are connected, and that this space is a deep bay, which I called Forster’s Bay.

At one o’clock, finding that we could not weather Thule, we tacked and stood to the north, and at four, Freezeland Peak bore east, distant three or four leagues.  Soon after, it fell little wind, and we were left to the mercy of a great westerly swell, which set right upon the shore.  We sounded, but a line of two hundred fathoms found no bottom.

At eight o’clock, the weather, which had been very hazy, clearing up, we saw Cape Bristol bearing E.S.E., and terminating in a point to the north, beyond which we could see no land.  This discovery relieved us from the fear of being carried by the swell on the most horrible coast in the world, and we continued to stand to the north all night, with a light breeze at west.

On the 1st of February, at four o’clock in the morning, we got sight of a new coast, which at six o’clock bore N. 60 deg. east.  It proved a high promontory, which I named Cape Montagu, situated in latitude 58 deg. 27’ S., longitude 26 deg. 44’ west, and seven or eight leagues to the north of Cape Bristol.  We saw land from space to space between them, which made me conclude that the whole was connected.  I was sorry I could not determine this with greater certainty; but prudence would not permit me to venture near a coast, subject to thick fogs, on which there was no anchorage; where every port was blocked or filled up with ice; and the whole country, from the summits of the mountains, down to the very brink of the cliffs which terminate the coast, covered, many fathoms thick, with everlasting snow.  The cliffs alone was all which was to be seen like land.

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Several large ice-islands lay upon the coast; one of which attracted my notice.  It had a flat surface, was of considerable extent both in height and circuit, and had perpendicular sides, on which the waves of the sea had made no impression; by which I judged that it had not been long from land, and that it might lately have come out of some bay on the coast, where it had been formed.

At noon we were east and west of the northern part of Cape Montagu, distant about five leagues, and Freezeland Peak bore S. 16 deg. east, distant twelve leagues; latitude observed 58 deg. 25’ S. In the morning the variation was 10 deg. 11’ east.  At two in the afternoon, as we were standing to the north, with a light breeze at S.W., we saw land bearing N. 25’ east, distant fourteen leagues.  Cape Montagu bore at this time, S. 66 deg. east; at eight it bore S. 40 deg. east; Cape Bristol, S. by E.; the new land extending from N. 40 deg. to 52 deg. east; and we thought we saw land still more to the east, and beyond it.

Continuing to steer to the north all night, at six o’clock the next morning a new land was seen bearing N. 12 deg. east, about ten leagues distant.  It appeared in two hummocks just peeping above the horizon; but we soon after lost sight of them; and having got the wind at N.N.E. a fresh breeze, we stood for the northernmost land we had seen the day before, which at this time bore E.S.E.  We fetched in with it by ten o’clock, but could not weather it, and were obliged to tack three miles from the coast, which extended from E. by S. to S.E., and had much the appearance of being an island of about eight or ten leagues circuit.  It shews a surface of considerable height, whose summit was lost in the clouds, and, like all the neighbouring lands, covered with a sheet of snow and ice, except in a projecting point on the north side, and two hills seen over this point, which probably might be two islands.  These only were clear of snow, and seemed covered with a green turf.  Some large ice islands lay to the N.E., and some others to the south.

We stood off till noon, and then tacked for the land again, in order to see whether it was an island or no.  The weather was now become very hazy, which soon turning to a thick fog, put a stop to discovery, and made it unsafe to stand for the shore; so that after having run the same distance in, as we had run off, we tacked and stood to N.W., for the land we had seen in the morning, which was yet at a considerable distance.  Thus we were obliged to leave the other, under the supposition of its being an island, which I named Saunders, after my honourable friend Sir Charles.  It is situated in the latitude of 57 deg. 49’ south longitude, 26 deg. 44’ west; and north, distant thirteen leagues, from Cape Montagu.

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At six o’clock in the evening, the wind shifting to the west, we tacked, and stood to the north; and at eight the fog clearing away, gave us a sight of Saunders’s Isle, extending from S.E. by S. to E.S.E.  We were still in doubt if it was an island; for, at this time, land was seen bearing E. by S., which might or might not be connected with it; it might also be the same that we had seen the preceding evening.  But, be this as it may, it was now necessary to take a view of the land to the north, before we proceeded any farther to the east.  With this intention, we stood to the north, having a light breeze at W. by S., which at two o’clock in the morning of the 3d, was succeeded by a calm that continued till eight, when we got the wind at E. by S. attended by hazy weather.  At this time we saw the land we were looking for, and which proved to be two isles.  The day on which they were discovered, was the occasion of calling them Candlemas Isles; latitude 57 deg. 11’ S., longitude 27 deg. 6’ W. They were of no great extent, but of considerable height, and were covered with snow.  A small rock was seen between them, and perhaps there may be more; for the weather was so hazy that we soon lost sight of the islands, and did not see them again till noon, at which time they bore west, distant three or four leagues.

As the wind kept veering to the south, we were obliged to stand to the N.E., in which route we met with several large ice islands, loose ice, and many penguins; and at midnight, came at once into water uncommonly white, which alarmed the officer of the watch so much, that he tacked the ship instantly.  Some thought it was a float of ice; others that it was shallow water; but, as it proved neither, probably it was a shoal of fish.

We stood to the south till two o’clock next morning, when we resumed our course to the east with a faint breeze at S.S.E. which having ended in a calm, at six, I took the opportunity of putting a boat in the water to try if there were any current; and the trial proved there was none.  Some whales were playing about us, and abundance of penguins:  a few of the latter were shot, and they proved to be of the same sort that we had seen among the ice before, and different both from those on Staten Land, and from those at the isle of Georgia.  It is remarkable, that we had not seen a seal since we left that coast.  At noon we were in latitude of 56 deg. 44’ S., longitude 25 deg. 33’ W. At this time we got a breeze at east, with which we stood to the south, with a view of gaining the coast we had left; but at eight o’clock the wind shifted to the south, and made it necessary to tack and stand to the east; in which course we met with several ice-islands and some loose ice; the weather continuing hazy with snow and rain.

No penguins were seen on the 5th, which made me conjecture that we were leaving the land behind us, and that we had already seen its northern extremity.  At noon we were in the latitude of 57 deg. 8’ S., longitude 23 deg. 34’ west, which was 3 deg. of longitude to the east of Saunders’s Isle.  In the afternoon the wind shifted to the west; this enabled us to stretch to the south, and to get into the latitude of the land, that, if it took an east direction, we might again fall in with it.

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We continued to steer to the south and S.E. till next day at noon, at which time we were in the latitude of 58 deg. 15’ S., longitude 21 deg. 34’ west, and seeing neither land nor signs of any, I concluded that what we had seen, which I named Sandwich Land, was either a group of islands, or else a point of the continent.  For I firmly believe that there is a tract of land near the Pole which is the source of most of the ice that is spread over this vast southern ocean.  I also think it probable that it extends farthest to the north opposite the southern Atlantic and Indian oceans; because ice was always found by us farther to the north in these oceans than any where else, which I judge could not be, if there were not land to the south; I mean a land of considerable extent.  For if we suppose that no such land exists, and that ice may be formed without it, it will follow of course that the cold ought to be every where nearly equal round the Pole, as far as 70 deg. or 60’ of latitude, or so far as to be beyond the influence of any of the known continents; consequently we ought to see ice every where under the same parallel, or near it; and yet the contrary has been, found.  Very few ships have met with ice going round Cape Horn:  And we saw but little below the sixtieth degree of latitude, in the Southern Pacific Ocean.  Whereas in this ocean, between the meridian of 40 deg. west and 50 deg. or 60 deg. east, we found ice as far north as 51 deg..  Bouvet met with, some in 48 deg., and others have seen it in a much lower latitude.  It is true, however, that the greatest part of this southern continent (supposing there is one), must lie within the polar circle, where the sea is so pestered with ice, that the land is thereby inaccessible.  The risque one runs in exploring a coast, in these unknown and icy seas, is so very great, that I can be bold enough to say that no man will ever venture farther than I have done; and that the lands which may lie to the south will never be explored.  Thick fogs, snow storms, intense cold, and every other thing that can render navigation dangerous, must be encountered, and these difficulties are greatly heightened by the inexpressibly horrid aspect of the country; a country doomed by nature never once to feel the warmth of the sun’s rays, but to lie buried in everlasting snow and ice.  The ports which may be on the coast, are, in a manner, wholly filled up with frozen snow of vast thickness; but if any should be so far open as to invite a ship into it, she would run a risque of being fixed there for ever, or of coming out in an ice island.  The islands and floats on the coast, the great falls from the ice-cliffs in the port, or a heavy snow-storm attended with a sharp frost, would be equally fatal.

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After such an explanation as this, the reader must not expect to find me much farther to the south.  It was, however, not for want of inclination, but for other reasons.  It would have been rashness in me to have risqued all that had been done during the voyage, in discovering and exploring a coast, which, when discovered and explored, would have answered no end whatever, or have been of the least use, either to navigation or geography, or indeed to any other science.  Bouvet’s discovery was yet before us, the existence of which was to be cleared up; and, besides all this, we were not now in a condition to undertake great things; nor indeed was there time, had we been ever so well provided.

These reasons induced me to alter the course to the east, with a very strong gale at north, attended with an exceedingly heavy fall of snow.  The quantity which lodged on our sails was so great, that we were frequently obliged to throw the ship up in the wind to shake it out of them, otherwise neither they nor the ship could have supported the weight.  In the evening it ceased to snow; the weather cleared up, the wind backed to the west, and we spent the night in making two short boards, under close-reefed top-sails and fore-sail.

At day-break on the 7th, we resumed our course to the east, with a very fresh gale at S.W. by W., attended by a high sea from the same direction.  In the afternoon, being in the latitude of 58 deg. 24’ S., longitude 16 deg. 19’ west, the variation was 1 deg. 52’ east.  Only three ice-islands seen this day.  At eight o’clock, shortened sail, and hauled the wind to the S.E. for the night, in which we had several showers of snow and sleet.

On the 8th at day-light, we resumed our east course with a gentle breeze and fair weather.  After sun-rise, being then in the latitude of 58 deg. 30’ S., longitude 15 deg. 14’ west, the variation, by the mean results of two compasses, was 2 deg. 43’ east.  These observations were more to be depended on than those made the night before, there being much less sea now than then.  In the afternoon, we passed three ice-islands.  This night was spent as the preceding.

At six next morning, being in the latitude of 58 deg. 27’ S., longitude 13 deg. 4’ W., the variation was 26’ E.; and in the afternoon, being in the same latitude, and about a quarter of a degree more to the east, it was 2’ west.  Therefore this last situation must be in or near the Line, in which the compass has no variation.  We had a calm the most part of the day.  The weather fair and clear, excepting now and then a snow-shower.  The mercury in the thermometer at noon rose to 40; whereas, for several days before, it had been no higher than 36 or 38.  We had several ice-islands in sight, but no one thing that could induce us to think that any land was in our neighbourhood.  At eight in the evening a breeze sprung up at S.E., with which we stood to N.E.

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During the night the wind freshened and veered south, which enabled us to steer east.  The wind was attended with showers of sleet and snow till day-light, when the weather became fair, but piercing cold, so that the water on deck was frozen, and at noon the mercury in the thermometer was no higher than 34-1/2.  At six o’clock in the morning, the variation was 23’ west, being then in the latitude of 58 deg. 15’ S., longitude 11 deg. 41’ W; and at six in the evening, being in the same latitude, and in the longitude of 9 deg. 24’ W., it was 1 deg. 51’ W. In the evening the wind abated; and during the night, it was variable between south and west.  Ice-islands continually in sight.

On the 11th, wind westerly, light airs attended with heavy showers of snow in the morning; but as the day advanced, the weather became fair, clear, and serene.  Still continuing to steer east, at noon we observed in latitude 58 deg. 11’, longitude at the same time 7 deg. 55’ west.  Thermometer 34-2/3.  In the afternoon we had two hours calm; after which we had faint breezes between the N.E. and S.E.

At six o’clock in the morning of the 12th, being in the latitude of 58 deg. 23’ S., longitude 6 deg. 54’ W., the variation was 3 deg. 23’ west.  We had variable light airs next to a calm all this day, and the weather was fair and clear till towards the evening, when it became cloudy with snow-showers, and the air very cold.  Ice-islands continually in sight; most of them small and breaking to pieces.

In the afternoon of the 13th, the wind increased, the sky became clouded, and soon after we had a very heavy fall of snow, which continued till eight or nine o’clock in the evening, when the wind abating and veering to S.E., the sky cleared up, and we had a fair night, attended with so sharp a frost, that the water in all our vessels on deck was next morning covered with a sheet of ice.  The mercury in the thermometer was as low as 29 deg., which is 3 deg. below freezing, or rather 4; for we generally found the water freeze when the mercury stood at 33 deg..

Towards noon on the 14th, the wind veering to the south, increased to a very strong gale, and blew in heavy squalls attended with snow.  At intervals, between the squalls, the weather was fair and clear, but exceedingly cold.  We continued to steer east, inclining a little to the north, and in, the afternoon crossed the first meridian, or that of Greenwich, in the latitude of 57 deg. 50’ S. At eight in, the evening, we close-reefed the top-sails, took in the main-sail, and steered east with a very hard gale at S.S.W., and a high sea from the same direction.

At day-break on the 15th, we set the main-sail, loosed a reef out of each top-sail, and with a very strong gale at S.W., and fair weather, steered E.N.E. till noon, at which, time we were in latitude of 50 deg. 37’ S., longitude 4 deg. 11’ E., when we pointed to the N.E., in order to get into the latitude of Cape Circumcision.  Some large ice-islands were in sight, and the air was nearly as cold as on the preceding day.  At eight o’clock in the evening, shortened sail, and at eleven hauled the wind to the N.W., not daring to stand on in the night, which was foggy, with snow-showers, and a smart frost.

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At day-break on the 16th, we bore away N.E., with a light breeze at west, which, at noon, was succeeded by a calm and fair weather.  Our latitude at this time was 55 deg. 26’ S., longitude 5 deg. 52’ E., in which situation we had a great swell from the southward, but no ice in sight.  At one o’clock in the p.m., a breeze springing up at E.N.E., we stood to S.E. till six, then tacked, and stood to the north, under double-reefed top-sails and courses, having a very fresh gale attended with snow and sleet, which fixed to the masts and rigging as it fell, and coated the whole with ice.

On the 17th the wind continued veering, by little and little, to the south, till midnight, when it fixed at S.W.  Being at this time in the latitude of 54 deg. 20’ S., longitude 6 deg. 33’ east, I steered east, having a prodigious high sea from the south, which assured us no land was near in that direction.

In the morning of the 18th, it ceased to snow; the weather became fair and clear; and we found the variation to be 18 deg. 44’ west.  At noon we were in the latitude of 54 deg. 25’, longitude 8 deg. 46’ east.  I thought this a good latitude to keep in, to look for Cape Circumcision; because, if the land had ever so little extent in the direction of north and south, we could not miss seeing it, as the northern point is said to lie in 54 deg..  We had yet a great swell from the south, so that I was now well assured it could only be an island, and it was of no consequence which side we fell in with.  In the evening Mr Wales made several observations of the moon, and stars Regulus and Spica; the mean results, at four o’clock when the observations were made, for finding the time by the watch, gave 9 deg. 15’ 20” east longitude.  The watch at the same time gave 9 deg. 36’ 45”.  Soon after the variation was found to be 13 deg. 10’ west.  It is nearly in this situation that Mr Bouvet had 1 deg. east.  I cannot suppose that the variation has altered so much since that time; but rather think he had made some mistake in his observations.  That there could be none in ours was certain, from the uniformity for some time past.  Besides, we found 12 deg. 8’ west, variation, nearly under this meridian, in January 1773.  During the night the wind veered round by the N.W. to N.N.E. and blew a fresh gale.

At eight in the morning of the 19th, we saw the appearance of land in the direction of E. by S., or that of our course; but it proved a mere fog-bank, and soon after dispersed.  We continued to steer E. by S. and S.E., till seven o’clock in the evening, when being in the latitude of 54 deg. 42’ S., longitude 13 deg. 3’ E., and the wind having veered to N.E., we tacked and stood to N.W. under close-reefed topsails and courses; having a very strong gale attended with snow-showers.

At four o’clock next morning, being in the latitude of 54 deg. 30’ S., longitude 12 deg. 33’. east, we tacked and stretched to N.E. with a fresh gale at S.W., attended with snow-showers and sleet.  At noon, being in the latitude of 54 deg. 8’ S., longitude 12 deg. 59’ E., with a fresh gale at W. by N., and tolerably clear weather, we steered east till ten o’clock in the evening, when we brought-to, lest we might pass any land in the night, of which we however had not the least signs.

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At day-break, having made sail, we bore away E., and at noon observed in latitude 54 deg. 16’ S., longitude 16 deg. 13’ east, which is 5 deg. to the east of the longitude in which Cape Circumcision is said to lie; so that we began to think there was no such land in existence.  I however continued to steer east, inclining a little to the south, till four o’clock in the afternoon of the next day, when we were in latitude 54 deg. 24’ S., longitude 19 deg. 18’ east.

We had now run down thirteen degrees of longitude in the very latitude assigned for Bouvet’s Land.  I was therefore well assured that what he had seen could be nothing but an island of ice; for, if it had been land, it is hardly possible we could have missed it, though it were ever so small.  Besides, from the time of leaving the southern lands, we had not met with the least signs of any other.  But even suppose we had, it would have been no proof of the existence of Cape Circumcision; for I am well assured that neither seals nor penguins, nor any of the oceanic birds, are indubitable signs of the vicinity of land.  I will allow that they are found on the coasts of all these southern lands; but are they not also to be found in all parts of the southern ocean?  There are, however, some oceanic or aquatic birds which point out the vicinity of land; especially shags, which seldom go out of sight of it; and gannets, boobies, and men-of-war birds, I believe, seldom go very far out to sea.

As we were now no more than two degrees of longitude front our route to the south, when we left the Cape of Good Hope, it was to no purpose to proceed any farther to the east under this parallel, knowing that no land could be there.  But an opportunity now offering of clearing up some doubts of our having seen land farther to the south, I steered S.E. to get into the situation in which it was supposed to lie.

We continued this course till four o’clock the next morning, and then S.E. by E. and E.S.E., till eight in the evening, at which time we were in the latitude of 55 deg. 25’ S., longitude 23 deg. 22’ east, both deduced from observations made the same day; for, in the morning, the sky was clear at intervals, and afforded an opportunity to observe several distances of the sun and moon, which we had not been able to do for some time past, having had a constant succession of bad weather.

Having now run over the place where the land was supposed to lie, without seeing the least signs of any, it was no longer to be doubted but that the ice-islands had deceived us as well as Mr Bouvet.  The wind by this time having veered to the north, and increased to a perfect storm, attended as usual with snow and sleet, we handed the top-sails and hauled up E.N.E. under the courses.  During the night the wind abated, and veered to N.W., which enabled us to steer more to the north, having no business farther south.


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Heads of what has been done in the Voyage; with some Conjectures concerning the Formation of Ice-Islands; and an Account of our Proceedings till our Arrival at the Cape of Good Hope.

I had now made the circuit of the southern ocean in a high latitude, and traversed it in such a manner as to leave not the least room for the possibility of there being a continent, unless near the Pole, and out of the reach of navigation.  By twice visiting the tropical sea, I had not only settled the situation of some old discoveries, but made there many new ones, and left, I conceive, very little more to be done even in that part.  Thus I flatter myself, that the intention of the voyage has, in every respect, been fully answered; the southern hemisphere sufficiently explored, and a final end put to the searching after a southern continent, which has, at times, ingrossed the attention of some of the maritime powers, for near two centuries past, and been a favourite theory amongst the geographers of all ages.

That there may be a continent, or large tract of land, near the Pole, I will not deny; on the contrary I am of opinion there is; and it is probable that we have seen a part of it.  The excessive cold, the many islands and vast floats of ice, all tend to prove that there must be land to the south; and for my persuasion that this southern land must lie, or extend, farthest to the north opposite to the southern Atlantic and Indian oceans, I have already assigned some reasons; to which I may add the greater degree of cold experienced by us in these seas, than in the southern Pacific ocean under the same parallels of latitude.[11]

[Footnote 11:  After what has been said of the utter inutility of a southern continent to any human being, or even in the way of hypothesis to explain the constitution of nature, it may seem quite unnecessary to occupy a moment’s attention about any arguments for its existence.  As, however, a few remarks were hazarded respecting those of a mathematical kind, it may be proper to say a word or two as to others of a physical nature.  Two reasons for this supposition have been urged; viz. the presence of rivers necessary to account for the large masses of fresh-water ice found in high southern latitudes; and the existence of firm and immoveable points of land round which these masses might form.  The first of these is glaringly erroneous in point of principle and fact.  In the first place, it is most certain, that the waters of the ocean admit of being frozen, and that when so, they either do or do not contain the salts they held in solution, according to certain circumstances, which the argument does not require to be explained.  And, secondly, it is absurd to imagine that lands in the vicinity of the Pole should have any rivers, as the snow-line, as it has been called, reaches so low down there as the surface of the earth, and as the temperature of the atmosphere, reckoning from what is known of it in high latitudes, can scarcely

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ever be above that point at which water becomes solid.  The second argument is equally unsubstantial, and may be as readily invalidated.  In fact, the principal thing requisite for the congelation of water in any circumstances of situation, is the reduction of the temperature to a certain point, to the effect of which, it is well known, the agitation of the water often materially contributes.  It may be remarked also, that as the beat of the ocean seems to diminish in pretty regular progression from the surface downwards, so it is highly probable, that, even at considerable distances from the Pole, the lower strata may be in a state of congelation; much more probably, therefore, there may exist at and near the Pole, a mass of ice of indefinite size and durability, which, extending to greater or smaller distances according to different circumstances, may serve as the basis, or point d’appui, of all the islands and fields of ice discoverable in this region.  Ice, in fact, is just as capable of a fixed position as earth is, or any other solid body, and may accordingly have constituted the substratum of the southern hemisphere within the polar circle, since the time that this planet assumed its present form and condition.  So much then on the subject of a southern continent, which, after all, we see is not worth being disputed about, and appears to be set up, as it were, in absolute derision of human curiosity and enterprise.  Wise men, it is likely, notwithstanding such promissory eulogiums as Mr Dalrymple held out, will neither venture their lives to ascertain its existence, nor lose their time and tempers in arguing about it.  Cook’s observation, it is perhaps necessary to remark, as to the ice extending further towards the north opposite the Atlantic and Indian oceans than any where else, may be accounted for without the supposition he makes in explanation of it.  Thus certain warm currents of water may be conceived to proceed from the north, towards those other parts where the ice has not been seen to extend so far, and to prevent the formation of it to the same distance; or again, there may be islands and rocks, to which the ice adheres, in the situations mentioned by Cook.  Both causes, indeed, may operate, and there may be others also quite equivalent to the effect.  But it is full time to leave this merely curious subject.  Mr G.F. has somewhat wittily remarked, that the opinion of the existence of a southern continent maintained by some philosophers, though much invalidated by this voyage, is nevertheless a proof of their great intelligence, considering the few data on which they could proceed.  Some readers may incline, perhaps, to give as much credit to the writer, for hazarding, on about equal grounds, any opinion in opposition to it.—­E.]

In this last ocean, the mercury in the thermometer seldom fell so low as the freezing point, till we were in 60 deg. and upwards; whereas in the others, it fell as low in the latitude of 54 deg..  This was certainly owing to there being a greater quantity of ice, and to its extending farther to the north, in these two seas than in the south Pacific; and if ice be first formed at, or near land, of which I have no doubt, it will follow that the land also extends farther north.

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The formation or coagulation of ice-islands has not, to my knowledge, been thoroughly investigated.  Some have supposed them to be formed by the freezing of the water at the mouths of large rivers, or great cataracts, where they accumulate till they are broken off by their own weight.  My observations will not allow me to acquiesce in this opinion; because we never found any of the ice which we took up incorporated with earth, or any of its produce, as I think it must have been, had it been coagulated in land-waters.  It is a doubt with me, whether there be any rivers in these countries.  It is certain, that we saw not a river, or stream of water, on all the coast of Georgia, nor on any of the southern lands.  Nor did we ever see a stream of water run from any of the ice-islands.  How are we then to suppose that there are large rivers?  The valleys are covered, many fathoms deep, with everlasting snow; and, at the sea, they terminate in icy cliffs of vast height.  It is here where the ice-islands are formed; not from streams of water, but from consolidated snow and sleet, which is almost continually falling or drifting down from the mountains, especially in the winter, when the frost must be intense.  During that season, the ice-cliffs must so accumulate as to fill up all the bays, be they ever so large.  This is a fact which cannot be doubted, as we have seen it so in summer.  These cliffs accumulate by continual falls of snow, and what drifts from the mountains, till they are no longer able to support their own weight; and then large pieces break off, which we call ice-islands.  Such as have a flat even surface, must be of the ice formed in the bays, and before the flat vallies; the others, which have a tapering unequal surface, must be formed on, or under, the side of a coast composed of pointed rocks and precipices, or some such uneven surface.  For we cannot suppose that snow alone, as it falls, can form, on a plain surface, such as the sea, such a variety of high peaks and hills, as we saw on many of the ice-isles.  It is certainly more reasonable to believe that they are formed on a coast whose surface is something similar to theirs.  I have observed that all the ice-islands of any extent, and before they begin to break to pieces, are terminated by perpendicular cliffs of clear ice or frozen snow, always on one or more sides, but most generally all round.  Many, and those of the largest size, which had a hilly and spiral surface, shewed a perpendicular cliff, or side, from the summit of the highest peak down to its base.  This to me was a convincing proof, that these, as well as the flat isles, must have broken off from substances like themselves, that is, from some large tract of ice.

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When I consider the vast quantity of ice we saw, and the vicinity of the places to the Pole where it is formed, and where the degrees of longitude are very small, I am led to believe that these ice-cliffs extend a good way into the sea, in some parts, especially in such as are sheltered from the violence of the winds.  It may even be doubted if ever the wind is violent in the very high latitudes.  And that the sea will freeze over, or the snow that falls upon it, which amounts to the same thing, we have instances in the northern hemisphere.  The Baltic, the Gulph of St Laurence, the Straits of Belle-Isle, and many other equally large seas, are frequently frozen over in winter.[12] Nor is this at all extraordinary, for we have found the degree of cold at the surface of the sea, even in summer, to be two degrees below the freezing point; consequently nothing kept it from freezing but the salt it contains, and the agitation of its surface.  Whenever this last ceaseth in winter, when the frost is set in, and there comes a fall of snow, it will freeze on the surface as it falls, and in a few days, or perhaps in one night, form such a sheet of ice as will not be easily broken up.  Thus a foundation will be laid for it to accumulate to any thickness by falls of snow, without its being at all necessary for the sea-water to freeze.  It may be by this means these vast floats of low ice we find in the spring of the year are formed, and which, after they break up, are carried by the currents to the north.  For, from all the observations I have been able to make, the currents every where, in the high latitudes, set to the north, or to the N.E. or N.W.; but we have very seldom found them considerable.

[Footnote 12:  Forster the elder, in his observations, has related many instances of this sort, and given some very ingenious remarks on the subject of the formation of ice in high latitudes; but it is impossible to do justice to them within the compass of a note, and perhaps most readers are of opinion that the text is abundantly copious on this part of the voyage.—­E.]

If this imperfect account of the formation of these extraordinary floating islands of ice, which is written wholly from my own observations, does not convey some useful hints to an abler pen, it will, however, convey some idea of the lands where they are formed:  Lands doomed by Nature to perpetual frigidness; never to feel the warmth of the sun’s rays; whose horrible and savage aspect I have not words to describe.  Such are the lands we have discovered; what then may we expect those to be which lie still farther to the south?  For we may reasonably suppose that we have seen the best, as lying most to the north.  If any one should have resolution and perseverance to clear up this point by proceeding farther than I have done, I shall not envy him the honour of the discovery; but I will be bold to say, that the world will not be benefited by it.

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I had, at this time, some thoughts of revisiting the place where the French discovery is said to lie.  But then I considered that, if they had really made this discovery, the end would be as fully answered as if I had done it myself.  We know it can only be an island; and if we may judge from the degree of cold we found in that latitude, it cannot be a fertile one.  Besides, this would have kept me two months longer at sea, and in a tempestuous latitude, which we were not in a condition to struggle with.  Our sails and rigging were so much worn, that something was giving way every hour; and we had nothing left either to repair or to replace them.  Our provisions were in a state of decay, and consequently afforded little nourishment, and we had been a long time without refreshments.  My people, indeed, were yet healthy, and would have cheerfully gone wherever I had thought proper to lead them; but I dreaded the scurvy laying hold of them at a time when we had nothing left to remove it.  I must say farther, that it would have been cruel in me to have continued the fatigues and hardships they were continually exposed to, longer than was absolutely necessary.  Their behaviour, throughout the whole voyage, merited every indulgence which it was in my power to give them.  Animated by the conduct of the officers, they shewed themselves capable of surmounting every difficulty and danger which came in their way, and never once looked either upon the one or the other, as being at all heightened, by our separation from our consort the Adventure.[13]

[Footnote 13:  “The sour krout, that excellent anti-scorbutic food, of which sixty large casks were put on board our ship, was now entirely consumed, and the want of it was severely felt from the captain down to the sailor.  It enabled us to eat our portion of salt meat, of which it corrected the septic quality.  The wish for a speedy release from this nauseous diet now became universal, and our continuance in the high latitudes was disagreeable to all on board.”—­G.F.]

All these considerations induced me to lay aside looking for the French discoveries, and to steer for the Cape of Good Hope; with a resolution, however, of looking for the isles of Denia and Marseveen, which are laid down in Dr Halley’s variation chart in the latitude of 41 deg. 1/2 S., and about 4 deg. of longitude to the east of the meridian of the Cape of Good Hope.  With this view I steered N.E., with a hard gale at N.W. and thick weather; and on the 25th, at noon, we saw the last ice island, being at this time in the latitude of 52 deg. 52’ S., longitude 26 deg. 31’ E.

The wind abating and veering to the south, on the first of March, we steered west, in order to get farther from Mr Bouvet’s track, which was but a few degrees to the east of us, being at this time in the latitude of 46 deg. 44’ S., longitude 33 deg. 20’ E., in which situation we found the variation to be 23 deg. 36’ W. It is somewhat remarkable, that all the time we had northerly winds, which were regular and constant for several days, the weather was always thick and cloudy; but, as soon as they came south of west, it cleared up, and was fine and pleasant.  The barometer began to rise several days before this change happened; but whether on account of it, or our coming northward, cannot be determined.[14]

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[Footnote 14:  It may be worth while preserving here the remark made by Mr Wales.  When off, and in the neighbourhood of Georgia, the cold was much less severe when the wind blew from the south, than when it came from the north.  He assigns no reason for it, and perhaps the observations were too limited to place and time to justify any general inferences.  It may, however, be suggested, with little risk of error, that the northerly wind would be most loaded with moisture, hence the cloudy sort of weather noticed during its continuance; and that, on very well-ascertained principles, moisture is a considerable source of cold.—­E.]

The wind remained not long at south before it veered round by the N.E. to the N.W., blowing fresh and by squalls, attended, as before, with rain and thick misty weather.  We had some intervals of clear weather in the afternoon of the 3d, when we found the variation to be 22 deg. 26’ W.; latitude at this time 45 deg. 8’ S., longitude 30 deg. 50’ E. The following night was very stormy, the wind blew from S.W. and in excessively heavy squalls.  At short intervals between the squalls the wind would fall almost to a calm, and then come on again with such fury, that neither our sails nor rigging could withstand it, several of the sails being split, and a middle stay-sail being wholly lost.  The next morning the gale abated, and we repaired the damage we had sustained in the best manner we could.

On the 8th, being in the latitude of 41 deg. 30’ S., longitude 26 deg. 51’ E., the mercury in the thermometer rose to 61, and we found it necessary to put on lighter clothes.  As the wind continued invariably fixed between N.W. and W., we took every advantage to get to the west, by tacking whenever it shifted any thing in our favour; but as we had a great swell against us, our tacks were rather disadvantageous.  We daily saw albatrosses, peterels, and other oceanic birds; but not the least sign of land.

On the 11th, in the latitude of 40 deg. 40’ S., longitude 23 deg. 47’ E., the variation was 20 deg. 48’ W. About noon the same day the wind shifted suddenly from N.W. to S.W., caused the mercury in the thermometer to fall as suddenly from 62 deg. to 52 deg.; such was the different state of the air, between a northerly and southerly wind.  The next day, having several hours calm, we put a boat in the water, and shot some albatrosses and peterels, which, at this time, were highly acceptable.  We were now nearly in the situation where the isles which we were in search of, are said to lie; however, we saw nothing that could give us the least hope of finding them.

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The calm continued till five o’clock of the next morning, when it was succeeded by a breeze at W. by S., with which we stood to N.N.W., and at noon observed in latitude 38 deg. 51’ S. This was upwards of thirty miles more to the north than our log gave us; and the watch shewed that we had been set to the east also.  If these differences did not arise from some strong current, I know not how to account for them.  Very strong currents have been found on the African coast, between Madagascar and the Cape of Good Hope, but I never heard of their extending so far from the land; nor is it probable they do.  I rather suppose that this current has no connection with that on the coast; and that we happened to fall into some stream which is neither lasting nor regular.  But these are points which require much time to investigate, and must therefore be left to the industry of future navigators.

We were now two degrees to the north of the parallel in which the isles of Denia and Marseveen are said to lie.  We had seen nothing to encourage us to persevere in looking after them, and it must have taken up some time longer to find them, or to prove their non-existence.  Every one was impatient to get into port, and for good reasons:  As for a long time we had had nothing but stale and salt provisions, for which every one on board had lost all relish.  These reasons induced me to yield to the general wish, and to steer for the Cape of Good Hope, being at this time in the latitude of 38 deg. 38’ S., longitude 23 deg. 37’ E.

The next day the observed latitude at noon was only seventeen miles to the north of that given by the log; so that we had either got out of the strength of the current, or it had ceased.

On the 15th the observed latitude at noon, together with the watch, shewed that we had had a strong current setting to the S.W., the contrary direction to what we had experienced on some of the preceding days, as hath been mentioned.[15]

[Footnote 15:  It is highly probable, that both these currents were branches of the equinoctial current, that flows from east to west—­the first, which was farthest off from land, being on the return towards the east; and the second, which was found nearer to the land, having still enough of its original impulse to direct it onwards by the coast to the southern point of Africa, from which it would afterwards be deflected.  Similar circuits are well known to be performed by the equinoctial current, in the Atlantic Ocean, on both sides of the equator.—­E.]

At day-light, on the 16th, we saw two sail in the N.W. quarter standing to the westward, and one of them shewing Dutch colours.  At ten o’clock we tacked and stood to the west also, being at this time in the latitude of 39 deg. 9’ S., longitude 22 deg. 38’ E.

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I now, in pursuance of my instructions, demanded of the officers and petty officers, the log-books and journals they had kept; which were delivered to me accordingly, and sealed up for the inspection of the Admiralty.  I also enjoined them, and the whole crew, not to divulge where we had been, till they had their lordships’ permission so to do.  In the afternoon, the wind veered to the west, and increased to a hard gale, which was of short duration; for, the next day, it fell, and at noon veered to S.E.  At this time we were in the latitude of 34 deg. 49’ S., longitude 22 deg.  E.; and, on sounding, found fifty-six fathoms water.  In the evening we saw the land in the direction of E.N.E. about six leagues distant; and, during the fore-part of the night, there was a great fire or light upon it.

At day-break on the 18th, we saw the land again, bearing N.N.W., six or seven leagues distant, and the depth of water forty-eight fathoms.  At nine o’clock, having little or no wind, we hoisted out a boat, and sent on board one of the two ships before-mentioned, which were about two leagues from us; but we were too impatient after news to regard the distance.  Soon after, a breeze sprung up at west, with which we stood to the south; and, presently, three sail more appeared in sight to windward, one of which shewed English colours.

At one, p.m., the boat returned from on board the Bownkerke Polder, Captain Cornelius Bosch, a Dutch Indiaman from Bengal.  Captain Bosch, very obligingly, offered us sugar, arrack, and whatever he had to spare.  Our people were told by some English seamen on board this ship, that the Adventure had arrived at the Cape of Good Hope twelve months ago, and that the crew of one of her boats had been murdered and eaten by the people of New Zealand; so that the story which we heard in Queen Charlotte’s Sound was now no longer a mystery.

We had light airs next, to a calm till ten o’clock the next morning, when a breeze sprung up at west, and the English ship, which was to windward, bore down to us.  She proved to be the True Briton, Captain Broadly, from China.  As he did not intend to touch at the Cape, I put a letter on board him for the secretary of the Admiralty.

The account which we had heard of the Adventure was now confirmed to us by this ship.  We also got, from on board her, a parcel of old newspapers, which were new to us, and gave us some amusement; but these were the least favours we received from Captain Broadly.  With a generosity peculiar to the commanders of the India Company’s ships, he sent us fresh provisions, tea, and other articles which were very acceptable, and deserve from me this public acknowledgment.  In the afternoon we parted company.  The True Briton stood out to sea, and we in for the land, having a very fresh gale at west, which split our fore top-sail in such a manner, that we were obliged to bring another to the yard.  At six o’clock we tacked within four or five miles of the shore; and, as we judged, about five or six leagues to the east of Cape Aguilas.  We stood off till midnight, when, the wind having veered round to the south, we tacked, and stood along-shore to the west.  The wind kept veering more and more in our favour, and at last fixed at E.S.E.; and blew for some hours a perfect hurricane.

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As soon as the storm began to subside, we made sail, and hauled in for the land.  Next day at noon, the Table Mountain over the Cape Town bore N.E. by E., distant nine or ten leagues.  By making use of this bearing and distance to reduce the longitude shewn by the watch to the Cape Town, the error was found to be no more than 18’ in longitude, which it was too far to the east.  Indeed the difference found between it and the lunar observations, since we left New Zealand, had seldom exceeded half a degree, and always the same way.

The next morning, being with us Wednesday the 22d, but with the people here Tuesday the 21st, we anchored in Table Bay, where we found several Dutch ships; some French; and the Ceres, Captain Newte, an English East India Company’s ship, from China, bound directly to England, by whom I sent a copy of the preceding part of this journal, some charts, and other drawings to the Admiralty.

Before we had well got to an anchor, I dispatched an officer to acquaint the governor with our arrival, and to request the necessary stores and refreshments; which were readily granted.  As soon as the officer came back, we saluted the garrison with thirteen guns, which compliment was immediately returned with an equal number.

I now learnt that the Adventure had called here, on her return; and I found a letter from Captain Furneaux, acquainting me with the loss of his boat, and of ten of his best men, in Queen Charlotte’s Sound.  The captain, afterwards, on my arrival in England, put into my hands a complete narrative of his proceedings, from the time of our second and final separation, which I now lay before the public in the following section.


Captain Furneaux’s Narrative of his Proceedings, in the Adventure, from, the Time he was separated from the Resolution, to his Arrival in England; including Lieutenant Burney’s Report concerning the Boat’s Crew who were murdered by the Inhabitants of Queen Charlottes Sound.

After a passage of fourteen days from Amsterdam, we made the coast of New Zealand near the Table Cape, and stood along-shore till we came as far as Cape Turnagain.  The wind then began to blow strong at west, with heavy squalls and rain, which split many of our sails, and blew us off the coast for three days; in which time we parted company with the Resolution, and never saw her afterwards.

On the 4th of November, we again got in shore, near Cape Palliser, and were visited by a number of the natives in their canoes; bringing a great quantity of cray-fish, which we bought of them for nails and Otaheite cloth.  The next day it blew hard from W.N.W., which again drove us off the coast, and obliged us to bring-to for two days; during which time it blew one continual gale of wind, with heavy falls of sleet.  By this time, our decks were very leaky; our beds and bedding wet; and several of our people complaining of colds; so that we began to despair of ever getting into Charlotte’s Sound, or joining the Resolution.

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On the 6th, being to the north of the cape, the wind at S.W., and blowing strong, we bore away for some bay to complete our water and wood, being in great want of both, having been at the allowance of one quart of water for some days past; and even that pittance could not be come at above six or seven days longer.  We anchored in Tolaga Bay on the 9th, in latitude 38 deg. 21’ S., longitude 178 deg. 31’ east.  It affords good riding with the wind westerly, and regular soundings from eleven to five fathoms, stiff muddy ground across the bay for about two miles.  It is open from N.N.E. to E.S.E.  It is to be observed, easterly winds seldom blow hard on this shore; but when they do, they throw in a great sea, so that if it were not for a great undertow, together with a large river that empties itself in the bottom of the bay, a ship would not be able to ride here.  Wood and water are easily to be had, except when it blows hard easterly.  The natives here are the same as those at Charlotte’s Sound, but more numerous, and seemed settled, having regular plantations of sweet potatoes, and other roots, which are very good; and they have plenty of cray and other fish, which we bought of them for nails, beads, and other trifles, at an easy rate.  In one of their canoes we observed the head of a woman lying in state, adorned with feathers and other ornaments.  It had the appearance of being alive; but, on examination, we found it dry, being preserved with every feature perfect, and kept as the relic of some deceased relation.

Having got about ten tons of water, and some wood, we sailed for Charlotte’s Sound on the 12th.  We were no sooner out than the wind began to blow hard, dead on the shore, so that we could not clear the land on either tack.  This obliged us to bear away again for the bay, where we anchored the next morning, and rode out a very heavy gale of wind at E. by S., which threw in a very great sea.  We now began to fear we should never join the Resolution; having reason to believe she was in Charlotte Sound, and by this time ready for sea.  We soon found it was with great difficulty we could get any water, owing to the swell setting in so strong; at last, however, we were able to go on shore, and got both wood and water.

Whilst we lay here we were employed about the rigging, which was much damaged by the constant gales of wind we had met with since we made the coast.  We got the booms down on the decks, and having made the ship as snug as possible, sailed again on the 16th.  After this we met with several gales of wind off the mouth of the Strait; and continued beating backwards and forwards till the 30th, when we were so fortunate as to get a favourable wind, which we took every advantage of, and at last got safe into our desired port.  We saw nothing of the Resolution, and began to doubt her safety; but on going ashore, we discerned the place where she had erected her tents; and, on an old stump of a tree in the garden, observed these words cut out, “Look underneath.”  There we dug, and soon found a bottle corked and waxed down, with a letter in it from Captain Cook, signifying their arrival on the 3d instant, and departure on the 24th; and that they intended spending a few days in the entrance of the Straits to look for us.

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We immediately set about getting the ship ready for sea as fast as possible; erected our tents; sent the cooper on shore to repair the casks; and began to unstow the hold, to get at the bread that was in butts; but on opening them found a great quantity of it entirely spoiled, and most part so damaged, that we were obliged to fix our copper oven on shore to bake it over again, which undoubtedly delayed us a considerable time.  Whilst we lay here, the inhabitants came on board as before, supplying us with fish, and other things of their own manufacture, which we bought of them for nails, &c. and appeared very friendly, though twice in the middle of the night they came to the tent, with an intention to steal; but were discovered before they could get any thing into their possession.

On the 17th of December, having refitted the ship, completed our water and wood, and got every thing ready for sea, we sent our large cutter, with Mr Rowe, a midshipman, and the boat’s crew, to gather wild greens for the ship’s company; with orders to return that evening, as I intended to sail the next morning.  But on the boat’s not returning the same evening, nor the next morning, being under great uneasiness about her, I hoisted out the launch, and sent her with the second lieutenant, Mr Burney, manned with the boat’s crew and ten marines, in search of her.  My orders to Mr Burney were first, to look well into East Bay, and then to proceed to Grass Cove, the place to which Mr Rowe had been sent; and if he heard nothing of the boat there, to go farther up the sound, and come back along the west shore.  As Mr Rowe had left the ship an hour before the time proposed, and in a great hurry, I was strongly persuaded that his curiosity had carried him into East Bay, none in our ship having ever been there; or else, that some accident had happened to the boat, either by going adrift through the boat-keeper’s negligence, or by being stove among the rocks.  This was almost every body’s opinion; and on this supposition, the carpenter’s mate was sent in the launch, with some sheets of tin.  I had not the least suspicion that our people had received any injury from the natives, our boats having frequently been higher up, and worse provided.  How much I was mistaken, too soon appeared; for Mr Burney having returned about eleven o’clock the same night, made his report of a horrible scene indeed, which cannot be better described than in his own words, which now follow.

“On the 18th, we left the ship; and having a light breeze in our favour, we soon got round Long Island, and within Long Point.  I examined every cove, on the larboard hand, as we went along, looking well all around with a spy-glass, which I took for that purpose.  At half past one, we stopped at a beach on the left-hand side going up East Bay, to boil some victuals, as we brought nothing but raw meat with us.  Whilst we were cooking, I saw an Indian on the opposite shore, running along a beach to the head of the bay.  Our meat being drest, we got into the boat and put off; and, in a short time, arrived at the head of this reach, where we saw an Indian settlement.”

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“As we drew near, some of the Indians came down on the rocks, and waved for us to be gone, but seeing we disregarded them, they altered their notes.  Here we found six large canoes hauled up on the beach, most of them double ones, and a great many people; though not so many as one might expect from the number of houses and size of the canoes.  Leaving the boat’s crew to guard the boat, I stepped ashore with the marines (the corporal and five men), and searched a good many of their houses, but found nothing to give me any suspicion.  Three or four well-beaten paths led farther into the woods, where were many more houses; but the people continuing friendly, I thought it unnecessary to continue our search.  Coming down to the beach, one of the Indians had brought a bundle of Hepatoos (long spears), but seeing I looked very earnestly at him, he put them on the ground, and walked about with seeming unconcern.  Some of the people appearing to be frightened, I gave a looking-glass to one, and a large nail to another.  From this place the bay ran, as nearly as I could guess, N.N.W. a good mile, where it ended in a long sandy beach.  I looked all around with the glass, but saw no boat, canoe, or sign of inhabitant.  I therefore contented myself with firing some guns, which I had done in every cove as I went along.”

“I now kept close to the east shore, and came to another settlement, where the Indians invited us ashore.  I enquired of them about the boat, but they pretended ignorance.  They appeared very friendly here, and sold us some fish.  Within an hour after we left this place, in a small beach adjoining to Grass Cove, we saw a very large double canoe just hauled up, with two men and a dog.  The men, on seeing us, left their canoe, and ran up into the woods.  This gave me reason to suspect I should here get tidings of the cutter.  We went ashore, and searched the canoe, where we found one of the rullock-ports of the cutter, and some shoes, one of which was known to belong to Mr Woodhouse, one of our midshipmen.  One of the people, at the same time, brought me a piece of meat, which he took to be some of the salt meat belonging to the cutter’s crew.  On examining this, and smelling to it, I found it was fresh.  Mr Fannin (the master) who was with me, supposed it was dog’s flesh, and I was of the same opinion; for I still doubted their being cannibals.  But we were soon convinced by most horrid and undeniable proof.”

“A great many baskets (about twenty) lying on the beach, tied up, we cut them open.  Some were full of roasted flesh, and some of fern-root, which serves them for bread.  On, farther search, we found more shoes, and a hand, which we immediately knew to have belonged to Thomas Hill, one of our fore-castle men, it being marked T.H. with an Otaheite tattow-instrument.  I went with some of the people a little way up the woods, but saw nothing else.  Coming down again, there was a round spot covered with fresh earth, about four feet diameter, where something had been buried.  Having no spade, we began to dig with a cutlass; and in the mean time I launched the canoe with intent to destroy her; but seeing a great smoke ascending over the nearest hill, I got all the people into the boat, and made what haste I could to be with them before sun-set.”

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“On opening the next bay, which was Grass Cove, we saw four canoes, one single and three double ones, and a great many people on the beach, who, on our approach; retreated to a small hill, within a ship’s length of the water side, where they stood talking to us.  A large fire was on the top of the high land, beyond the woods, from whence, all the way down the hill, the place was thronged like a fair.  As we came in, I ordered a musquetoon to be fired at one of the canoes, suspecting they might be full of men lying down in the bottom; for they were all afloat, but nobody was seen in them.  The savages on the little hill still kept hallooing, and making signs for us to land.  However, as soon as we got close in, we all fired.  The first volley did not seem to affect them much; but on the second, they began to scramble away as fast as they could, some of them howling.  We continued firing as long as we could see the glimpse of any of them through the bushes.  Amongst the Indians were two very stout men, who never offered to move till they found themselves forsaken by their companions; and then they marched away with great composure and deliberation; their pride not suffering them to run.  One of them, however, got a fall, and either lay there, or crawled off on all-fours.  The other got clear, without any apparent hurt.  I then landed with the marines, and Mr Fannin staid to guard the boat.”

“On the beach were two bundles of celery, which had been gathered for loading the cutter.  A broken oar was stuck upright in the ground, to which the natives had tied their canoes; a proof that the attack had been made here.  I then searched all along at the back of the beach, to see if the cutter was there.  We found no boat, but instead of her, such a shocking scene of carnage and barbarity as can never be mentioned or thought of but with horror; for the heads, hearts, and lungs of several of our people were seen lying on the beach, and, at a little distance, the dogs gnawing their entrails.”

“Whilst we remained almost stupified on the spot, Mr Fannin called to us that he heard the savages gathering together in the woods; on which I returned to the boat, and hauling along-side the canoes, we demolished three of them.  Whilst this was transacting, the fire on the top of the hill disappeared; and we could hear the Indians in the woods at high words; I suppose quarrelling whether or no they should attack us, and try to save their canoes.  It now grew dark; I therefore just stepped out, and looked once more behind the beach to see if the cutter had been hauled up in the bushes; but seeing nothing of her, returned, and put off.  Our whole force would have been barely sufficient to have gone up the hill; and to have ventured with half (for half must have been left to guard the boat) would have been fool-hardiness.”

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“As we opened the upper part of the sound, we saw a very large fire about three or four miles higher up, which formed a complete oval, reaching from the top of the hill down almost to the water-side, the middle space being inclosed all round by the fire, like a hedge.  I consulted with Mr Fannin, and we were both of opinion that we could expect to reap no other advantage than the poor satisfaction of killing some more of the savages.  At leaving Grass Cove, we had fired a general volley towards where we heard the Indians talking; but, by going in and out of the boat, the arms had got wet, and four pieces missed fire.  What was still worse, it began to rain; our ammunition was more than, half expended, and we left six large canoes behind us in one place.  With so many disadvantages, I did not think it worth while to proceed, where nothing could be hoped for but revenge.”

“Coming between two round islands, situated to the southward of East Bay, we imagined we heard somebody calling; we lay on our oars, and listened, but heard no more of it; we hallooed several times, but to little purpose; the poor souls were far enough out of hearing, and, indeed, I think it some comfort to reflect, that in all probability every man of them must have been killed on the spot.”

Thus far Mr Burney’s report; and to complete the account of this tragical transaction, it may not be unnecessary to mention, that the people in the cutter were Mr Rowe, Mr Woodhouse, Francis Murphy, quarter-master; William Facey, Thomas Hill, Michael Bell, and Edward Jones, fore-castle men; John Cavanaugh, and Thomas Milton, belonging to the after-guard; and James Sevilley, the captain’s man, being ten in all.  Most of these were of our very best seamen, the stoutest and most healthy people in the ship.  Mr Burney’s party brought on board two hands, one belonging to Mr Rowe, known by a hurt he had received on it; the other to Thomas Hill, as before-mentioned; and the head of the captain’s servant.  These, with more of the remains, were tied in a hammock, and thrown over-board, with ballast and shot sufficient to sink it.  None of their arms nor cloaths were found, except part of a pair of trowsers, a frock, and six shoes, no two of them being fellows.

I am not inclined to think this was any premeditated plan of these savages; for, the morning Mr Rowe left the ship, he met two canoes, which came down and staid all the fore-noon in Ship Cove.  It might probably happen from some quarrel which was decided on the spot, or the fairness of the opportunity might tempt them, our people being so incautious, and thinking themselves too secure.  Another thing which encouraged the New Zealanders, was, they were sensible that a gun was not infallible, that they sometimes missed, and that, when discharged, they must be loaded before they could be used again, which time they knew how to take advantage of.  After their success, I imagine there was a general meeting on the east side of the sound.  The Indians of Shag Cove were there; this we knew by a cock which was in one of the canoes, and by a long single canoe, which some of our people had seen four days before in Shag Cove, where they had been with Mr Rowe in the cutter.

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We were detained in the Sound by contrary winds four days after this melancholy affair happened, during which time we saw none of the inhabitants.  What is very remarkable, I had been several times up in the same cove with Captain Cook, and never saw the least sign of an inhabitant, except some deserted towns, which appeared as if they had not been occupied for several years; and yet, when Mr Burney entered the cove, he was of opinion there could not be less than fifteen hundred or two thousand people.  I doubt not, had they been apprized of his coming, they would have attacked him.  From these considerations, I thought it imprudent to send a boat up again; as we were convinced there was not the least probability of any of our people being alive.

On the 23d, we weighed and made sail out of the Sound, and stood to the eastward to get clear of the straits; which we accomplished the same evening, but were baffled for two or three days with light winds, before we could clear the coast.  We then stood to the S.S.E. till we got into the latitude of 56 deg. south, without any thing remarkable happening, having a great swell from the southward.  At this time the wind began to blow strong from the S.W., and the weather to be very cold; and as the ship was low and deep laden, the sea made a continual breach over her, which kept us always wet; and by her straining, very few of the people were dry in bed or on deck, having no shelter to keep the sea from them.

The birds were the only companions we had in this vast ocean, except, now and then, we saw a whale or porpoise; and sometimes a seal or two, and a few penguins.  In the latitude of 58 deg.  S., longitude 213 deg.[16] east, we fell in with some ice, and, every day, saw more or less, we then standing to the east.  We found a very strong current setting to the eastward; for by the time we were abreast of Cape Horn, being in the latitude of 61 deg.  S., the ship was a-head of our account eight degrees.  We were very little more than a month from Cape Palliser in New Zealand to Cape Horn, which is an hundred and twenty-one degrees of longitude, and had continual westerly winds from S.W. to N.W., with a great sea following.

[Footnote 16:  About 147 west longitude, as I reckon.]

On opening some casks of pease and flour, that had been stowed on the coals, we found them very much damaged, and not eatable; so thought it most prudent to make for the Cape of Good Hope, but first to stand into the latitude and longitude of Cape Circumcision.  After being to the eastward of Cape Horn, we found the winds did not blow so strong from the westward as usual, but came more from the north, which brought on thick foggy weather; so that for several days together we could not be able to get an observation, or see the least sign of the sun.  This weather lasted above a month, being then among a great many islands of ice, which kept us constantly on the look-out, for fear of running foul of them, and, being a single ship, made us more attentive.  By this time our people began to complain of colds and pains in their limbs, which obliged me to haul to the northward to the latitude of 54 deg.  S.; but we still continued to have the same sort of weather, though we had oftener an opportunity of obtaining observations for the latitude.

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After getting into the latitude above-mentioned, I steered to the east, in order, if possible, to find the land laid down by Bouvet.  As we advanced to the east, the islands of ice became more numerous and dangerous; they being much smaller than they used to be; and the nights began to be dark.

On the 3d of March, being then in the latitude of 54 deg. 4’ S., longitude 13 deg.  E., which is the latitude of Bouvet’s discovery, and half a degree to the eastward of it, and not seeing the least sign of land, either now or since we have been in this parallel, I gave over looking for it, and hauled away to the northward.  As our last track to the southward was within a few degrees of Bouvet’s discovery in the longitude assigned to it, and about three or four degrees to the southward, should there be any land thereabout, it must be a very inconsiderable island.  But I believe it was nothing but ice:  As we, in our first setting out, thought we had seen land several times, but it proved to be high islands of ice at the back of the large fields; and as it was thick foggy weather when Mr Bouvet fell in with it, he might very easily mistake them for land.

On the seventh, being in the latitude of 48 deg. 30’ S., longitude 14 deg. 26’ E., saw two large islands of ice.

On the 17th, made the land of the Cape of Good Hope, and on the 19th anchored in Table Bay, where we found Commodore Sir Edward Hughes, with his majesty’s ships Salisbury and Sea-horse.  I saluted the commodore with, thirteen guns; and, soon after, the garrison with the same number; the former returned the salute, as usual, with two guns less, and the latter with an equal number.

On the 24th, Sir Edward Hughes sailed with the Salisbury and Sea-horse, for the East Indies; but I remained refitting the ship and refreshing the people till the 16th of April, when I sailed for England, and on the 14th of July anchored at Spithead.


Transactions at the Cape of Good Hope; with an Account of some Discoveries made by the French; and the Arrival of the Ship at St Helena.

I now resume my own Journal, which Captain Furneaux’s interesting narrative, in the preceding section, had obliged me to suspend.

The day after my arrival at the Cape of Good Hope, I went on shore, and waited on the Governor, Baron Plettenberg, and other principal officers, who received, and, treated us, with the greatest politeness, contributing all in their power to make it agreeable.  And, as there are few people more obliging to strangers than the Dutch in general, at this place, and refreshments of all kinds are no where to be got in such abundance, we enjoyed some real repose, after the fatigues of a long voyage.

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The good treatment which strangers meet with at the Cape of Good Hope, and the necessity of breathing a little fresh air, has introduced a custom, not common any where else (at least I have no where seen it so strictly observed), which is, for all the officers, who can be spared out of the ship, to reside on shore.  We followed this custom.  Myself, the two Mr Forsters, and Mr Sparrman, took up our abode with Mr Brandt, a gentleman well known to the English, by his obliging readiness to serve them.  My first care, after my arrival, was to procure fresh-baked bread, fresh meat, greens, and wine, for those who remained on board; and being provided, every day during our stay, with these articles, they were soon restored to their usual strength.  We had only three men on board whom it was thought necessary to send on shore for the recovery of their health; and for these I procured quarters, at the rate of thirty stivers, or half-a-crown, per day, for which they were provided with victuals, drink, and lodging.

We now went to work to supply all our defects.  For this purpose, by permission, we erected a tent on shore, to which we sent our casks and sails to be repaired.  We also struck the yards and topmasts, in order to overhaul the rigging, which we found in so bad a condition, that almost every thing, except the standing rigging, was obliged to be replaced with new, and that was purchased at a most exorbitant price.  In the article of naval stores, the Dutch here, as well as at Batavia, take a shameful advantage of the distress of foreigners.

That our rigging, sails, &c. should be worn out, will not be wondered at, when it is known, that during this circumnavigation of the globe, that is, from our leaving this place to our return to it again, we had sailed no less than twenty thousand leagues; an extent of voyage nearly equal to three times the equatorial circumference of the earth, and which, I apprehend, was never sailed by any ship in the same space of time before.  And yet, in all this great run, which had been made in all latitudes between 9 deg. and 71, we sprung neither low-masts, top-mast, lower, nor top-sail yard, nor so much as broke a lower or top-mast shroud; which, with the great care and abilities of my officers, must be owing to the good properties of our ship.

One of the French ships which were at anchor in the bay, was the Ajax Indiaman, bound to Pondicherry, commanded by Captain Crozet.  He had been second in command with Captain Marion, who sailed from this place with two ships, in March 1772, as hath been already mentioned.  Instead of going from hence to America, as was said, he stood away for New Zealand; where, in the Bay of Isles, he and some of his people were killed by the inhabitants.  Captain Crozet, who succeeded to the command, returned by the way of the Phillipine Isles, with the two ships, to the island of Mauritius.  He seemed to be a man possessed of the true spirit of discovery, and to have abilities.  In a very obliging manner he communicated to me a chart, wherein were delineated not only his own discoveries, but also that of Captain Kerguelen, which I found laid down in the very situation where we searched for it; so that I can by no means conceive how both we and the Adventure missed it.

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Besides this land, which Captain Crozet told us was a long but very narrow island, extending east and west, Captain Marion, in about the latitude of 48 deg. south, and from 16 deg. to 30 deg. of longitude east of the Cape of Good Hope, discovered six islands, which were high and barren.  These, together with some islands lying between the Line and the southern tropic in the Pacific Ocean, were the principal discoveries made in this voyage, the account of which, we were told, was ready for publication.

By Captain Crozet’s chart it appeared, that a voyage had been made by the French across the South Pacific Ocean in 1769, under the command of one Captain Surville; who, on condition of his attempting discoveries, had obtained leave to make a trading voyage to the coast of Peru.  He fitted out, and took in a cargo, in some part of the East Indies; proceeded by way of the Phillipine Isles; passed near New Britain; and discovered some land in the latitude of 10 deg.  S., longitude 158 deg. east, to which he gave his own name.  From hence he steered to the south; passed, but a few degrees, to the west of New Caledonia; fell in with New Zealand at its northern extremity, and put into Doubtful Bay; where, it seems, he was, when I passed it, on my former voyage in the Endeavour.  From New Zealand Captain Surville steered to the east, between the latitude of 35 deg. and 41 deg. south, until he arrived on the coast of America; where, in the port of Callao, in attempting to land, he was drowned.

These voyages of the French, though undertaken by private adventurers, have contributed something towards exploring the Southern Ocean.  That of Captain Surville clears up a mistake which I was led into, in imagining the shoals off the west end of New Caledonia, to extend to the west as far as New Holland; it proves that there is an open sea in that space, and that we saw the N.W. extremity of that country.

From the same gentleman, we learnt, that the ship which had been at Otaheite before our first arrival there this voyage, was from New Spain; and that, in her return, she had discovered some islands in the latitude of 32 deg.  S., and under the meridian of 130 deg.  W. Some other islands, said to be discovered by the Spaniards, appeared on this chart; but Captain Crozet seemed to think they were inserted from no good authorities.

We were likewise informed of a later voyage undertaken by the French, under the command of Captain Kerguelen, which had ended much to the disgrace of that commander.

While we lay in Table Bay, several foreign ships put in and out, bound to and from India, viz.  English, French, Danes, Swedes, and three Spanish frigates, two of them going to, and one coming from Manilla.  It is but very lately that the Spanish ships have touched here; and these were the first that were allowed the same privileges as other European friendly nations.

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On examining our rudder, the pintles were found to be loose, and we were obliged to unhang it, and take it on shore to repair.  We were also delayed for want of caulkers to caulk the ship, which was absolutely necessary to be done before we put to sea.  At length I obtained two workmen from one of the Dutch ships; and the Dutton English East Indiaman coming in from Bengal, Captain Rice obliged me with two more; so that by the 26th of April this work was finished:  And having got on board all necessary stores, and a fresh supply of provisions and water, we took leave of the governor and other principal officers, and the next morning repaired on board.  Soon after the wind coming fair, we weighed and put to sea; as did also the Spanish frigate Juno, from Manilla, a Danish Indiaman, and the Dutton.

As soon as we were under sail, we saluted the garrison with thirteen guns; which compliment was immediately returned with the same number.  The Spanish frigate and Danish Indiaman both saluted us as we passed them, and I returned each salute with an equal number of guns.  When we were clear of the bay the Danish ship steered for the East Indies, the Spanish frigate for Europe, and we and the Dutton for St Helena.

Depending on the goodness of Mr Kendall’s watch, I resolved to try to make the island by a direct course.  For the first six days, that is, till we got into the latitude of 27 deg.  S., longitude 11 deg. 1/2 W. of the cape, the winds were southerly and S.E.  After this we had variable light airs for two days; they were succeeded by a wind at S.E. which continued to the island, except a part of one day, when it was at N.E.  In general the wind blew faint all the passage, which made it longer than common.

At day-break in the morning of the 15th of May, we saw the island of St Helena at the distance of fourteen leagues; and at midnight anchored in the road before the town, on the N.W. side of the island.  At sun-rise the next morning, the castle, and also the Dutton, saluted us, each with thirteen guns; on my landing, soon after, I was saluted by the castle with the same number, and each of the salutes was returned by the ship.

Governor Skettowe and the principal gentlemen of the island, received and treated me, during my stay, with the greatest politeness; by shewing me every kind of civility in their power.

Whoever views St Helena in its present state, and can but conceive what it must have been originally, will not hastily charge the inhabitants with want of industry.  Though, perhaps, they might apply it to more advantage, were more land appropriated to planting of corn, vegetables, roots, &c. instead of being laid out in pasture, which is the present mode.  But this is not likely to happen, so long as the greatest part of it remains in the hands of the company and their servants.  Without industrious planters, this island can never flourish, and be in a condition to supply the shipping with the necessary refreshments.

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Within these three years a new church has been built; some other new buildings were in hand; a commodious landing-place for boats has been made; and several other improvements, which add both strength and beauty to the place.

During our stay here, we finished some necessary repairs of the ship, which we had not time to do at the Cape.  We also filled all our empty water-casks; and the crew were served with fresh beef, purchased at five-pence per pound.  Their beef is exceedingly good, and is the only refreshment to be had worth mentioning.

By a series of observations made at the Cape town, and at James Fort in St Helena, at the former by Messrs Mason and Dixon, and at the latter by Mr Maskelyne, the astronomer royal, the difference of longitude between these two places is 24 deg. 12’ 15”, only two miles more than Mr Kendall’s watch made.  The lunar observations made by Mr Wales, before we arrived at the island, and after we left it, and reduced to it by the watch, gave 5 deg. 51’ for the longitude of James Fort; which is only five miles more west than it is placed by Mr Maskelyne.  In like manner the longitude of the Cape Town was found within 5’ of the truth.  I mention this to shew how near the longitude of places may be found by the lunar method, even at sea, with the assistance of a good watch.[17]

[Footnote 17:  Mr G.F. has communicated several very interesting particulars respecting St Helena, but it is not judged proper to insert them in this place, as having no connection with the purposes of the voyage.  A similar remark is applicable to some of the subjects mentioned in the following section.  Another opportunity may, perhaps, present of giving full information on these topics.—­E.]


Passage from St Helena to the Western Islands, with a Description of the Island of Ascension and Fernando Noronha.

On the 21st in the evening, I took leave of the governor, and repaired on board.  Upon my leaving the shore, I was saluted with thirteen guns; and upon my getting under sail, with the Dutton in company, I was saluted with thirteen more; both of which I returned.

After leaving St Helena, the Dutton was ordered to steer N.W. by W. or N.W. by compass, in order to avoid falling in with Ascension; at which island, it was said, an illicit trade was carried on between the officers of the India Company’s ships, and some vessels from North America, who, of late years, had frequented the island on pretence of fishing whales or catching turtle, when their real design was to wait the coming of the India ships.  In order to prevent their homeward-bound ships from falling in with these smugglers, and to put a stop to this illicit trade, the Dutton was ordered to steer the course above-mentioned, till to the northward of Ascension.  I kept company with this ship till the 24th, when, after putting a packet on board her for the Admiralty, we parted:  She continuing her course to the N.W., and I steering for Ascension.

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In the morning of the 28th I made the island; and the same evening anchored in Cross Bay on the N.W. side, in ten fathoms water, the bottom a fine sand, and half a mile from the shore.  The Cross Hill, so called on account of a cross, or flag-staff erected upon it, bore by compass S. 38 deg.  E.; and the two extreme points of the bay extended from N.E. to S.W.  We remained here till the evening of the 31st, and notwithstanding we had several parties out every night, we got but twenty-four turtle, it being rather too late in the season; however, as they weighed between four or five hundred pounds each, we thought ourselves not ill off.  We might have had a plentiful supply of fish in general, especially of that sort called Old Wives, of which I have no where seen such abundance.  There were also cavalies, conger eels, and various other sorts; but the catching of any of these was not attended to, the object being turtle.  There are abundance of goats, and aquatic birds, such as men-of-war and tropic birds, boobies, &c.

The island of Ascension is about ten miles in length, in the direction of N.W. and S.E., and about five or six in breadth.  It shews a surface composed of barren hills and vallies, on the most of which not a shrub or plant is to be seen for several miles, and where we found nothing but stones and sand, or rather flags and ashes; an indubitable sign that the isle, at some remote time, has been destroyed by a volcano, which has thrown up vast heaps of stones, and even hills.  Between these heaps of stones we found a smooth even surface, composed of ashes and sand, and very good travelling upon it; but one may as easily walk over broken glass bottles as over the stones.  If the foot deceives you, you are sure to be cut or lamed, which happened to some of our people.  A high mountain at the S.E. end of the isle seems to be left in its original state, and to have escaped the general destruction.  Its soil is a kind of white marl, which yet retains its vegetative qualities, and produceth a kind of purslain, spurge, and one or two grasses.  On these the goats subsist, and it is at this part of the isle where they are to be found, as also land-crabs, which are said to be very good.

I was told, that about this part of the isle is some very good land on which might be raised many necessary articles; and some have been at the trouble of sowing turnips and other useful vegetables.  I was also told there is a fine spring in a valley which disjoins two hills on the top of the mountain above-mentioned; besides great quantities of fresh water in holes in the rocks, which the person who gave me this information, believed was collected from rains.  But these supplies of water can only be of use to the traveller; or to those who may be so unfortunate as to be shipwrecked on the island; which seems to have been the fate of some not long ago, as appeared by the remains of a wreck we found on the N.E. side.  By what we could judge, she seemed to have been a vessel of about one hundred and fifty tons burthen.

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While we lay in the road, a sloop of about seventy tons burthen came to an anchor by us.  She belonged to New York, which place she left in February, and having been to the coast of Guinea with a cargo of goods, was come here to take in turtle to carry to Barbadoes.  This was the story which the master, whose name was Greves, was pleased to tell, and which may, in part, be true.  But I believe the chief view of his coming here, was the expectation of meeting with some of the India ships.  He had been in the island near a week, and had got on board twenty turtle.  A sloop, belonging to Bermuda, had sailed but a few days before with one hundred and five on board, which was as many as she could take in; but having turned several more on the different sandy beaches, they had ripped open their bellies, taken out the eggs, and left their carcasses to putrify; an act as inhuman as injurious to those who came after them.  Part of the account I have given of the interior parts of this island I received from Captain Greves, who seemed to be a sensible intelligent man, and had been all over it.  He sailed in the morning of the same day we did.

Turtle, I am told, are to be found at this isle from January to June.  The method of catching them is to have people upon the several sandy bays, to watch their coming on shore to lay their eggs, which is always in the night, and then to turn them on their backs, till there be an opportunity to take them off the next day.  It was recommended to us to send a good many men to each beach, where they were to lie quiet till the turtle were ashore, and then rise and turn them at once.  This method may be the best when the turtle are numerous; but when there are but few, three or four men are sufficient for the largest beach; and if they keep patroling it, close to the wash of the surf, during the night, by this method they will see all that come ashore, and cause less noise than if there were more of them.  It was by this method we caught the most we got; and this is the method by which the Americans take them.  Nothing is more certain, than that all the turtle which are found about this island, come here for the sole purpose of laying their eggs; for we met with none but females; and of all those which we caught, not one had any food worth mentioning in its stomach; a sure sign, in my opinion, that they must have been a long time without any; and this may be the reason why the flesh of them is not so good as some I have eat on the coast of New South Wales, which were caught on the spot where they fed.

The watch made 8 deg. 45’ difference of longitude between St Helena and Ascension; which, added to 5 deg. 49’ the longitude of James Fort in St Helena, gives 14 deg. 34’ for the longitude of the Road of Ascension, or 14 deg. 30’ for the middle of the island, the latitude of which is 8 deg.  S. The lunar observations made by Mr Wales, and reduced to the same point of the island by the watch, gave 14 deg. 28’ 30” west longitude.

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On the 31st of May, we left Ascension, and steered to the northward with a fine gale at S.E. by E. I had a great desire to visit the island of St Matthew, to settle its situation; but as I found the wind would not let me fetch it, I steered for the island of Fernando de Noronha on the coast of Brazil, in order to determine its longitude, as I could not find this had yet been done.  Perhaps I should have performed a more acceptable service to navigation, if I had gone in search of the island of St Paul, and those shoals which are said to lie near the equator, and about the meridian of 20 deg.  W.; as neither their situation nor existence are well known.  The truth is, I was unwilling to prolong the passage in searching for what I was not sure to find; nor was I willing to give up every object, which might tend to the improvement of navigation or geography, for the sake of getting home a week or a fortnight sooner.  It is but seldom that opportunities of this kind offer; and when they do, they are too often neglected.

In our passage to Fernando de Noronha, we had steady fresh gales between the S.E. and E.S.E., attended with fair and clear weather; and as we had the advantage of the moon, a day or night did not pass without making lunar observations for determining our longitude.  In this run, the variation of the compass gradually decreased from 11 deg.  W., which it was at Ascension., to 1 deg.  W., which we found off Fernando de Noronha.  This was the mean result of two compasses, one of which gave 1 deg. 37’, and the other 23’ W.

On the 9th of June at noon we made the island of Fernando de Noronha, bearing S.W. by W. 1/2 W., distant six or seven leagues, as we afterwards found by the log.  It appeared in detached and peaked hills, the largest of which looked like a church tower or steeple.  As we drew near the S.E. part of the isle, we perceived several unconnected sunken rocks lying near a league from the shore, on which the sea broke in a great surf.  After standing very near these rocks, we hoisted our colours, and then bore up round the north end of the isle, or rather round a group of little islets; for we could see that the land was divided by narrow channels.  There is a strong fort on the one next the main island, where there are several others; all of which seemed to have every advantage that nature can give them, and they are so disposed, as wholly to command all the anchoring and landing-places about the island.  We continued to steer round the northern point, till the sandy beaches (before which is the road for shipping) began to appear, and the forts and the peaked hills were open to the westward of the said point.  At this time, on a gun being fired from one of the forts, the Portuguese colours were displayed, and the example was followed by all the other forts.  As the purpose for which I made the island was now answered, I had no intention to anchor; and therefore, after firing a gun to leeward, we made sail and stood away to the northward with a fine fresh gale at E.S.E.  The peaked hill or church tower bore S., 27 deg.  W., distant about four or five miles; and from this point of view it leans, or overhangs, to the east.  This hill is nearly in the middle of the island, which no where exceeds two leagues in extent, and shews a hilly unequal surface, mostly covered with wood and herbage.

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Ulloa says, “This island hath two harbours capable of receiving ships of the greatest burden; one is on the north side, and the other is on the N.W.  The former is, in every respect, the principal, both for shelter and capacity, and the goodness of its bottom; but both are exposed to the north and west, though these winds, particularly the north, are periodical, and of no long continuance.”  He further says, “That you anchor in the north harbour (which is no more than what I would call a road) to thirteen fathoms water, one-third of a league from shore, bottom of fine sand; the peaked hill above-mentioned bearing S.W. 2 deg. southerly."[18]

[Footnote 18:  See Don Antonio d’Ulloa’s Book, vol. ii. chap. 3. page 95 to 102, where there is a very particular account of this island.]

This road seems to be well sheltered from the south and east winds.  One of my seamen had been on board a Dutch India ship, who put in at this isle in her way out in 1770.  They were very sickly, and in want of refreshments and water.  The Portuguese supplied them with some buffaloes and fowls; and they watered behind one of the beaches in a little pool, which was hardly big enough to dip a bucket in.  By reducing the observed latitude at noon to the peaked hill, its latitude will be 3 deg. 53’ S.; and its longitude, by the watch, carried on from St Helena, is 32 deg. 34’ W.; and by observations of the sun and moon, made before and after we made the Isle, and reduced to it by the watch, 32 deg. 44’ 30” W. This was the mean result of my observations.  The results of those made by Mr Wales, which were more numerous, gave 32 deg. 23’.  The mean of the two will be pretty near the watch, and probably nearest the truth.  By knowing the longitude of this isle, we are able to determine that of the adjacent east coast of Brazil; which, according to the modern charts, lies about sixty or seventy leagues more to the west.  We might very safely have trusted to these charts, especially the variation chart for 1744, and Mr Dalrymple’s of the southern Atlantic ocean.[19]

[Footnote 19:  Ulloa says, that the chart places this island sixty leagues from the coast of Brazil; and that the Portuguese pilots, who often make the voyage, judge it to be eighty leagues; but, by taking the mean between the two opinions, the distance may be fixed at seventy leagues.]

On the 11th, at three o’clock in the afternoon, we crossed the equator in the longitude of 32 deg. 14’ W. We had fresh gales at E.S.E., blowing in squalls, attended by showers of rain, that continued at certain intervals, till noon the next day, after which we had twenty-four hours fair weather.

At noon on the 13th, being in the latitude of 3 deg. 49’ N., longitude 31 deg. 47’ W., the wind became variable, between the N.E. and S.; and we had light airs and squalls by turns, attended by hard showers of rain, and for the most part dark gloomy weather, which continued till the evening of the 15th, when, in the latitude of 5 deg. 47’ N., longitude 31 deg.  W., we had three calm days, in which time we did not advance above ten or twelve leagues to the north.  We had fair weather and rain by turns; the sky, for the most part, being obscured, and sometimes by heavy dense clouds which broke in excessive hard showers.

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At seven o’clock in the evening on the 18th, the calm was succeeded by a breeze at east, which the next day increasing and veering to and fixing at N.E., we stretched to N.W. with our tacks on board.  We made no doubt that we had now got the N.E. trade-wind, as it was attended with fair weather, except now and then some light showers of rain; and as we advanced to the north the wind increased, and blew a fresh top-gallant gale.

On the 21st, I ordered the still to be fitted to the largest copper, which held about sixty-four gallons.  The fire was lighted at four o’clock in the morning, and at six the still began to run.  It was continued till six o’clock in the evening; in which time we obtained thirty-two gallons of fresh water, at the expence of one bushel and a half of coals; which was about three-fourths of a bushel more than was necessary to have boiled the ship’s company’s victuals only; but the expence of fuel was no object with me.  The victuals were dressed in the small copper, the other being applied wholly to the still; and every method was made use of to obtain from it the greatest quantity of fresh water possible; as this was my sole motive for setting it to work.  The mercury in the thermometer at noon was eighty-four and a half, and higher it is seldom found at sea.  Had it been lower, more water, under the same circumstances, would undoubtedly have been produced; for the colder the air is, the cooler you can keep the still, which will condense the steam the faster.  Upon the whole, this is an useful invention; but I would advise no man to trust wholly to it.  For although you may, provided you have plenty of fuel and good coppers, obtain as much water as will support life, you cannot, with all your efforts, obtain sufficient to support health, in hot climates especially, where it is the most wanting:  For I am well convinced, that nothing contributes more to the health of seamen, than having plenty of water.

The wind now remained invariably fixed at N.E. and E.N.E., and blew fresh with squalls, attended with showers of rain, and the sky for the most part cloudy.  On the 25th, in the latitude of 16 deg. 12’ N., longitude 37 deg. 20’ W., seeing a ship to windward steering down upon us, we shortened sail in order to speak with her; but finding she was Dutch by her colours, we made sail again and left her to pursue her course, which we supposed was to some of the Dutch settlements in the West Indies.  In the latitude of 20 deg.  N., longitude 39 deg. 45’ W., the wind began to veer to E. by N. and E.; but the weather remained the same; that is, we continued to have it clear and cloudy by turns, with light squalls and showers.  Our track was between N.W. by N. and N.N.W., till noon on the 28th, after which our course made good was N. by W., being at this time in the latitude of 21 deg. 21’ N., longitude 40 deg. 6’ W. Afterwards, the wind began to blow a little more steady, and was attended with fair and clear weather.  At two o’clock in the morning of the 30th, being in the latitude of 24 deg. 20’ N., longitude 40 deg. 47’ W., a ship, steering to the westward, passed us within hail.  We judged her to be English, as they answered us in that language; but we could not understand what they said, and they were presently out of sight.

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In the latitude of 29 deg. 30’, longitude 41 deg. 30’, the wind slackened and veered more to the S.E.  We now began to see some of that sea-plant, which is commonly called gulph-weed, from a supposition that it comes from the Gulph of Florida.  Indeed, for aught I know to the contrary, it may be a fact; but it seems not necessary, as it is certainly a plant which vegetates at sea.  We continued to see it, but always in small pieces, till we reached the latitude 36 deg., longitude 39 deg.  W., beyond which situation no more appeared.

On the 5th of July, in the latitude of 22 deg. 31’ 30” N., longitude 40 deg. 29’ W., the wind veered to the east, and blew very faint:  The next day it was calm; the two following days we had variable light airs and calms by turns; and, at length, on the 9th, having fixed at S.S.W., it increased to a fresh gale, with which we steered first N.E. and then E.N.E., with a view of making some of the Azores, or Western Isles.  On the 11th, in the latitude of 36 deg. 45’ N., longitude 36 deg. 45’ W., we saw a sail which was steering to the west; and the next day we saw three more.


Arrival of the Ship at the Island of Fayal, a Description of the Place, and the Return of the Resolution to England.

At five o’clock in the evening of the 13th, we made the island of Fayal, one of the Azores, and soon after that of Pico, under which we spent the night in making short boards.  At day-break the next morning, we bore away for the bay of Fayal, or De Horta, where at eight o’clock, we anchored in twenty fathoms water, a clear sandy bottom, and something more than half a mile from the shore.  Here we moored N.E. and S.W., being directed so to do by the master of the port, who came on board before we dropped anchor.  When moored, the S.W. point of the bay bore S. 16 deg.  W., and the N.E. point N. 33 deg.  E.; the church at the N.E. end of the town N. 38 deg.  W., the west point of St George’s Island N. 42 deg.  E., distant eight leagues; and the isle of Pico, extending from N. 74 deg.  E. to S. 46 deg.  E., distant four or five miles.

We found in the bay the Pourvoyeur, a large French frigate, an American sloop, and a brig belonging to the place.  She had come last from the river Amazon, where she took in a cargo of provision from the Cape Verd Islands; but, not being able to find them, she steered for this place, where she anchored about half an hour before us.

As my sole design in stopping here was to give Mr Wales an opportunity to find the rate of the watch, the better to enable us to fix with some degree of certainty the longitude of these islands, the moment we anchored, I sent an officer to wait on the English consul, and to notify our arrival to the governor, requesting his permission for Mr Wales to make observations on shore, for the purpose above mentioned.  Mr Dent, who acted as consul in the absence of Mr Gathorne, not only procured this permission, but accommodated Mr Wales with a convenient place in his garden to set up his instruments; so that he was enabled to observe equal altitudes the same day.

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We were not more obliged to Mr Dent for the very friendly readiness he shewed in procuring us this and every other thing we wanted, than for the very liberal and hospitable entertainment we met with at his house, which was open to accommodate us both night and day.

During our stay, the ship’s company was served with fresh beef; and we took on board about fifteen tons of water, which we brought off in the country boats, at the rate of about three shillings per ton.  Ships are allowed to water with their own boats; but the many inconveniencies attending it, more than overbalance the expence of hiring shore-boats, which is the most general custom.

Fresh provisions for present use may be got, such as beef, vegetables, and fruit; and hogs, sheep, and poultry for sea stock, all at a pretty reasonable price; but I do not know that any sea-provisions are to be had, except wine.  The bullocks and hogs are very good, but the sheep are small and wretchedly poor.

The principal produce of Fayal is wheat and Indian corn, with which they supply Pico and some of the other isles.  The chief town is called Villa de Horta.  It is situated in the bottom of the bay, close to the edge of the sea, and is defended by two castles, one at each end of the town, and a wall of stone-work, extending along the sea-shore from the one to the other.  But these works are suffered to go to decay, and serve more for shew than strength.  They heighten the prospect of the city, which makes a fine appearance from the road; but, if we except the Jesuits’ college, the monasteries and churches, there is not another building that has any thing to recommend it, either outside or in.  There is not a glass window in the place, except what are in the churches, and in a country-house which lately belonged to the English consul; all the others being latticed, which, to an Englishman, makes them look like prisons.

This little city, like all others belonging to the Portuguese, is crowded with religious buildings, there being no less than three convents of men and two of women, and eight churches, including those belonging to the convents, and the one in the Jesuits’ college.  This college is a fine structure, and is situated on an elevation in the pleasantest part of the city.  Since the expulsion of that order, it has been suffered to go to decay, and will probably, in a few years, be no better than a heap of ruins.

Fayal, although the most noted for wines, does not raise sufficient for its own consumption.  This article is raised on Pico, where there is no road for shipping; but being brought to De Horta, and from thence shipped abroad, chiefly to America, it has acquired the name of Fayal Wine.

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The bay, or road of Fayal, is situated at the east end of the isle, before the Villa de Horta, and facing the west end of Pico.  It is two miles broad, and three quarters of a mile deep, and hath a semi-circular form.  The depth of water is from twenty to ten and even six fathoms, a sandy bottom, except near the shore, and particularly near the S.W. head, off which the bottom is rocky, also without the line which joins the two points of the bay, so that it is not safe to anchor far out.  The bearing before mentioned, taken when at anchor, will direct any one to the best ground.  It is by no means a bad road, but the winds most to be apprehended, are those which blow from between the S.S.W. and S.E.; the former is not so dangerous as the latter, because, with it, you can always get to sea.  Besides this road, there is a small cove round the S.W. point, called Porto Pierre, in which, I am told, a ship or two may lie in tolerable safety, and where they sometimes heave small vessels down.

A Portuguese captain told me, that about half a league from the road in the direction of S.E., in a line between it and the south side of Pico, lies a sunken rock, over which is twenty-two feet water, and on which the sea breaks in hard gales from the south.  He also assured me, that of all the shoals that are laid down in our charts and pilot-books about these isles, not one has any existence but the one between the islands of St Michael and St Mary, called Hormingan.  This account may be believed, without relying entirely upon it.  He further informed me, that it is forty-five leagues from Fayal to the island of Flores; and that there runs a strong tide between Fayal and Pico, the flood setting to the N.E. and the ebb to the S.W., but that, out at sea, the direction is E. and W. Mr Wales having observed the times of high and low water by the shore, concluded that it must be high water at the full and change, about twelve o’clock, and the water riseth about four or five feet.

The distance between Fayal and Flores was confirmed by Mr Rebiers, lieutenant of the French frigate, who told me, that after being by estimation two leagues due south of Flores, they made forty-four leagues on a S.E. by E. course by compass, to St Catherine’s Point on Fayal.

I found the latitude of the ship at anchor 38 deg. 31’ 55” N.
in the bay

By a mean of seventeen sets of lunar 28 24 30 W.
observations, and reduced to the bay
by the watch, the longitude was made

By a mean of six sets after leaving it, 28 53 22
and reduced back by the watch
Longitude by observation 28 38 56
Ditto, by the watch 28 55 45

Error of the watch on our arrival at 16 26-1/2
True longitude by the watch 28 39 18-1/2

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I found the variation of the compass, by several azimuths, taken by different compasses on board the ship, to agree very well with the like observations made by Mr Wales on shore; and yet the variation thus found is greater by 5 deg. than we found it to be at sea, for the azimuths taken on board the evening before we came into the bay, gave no more than 16 deg. 18’ W. variation, and the evening after we came out 17 deg. 33’ W.

I shall now give some account of the variation, as observed in our run from the island of Fernando De Noronha to Fayal.  The least variation we found was 37’ W. which was the day after we left Fernando De Noronha, and in the latitude of 33’ S., longitude 32 deg. 16’ W. The next day, being nearly in the same longitude, and in the latitude of 1 deg. 25’ N., it was 1 deg. 23’ W.; and we did not find it increase till we got into the latitude of 5 deg.  N., longitude 31 deg.  W. After this our compasses gave different variation, viz. from 3 deg. 57’ to 5 deg. 11’ W. till we arrived in the latitude of 26 deg. 44’ N., longitude 41 deg.  W., when we found 6 deg.  W. It then increased gradually, so that in the latitude of 35 deg.  N., longitude 40 deg.  W., it was 10 deg. 24’ W.; in the latitude of 38 deg. 12’ N., longitude 32 deg. 1/2 W. it was 14 deg. 47’; and in sight of Fayal 16 deg. 18’ W., as mentioned above.

Having left the bay, at four in the morning of the 19th, I steered for the west end of St George’s Island.  As soon as we had passed it, I steered E. 1/2 S. for the Island of Tercera; and after having run thirteen leagues, we were not more than one league from the west end.  I now edged away for the north side, with a view of ranging the coast to the eastern point, in order to ascertain the length of the island; but the weather coming on very thick and hazy, and night approaching, I gave up the design, and proceeded with all expedition for England.

On the 29th, we made the land near Plymouth.  The next morning we anchored at Spithead; and the same day I landed at Portsmouth, and set out for London, in company with Messrs Wales, Forsters, and Hodges.

Having been absent from England three years and eighteen days, in which time, and under all changes of climate, I lost but four men, and only one of them by sickness, it may not be amiss, at the conclusion of this journal, to enumerate the several causes to which, under the care of Providence, I conceive this uncommon good state of health, experienced by my people, was owing.

In the Introduction, mention has been made of the extraordinary attention paid by the Admiralty in causing such articles to be put on board, as either from experience or suggestion it was judged would tend to preserve the health of the seamen.  I shall not trespass upon the reader’s time in mentioning them all, but confine myself to such as were found the most useful.

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We were furnished with a quantity of malt, of which was made Sweet Wort.  To such of the men as shewed the least symptoms of the scurvy, and also to such as were thought to be threatened with that disorder, this was given, from, one to two or three pints a-day each man; or in such proportion as the surgeon found necessary, which sometimes amounted to three quarts.  This is, without doubt, one of the best anti-scorbutic sea-medicines yet discovered; and, if used in time, will, with proper attention to other things, I am persuaded, prevent the scurvy from making any great progress for a considerable while.  But I am not altogether of opinion that it will cure it at sea.

Sour Krout, of which we had a large quantity, is not only a wholesome vegetable food, but, in my judgment, highly antiscorbutic; and it spoils not by keeping.  A pound of this was served to each man, when at sea, twice-a-week, or oftener, as was thought necessary.

Portable Broth was another great article, of which we had a large supply.  An ounce of this to each man, or such other proportion as circumstances pointed out, was boiled in their pease, three days in the week; and when we were in places where vegetables were to be got, it was boiled with them, and wheat or oatmeal, every morning for breakfast; and also with pease and vegetables for dinner.  It enabled us to make several nourishing and wholesome messes, and was the means of making the people eat a greater quantity of vegetables than they would otherwise have done.

Rob of Lemon and Orange is an antiscorbutic we were not without.  The surgeon made use of it in many cases with great success.

Amongst the articles of victualling, we were supplied with Sugar in the room of Oil, and with Wheat for a part of our Oatmeal; and were certainly gainers by the exchange.  Sugar, I apprehend, is a very good antiscorbutic; whereas oil (such as the navy is usually supplied with), I am of opinion, has the contrary effect.

But the introduction of the most salutary articles, either as provisions or medicines, will generally prove unsuccessful, unless supported by certain regulations.  On this principle, many years experience, together with some hints I had from Sir Hugh Palliser, Captains Campbell, Wallis, and other intelligent officers, enabled me to lay a plan, whereby all was to be governed.

The crew were at three watches, except upon some extraordinary occasions.  By this means they were not so much exposed to the weather as if they had been at watch and watch; and had generally dry clothes to shift themselves, when they happened to get wet.  Care was also taken to expose them as little to wet weather as possible.

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Proper methods were used to keep their persons, hammocks, bedding, cloaths, &c. constantly clean and dry.  Equal care was taken to keep the ship clean and dry betwixt decks.  Once or twice a week she was aired with fires; and when this could not be done, she was smoked with gun-powder, mixed with vinegar or water.  I had also, frequently, a fire made in an iron pot, at the bottom of the well, which was of great use in purifying the air in the lower parts of the ship.  To this, and to cleanliness, as well in the ship as amongst the people, too great attention cannot be paid; the least neglect occasions a putrid and disagreeable smell below, which nothing but fires will remove.

Proper attention was paid to the ship’s coppers, so that they were kept constantly clean.

The fat which boiled out of the salt beef and pork, I never suffered to be given to the people; being of opinion that it promotes the scurvy.

I was careful to take in water wherever it was to be got, even though we did not want it, because I look upon fresh water from the shore to be more wholesome than that which has been kept some time on board a ship.  Of this essential article we were never at an allowance, but had always plenty for every necessary purpose.  Navigators in general cannot, indeed, expect, nor would they wish to meet with such advantages in this respect, as fell to my lot.  The nature of our voyage carried us into very high latitudes.  But the hardships and dangers inseparable from that situation, were in some degree compensated by the singular felicity we enjoyed, of extracting inexhaustible supplies of fresh water from an ocean strewed with ice.

We came to few places, where either the art of man, or the bounty of nature, had not provided some sort of refreshment or other, either in the animal or vegetable way.  It was my first care to procure whatever of any kind could be met with, by every means in my power; and to oblige our people to make use thereof, both by my example and authority; but the benefits arising from refreshments of any kind soon became so obvious, that I had little occasion, to recommend the one, or to exert the other.

It doth not become me to say how far the principal objects of our voyage have been obtained.  Though it hath not abounded with remarkable events, nor been diversified by sudden transitions of fortune; though my relation of it has been more employed in tracing our course by sea, than in recording our operations on shore; this, perhaps, is a circumstance from which the curious reader may infer, that the purposes for which we were sent into the Southern Hemisphere, were diligently and effectually pursued.  Had we found out a continent there, we might have been better enabled to gratify curiosity; but we hope our not having found it, after all our persevering researches, will leave less room for future speculation about unknown worlds remaining to be explored.

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But, whatever may be the public judgment about other matters, it is with real satisfaction, and without claiming any merit but that of attention to my duty, that I can conclude this account with an observation, which facts enable me to make; that our having discovered the possibility of preserving health amongst a numerous ship’s company, for such a length of time, in such varieties of climate, and amidst such continued hardships and fatigues, will make this voyage remarkable in the opinion of every benevolent person, when the disputes about a Southern Continent shall have ceased to engage the attention, and to divide the judgment of philosophers.[20]

[Footnote 20:  We cannot better express the importance of the preservative measures adopted during this voyage, and therefore the value of the voyage itself, than by quoting a passage from Sir John Pringle’s discourse on assigning to Captain Cook the Royal Society’s Copleyan medal, a distinguished honour conferred on him, though absent on his last expedition, shortly after having been elected a member of that illustrious body.  “I would enquire of the most conversant in the study of bills of mortality, whether, in the most healthful climate, and in the best condition of life, they have ever found so small a number of deaths, within the same space of time?  How great and agreeable then must our surprise be, after perusing the histories of long navigations in former days, when so many perished by marine diseases, to find the air of the sea acquitted of all malignity, and, in fine, that a voyage round the world may be undertaken with less danger, perhaps, to health, than a common tour in Europe!”—­“If Rome,” he says in conclusion, “decreed the civic crown to him who saved the life of a single citizen, what wreaths are due to that man, who, having himself saved many, perpetuates in your Transactions, (alluding to Captain Cook’s paper on the subject), the means by which Britain may now, on the most distant voyages, preserve numbers of her intrepid sons, her mariners; who, braving every danger, have so liberally contributed to the fame, to the opulence, and to the maritime empire, of their country?”—­An acknowledgement so judicious finds a response in every breast that knows how to estimate the value of human life and happiness, and will not fail to secure to the name of Cook, the grateful applause of every succeeding generation.—­E.]





* * * * *


For the Pronunciation of the Vocabulary.

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As all nations who are acquainted with the method of communicating their ideas by characters, (which represent the sound that conveys the idea,) have some particular method of managing, or pronouncing, the sounds represented by such characters, this forms a very essential article in the constitution of the language of any particular nation, and must, therefore, be understood before we can make any progress in learning, or be able to converse in it.  But as this is very complex and tedious to a beginner, by reason of the great variety of powers the characters, or letters, are endued with under different circumstances, it would seem necessary, at least in languages which have never before appeared in writing, to lessen the number of these varieties, by restraining the different sounds, and always representing the same simple ones by the same character; and this is no less necessary in the English than any other language, as this variety of powers is very frequent, and without being taken notice of in the following Vocabulary, might render it entirely unintelligible.  As the vowels are the regulations of all sounds, it is these only that need be noticed, and the powers allotted to each of these in the Vocabulary is subjoined.

A in the English language is used to represent two different simple sounds, as in the word Arabia, where the first and last have a different power from the second.  In the Vocabulary this letter must always have the power, or be pronounced like the first and last in Arabia.  The other power, or sound, of the second a, is always represented in the Vocabulary by a and i, printed in Italics thus, ai.

E has likewise two powers, or it is used to represent two simple sounds, as in the words Eloquence, Bred, Led, &c. and it may be said to have a third power, as in the words Then, When, &c.  In the first case, this letter is only used at the beginning of words, and wherever it is met with in any other place in the words of the Vocabulary, it is used as in the second case:  But never as in the third example; for this power, or sound, is every where expressed by the a and i before-mentioned, printed in Italics.

I is used to express different simple sounds, as in the words Indolence, Iron, and Imitation.  In the Vocabulary it is never used as in the first case, but in the middle of words; it is never used as in the second example, for that sound is always represented by y, nor is it used as in the last case, that sound being always represented by two e’s, printed in Italics in this manner, ee.

O never alters in the pronunciation, i.e. in this Vocabulary, of a simple sound, but is often used in this manner, oo, and sounds as in Good, Stood, &c.

U alters, or is used to express different simple sounds, as in Unity, or Umbrage.  Here the letters e and u, printed in Italics eu are used to express its power as in the first example, and it always retains the second power, wherever it is met with.

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Y is used to express different sounds, as in My, By, &c. &c. and in Daily, Fairly, &c.  Wherever it is met with in the middle, or end, (i.e. anywhere but at the beginning,) of a word, it is to be used as in the first example; but is never to be found as in the second, for that sound, or power, is always represented by the Italic letter e.  It has also a third power, as in the words Yes, Yell, &c., which is retained every where in the Vocabulary, at least in the beginning of words, or when it goes before another vowel, unless directed to be sounded separately by a mark over it, as thus, y a.

Unless in a few instances, these powers of the vowels are used throughout the Vocabulary; but, to make the pronunciation still less liable to change, or variation, a few marks are added to the words, as follows:—­

This mark " as oea, means that these letters are to be expressed singly.

The letters in Italic, as ee, or oo, make but one simple sound.

When a particular stress is laid on any part of a word in the pronunciation, an accent is placed over that letter where it begins, or rather between that and the preceding one.

It often happens that a word is compounded as it were of two, or in some cases the same word, or syllable, is repeated.  In these circumstances, a comma is placed under them at this division, where a rest, or small space, of time is left before you proceed to pronounce the other part, but it must not be imagined that this is a full stop.

     Examples in all these Cases.

     Roea, Great, long, distant.  E’r_ee_ma, Five.  Ry’po_ee_a, Fog, or
.  E’h_oo_ra, To invert, or turn upside down.  Par_oo_, r_oo_,
     A partition, division, or screen.


To abide, or remain                    Ete’ei. 
An Abode, or place of residence,       Noho`ra. 
Above, not below,                      N_eea_, s.  Tie’n_eea_. 
An Abscess,                              Fe’fe. 
Action, opposed to rest,               Ta’er_ee_.

Adhesive, of an adhesive or sticking

Adjoining, or contiguous to, E’p_ee_iho.

Admiration, an interjection of, A’w_ai_, s.  A’w_ai_
to P_ee_r_ee_ai.

An adulterer,                            T_ee_ho t_ee_ho, s.  Teeho
or one that vexes a married woman      ta-rar

To agitate, or shake a thing,
as water, &c.

Aliment, or food of any kind,          Maea. 
Alive, that is not dead,               Waura. 
All, the whole, not a part,            A’ma_oo_. 
Alone, by one’s self,                  Ota’h_oi_.

Anger, or to be angry, Warrad_ee_,
s.  R_ee_d_ee_.

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To angle, or fish, E’h_oo_tee. The Ankle, Momoa. The inner Ankle, A’t_oo_a,ewy.  Answer, an answer to a question, Oo’m_ai_a.  Approbation, or consent, Mad_oo_ho’why. Punctuated Arches on the hips, E’var’re. The Arm, R_ee_ma. The Armpit, E’e. An arrow, E’oome.  Arrow, the body of an arrow or reed, O’wha. The point of an Arrow, To’ai, s.  O’moea.  Ashamed, to be ashamed or confused, Ama, s.  He’ama.  Ashore, or on shore, Te Euta.  To ask for a thing, Ho’my, s.  Ha’py my.  Asperity, roughness, Tarra, tarra.

An Assassin,_murderer, or rather
man-killer, soldier, Taata,Toea. or

An Assembly, or meeting, Ete_ou_’rooa.  Atherina,

Avaricious, parsimonious, ungenerous,     P_ee_’p_ee_re. 
Averse, unwillingness to do a thing,      Fata, h_oi_to’ hoito. 
Authentic,_true_,                           Par_ou_, m_ou_. 
Awake, not asleep,                        Arra arra, s.  E’ra. 
Awry,_or to one side; as a wry neck_,       Na’na. 
An Axe, hatchet, or adze,                 Toee. 
Ay, yes; an affirmation,                  Ai.


A Babe, or child,                          Mydidde. 
A Batchelor, or unmarried person,          E’ev_ee_ (taata.)
The_ Back,                                   T_oo_a_. 
To wipe the_ Backside,                       Fy’r_oo_,too’ty. 
Bad, it is not good,                       ’Ee’no. 
A Bag of straw,                            Ete’oee, s.Eaete. 
Bait, for fish,                            Era’eunoo. 
Baked in the oven,                         Et_oo_n_oo_. 
Bald-headed,                                 O_o_po’b_oo_ta. 
Bamboo,                                      E_e_n_ee’ou_. 
A Bank, or shoal,                          E’paa.

  Bare, naked, applied to a person that
  is undressed
, Ta’turra.

  The Bark of a tree, Ho’hore. 
  Barren land, Fe’nooa Ma’oure.
 A large round Basket of twig, He’na.
 A small Basket of cocoa leaves, V_ai_’hee.
 A long Basket of cocoa leaves, Apo’aira. 
  A Basket of plantain stock, Papa’ M_aiee_a.
 A fisher’s Basket, Er’re’vy.
 A round Basket of cocoa leaves, Mo’ene. 
  A Bastard,

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Fanna T_oo_’n_ee_a. 
  Bastinado, to bastinade or flog a person, Tapra’h_ai_. 
  To bathe, Ob’oo
  A Battle, or fight, E’motto. 
  A Battle-axe, O’morre. 
  To bawl, or cry aloud, T_ei_mo’toro. 
  A Bead, Poee. 
  The Beard, Oome oome. 
  To beat upon, or strike a thing, T_oo_’py or T_oo_’ba_ee_. 
  To beat a drum, Er_oo_’k_oo_. 
  To beckon a person with the hand, Ta’rappe. 
  A Bed, or bed-place, E’ro_ee_, s.  Moei’a. 
  To bedaub, or bespatter, Par’ry. 
  A Bee, E’raeo. 
  A Beetle, P_ee_re’te_ee_. 
  Before, not behind, Te’moea.

   A Beggar, a person that is troublesome, Tapa’r_oo_.
      continually asking for some-what,

   Behind, not before, Te’m_oo_r_ee_. 
   To belch, Er_oo_’y. 
   Below, as below stairs, Tei’dirro, s.  T_ee_diraro. 
   Below, underneath, far below, O’raro. 
   To bend any thing, as a stick, &c.  Fa’fe’fe. 
   Benevolence, generosity, Ho’roea,
      e.g. you are a generous man, Taata ho roa oee. 
   Between, in the middle, betwixit two, Fero’p_oo_. 
   To bewail, or lament by crying, E’tat_ee_. 
   Bigness, largeness, great, Ara’hay. 
   A Bird, Manoo. 
   A Bitch, Oore, e’ooha. 
   To bite, as a dog, A ah_oo_. 
   Black, colour, Ere, ere. 
   Bladder, Toea meeme.

   A_ Blasphemer, a person who speaks T_oo_na, (t_aa_ta.)
       disrespectfully of their deities,

   Blind, Matta-po.

   A Blister, raised by a burn or
   other means
, Mei’ee

Blood, Toto, s.  Eh_ooei_.  To blow the nose, Fatte.  The blowing, or breathing of a whale, Ta’hora.  Blunt, as a blunt tool of any sort, Ma’n_ee_a. The carved Boards of a Maray, E’ra. A little Boat, or canoe, E’vaea.  A Boil, Fe’fe.  Boldness, Eaew_ou_.  A Bone, E’ev_ee_.  A Bonetto, a fish so called,

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Peera’ra.  To bore a hole, Ehoo’ee, s.  Eh_oo_’o.  A Bow, E’fanna.  A Bow-string, Aroea’h_oo_a.  To bow with the head, Etoo’o. A young Boy, My’didde.  Boy, a familiar way of speaking, He’aman_ee_.  The Brain of any animal, A b_oo_ba.  A Branch of a tree or plant, E’ama.

Bread-fruit, or the fruit of the
, Oor_oo_.

Bread-fruit, a particular sort of it, E’patea. An insipid paste of Bread-fruit, Eh’oee. The gum of the Bread-tree, Tappo’oor_oo_. The leaf of the Bread-tree, E’da’oor_oo_. The pith of the Bread-tree, Po’oor_oo_.

To break a thing, O whatte, s.  Owhan ne,
s.  Fatte.

The Breast, O’ma

A Breast-plate made of twigs, ornamented
with feathers, dog’s hair, Ta
and pearl-shell_,

To breathe, Watte Weete wee

Bring, to ask one to bring a thing,           Ho’my. 
Briskness, being brisk or quick,              T_ee_ t_ee_re. 
Broiled, or roasted, as broiled meat,         Ooaw_ee_ra. 
Broken, or cut,                               ’Mot_oo_. 
The Brow, or forehead,                        E’ry. 
A brown colour,                               Aur_au_ra. 
Buds of a tree or plant,                      Te, arre ha_oo_. 
A Bunch of any fruit,                         Eta. 
To burn a thing,                              Doeod_oo_e. 
A Butterfly,                                    Pepe.


To call a person at a distance,               T_oo_o t_oo_’o_oo_. 
A Calm,                                         Man_ee_no.

   A Calm, or rather to be so placed,
     that the wind has no access to you
, E_ou_, shea.

Sugar Cane, Toe, Etoeo.  A Cap, or covering for the head T_au_’matta.  To carry any thing, E’a’mo.  To carry a person an the back, Eva’ha.

   Catch a thing hastily with the hand, Po’po_ee_, s.  Peero.
      as a fly, &c.

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To catch a ball,                              Ama’wh_ee_a. 
To catch fish with a line,                    E’h_oo_te. 
A Caterpillar,                                  E’t_oo_a. 
Celerity, swiftness,                          T_ee_’teere, s.  E’tirre. 
The Centre, or middle of a thing,             Tera’p_oo_. 
Chalk,                                          Mamma’tea.
A Chatterer, or noisy impertinent              Taata E’moo_,
fellow_,                                     s.  E’m_oo_.
Chearfulness,                                    Wara. 
The Cheek,                                       Pappar_ee_a. 
A Chest,                                         ’P_ee_ha. 
The Chest, or body,                            O’p_oo_. 
To chew, or eat,                               E’y. 
Chequered, or painted in squares,              P_oo_re, p_oo_re. 
A Chicken,                                       Moea pee’ri_a_ia.

   A Chief, or principal person; one of Eaeree.
       the first rank among the people

   An inferior Chief, or one who
    is only in an independent state, T
    a gentleman_,

Child-bearing, Fanou, e’vaho.

Children’s language,       Father,          O’pucen_oo_, and Papa. 
Mother,          E’wh_ei_arre, & O’pa’tea. 
Brother,         E’tama. 
Sister,          Te’t_oo_a.

The Chin, and lower jaw, E’taa.

Choaked, to be choaked as with                 Epoo_’n_ei_na,
victuals_, &c.                        s.  Er_oo_’y.

To chuse, or pick out, Eh_ee_e,te,me,my ty.

Circumcision, or rather an incision E_oo_re,te h_ai_.
of the foreskin,

A sort of Clappers,_used at funerals_, Par’ha_oo_.

Clapping the bend of the arm smartly E’too.
with the hand, so as to make a noise,
an Indian custom

   The Claw of a bird, A’ee oo
   Clay, or clammy earth, Ewh_ou_,arra. 
   Clean, not nasty, Oo’ma, s.  Eoo’ee
   Clear, pure; as clear water, &c.  Tea’te.
   White clayey Cliffs, E’mammatea. 
   Close, shut, Eva’h_ee_. 
  Cloth of any kind, or rather the covering Ahoo.
       or raiments made of it

   A piece of oblong Cloth, slit in the
       middle, through which the head is Teeboota.
       put, and it then hangs down behind
       and before

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Brown thin Cloth, Oo’erai. Dark-brown Cloth, Poo’h_ee_re. Nankeen-coloured Cloth, Ah_ee_re, s. Ooa. Gummed Cloth, Oo’air ara.

sp;                                        Heappa,heappa, s.
  Yellow Cloth, A’ade, p_oo ee ei_, s. 
                                                  Oora poo’ee ei.

Cloth, a piece of thin white cloth           Paroo_’y, by which name
wrapt round the waist, or thrown          they also call a white
over the shoulders_,                      shirt.

   A Cloth-beater, or an oblong square To’aa.
       piece of wood grooved, and used in
       making cloth

The Cloth-plant, a sort of mulberry Ea_ou_te.

A Cloud,                                        E’aeo, s.  Ea_oo_. 
A Cock,                                         Moea, e’toea. 
Cock, the cock claps his wings                Te Moa Pa_ee_, pa_ee_. 
A Cock-roach,                                   Potte potte. 
A Cocoa-nut,                                    A’r_ee_.

The fibrous husk of a Cocoa-nut, P_oo_r_oo_’waha,
s.  P_oo_r_oo_.

Cocoa-nut oil, E’rede,vaee.  Cocoa leaves, E,ne’ha_oo_.  Coition, E’y. The sense of Cold, Ma’r_ee_de.  A Comb, Pa’horo, s.  Pa’herre.  Company, acquaintance, gossips, Tee’ya.  Compliance with a request, consent, Mad_oo_,ho’why.  Computation, or counting of numbers, Ta’t_ou_.

A Concubine, Wa’h_ei_ne Moeebo,
s.  Etoo’n_ee_a.

Confusedness, without order,                    E’vah_ee_a. 
Consent, or approbation,                        Mad_oo_,ho’why.

Contempt, a name of contempt given Wahei_ne,p_oo_’ha.
to a maid, or unmarried woman_,

Conversation, Para_ou_,maro, s. 

A sort of Convolvulus, or bird-weed,
common in the islands
, Oh_oo_e.

Cook’d, dress’d; not raw,                      Ee’oo, s.  E_ee_’wera. 
To Cool one with a fan,                        Taha`r_ee_. 
Cordage of any kind,                           Taura. 
The Core of an apple,                          Boee.

A Cork, or stopper of a bottle or gourd
, Ora’h_oo_e.

   A Corner, E’pecho.

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   Covering, the covering of a fish’s gills, Pe_ee_’eya.

   Covetousness, or rather one not inclined
   to give
, Pee,peere.

A Cough,                                          Ma’re. 
To Court, woo a woman,                          Ta’raro. 
Coyness in a woman,                             No’noea. 
A Crab,                                           Pappa.

   Crab, a large land-crab that climbs
   the cocoa-nut trees for fruit
, E’oowa.

A Crack, cleft, or fissure,                      Mot_oo_. 
Crammed, lumbered, crowded,                    Ooa,p_ee_a’pe,s.Ehotto. 
The Cramp,                                       Emo’t_oo_ t_oo_. 
A Cray-fish,                                     O’oora. 
To Creep on the hands and feet,                Ene’ai. 
Crimson colour,                                Oora oora. 
Cripple, lame,                                 T_ei_’t_ei_. 
Crooked, not straight,                         O_o_o’p_ee_o. 
To crow as a cock,                             A’a ooa. 
The Crown of the head,                         T_oo_’p_oo_e. 
To cry, or shed tears,                         Ta_ee_.

   A brown Cuckoo, with black bars and
   a long tail, frequent in the isles
, Ara’were_wa_.

   To cuff, or slap the chops, E’par_oo_.

   Curlew, a small curlew or whimbrel
   found about the rivulets
, Torea.

Cut, or divided,                               Mot_oo_.
To cut the hair with scissars,               O’tee.


A Dance, H_ee_va.

Darkness, Poee’r_ee_,
s.  Po_oo_’r_ee_

To Darn                                           O’ono
A Daughter,                                       Ma’h_ei_ne.

Day, or day-light, Mara’marama, s. 
A’ou, s.  A’a_ou_.

Day-break, Oota’tah_ei_ta.  Day, to-day, A_oo_’n_ai_.  Dead, Matte roea. A natural Death, Matte noea.  Deafness, Ta’r_ee_a, t_oo_r_ee_.  Decrepid, Epoo’t_oo_a.  Deep water, Mona’.  A Denial, or refusal, Eh_oo_’noea.  To desire, or wish for a thing, E_ooee_.  A Devil, or evil spirit, E’t_ee_.  Dew, Ahe’a_oo_.  A Diarrhoea, or looseness, Hawa, hawa.

   To_ dip meat in salt water instead of Eaw_ee_’wo
      salt, (an Indian custom,)

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Dirt, or nastiness of any kind,                 E’repo. 
Disapprobation,                                   Eh_oo_noea.

   A Disease, where the head cannot be E’pee_.
     held up, perhaps the palsy_,
   To disengage, untie or loosen, Ea_oo_’w_ai_. 
   Dishonesty, E_ee_’a.

   Displeased, to be displeased, vexed, or Taee_’va.
     in the dumps_,

   Dissatisfaction, to grumble, or be Faoo_’oue.

   Distant, far off, Roea.

   To distort, or writhe the limbs, body, Faee’ta.
      lips, &c.

To distribute, divide or share out,              At_oo_’ha. 
A District,                                        Matei na. 
A Ditch,                                           Eoe’h_oo_. 
To dive under water,                             Eho’p_oo_. 
A Dog,                                             Oo’r_ee_. 
A Doll made of cocoa-plants,                     Ad_oo_’a. 
A Dolphin,                                         A’ouna.

   Done, have done; or that is enough, A’teera.
     or there is no more,

   A Door, Oo’b_oo_ta.

   Double, or when two things are in Tau’r_oo_a.
      one, as a double canoe,

Down, or soft hair,                               E’waou,
To draw a bow,                                    Etea.
To draw, or drag a thing by force, Era’ko.  Dread, or fear, Mattou.  Dress’d, or cooked, not raw, Ee’oo. A head Dress, used at funerals, Pa’ra_ee_.  To dress, or put on the cloaths, Eu, hau’ho_oo_ t’Ahoo.  To drink, A_ee_’n_oo_.  Drop, a single drop of any liquid, Oo,ata’hai.

To drop, or leak, Eto’t_oo_r_oo_, s. 

Drops, as drops of rain,                          To’potta. 
Drowned,                                            Parre’mo. 
A Drum,                                             Pa’hoo. 
Dry, not wet,                                     Oo’maro. 
A Duck,                                             Mora. 
A Dug, teat, or nipple,                           E_oo_. 
Dumbness,                                           E’faoe.


Page 78

The Ear, Ta’r_ee_a. The inside of the Ear, Ta’toor_ee_.  An Ear-ring, Poe note tar_ee_a.  To eat, or chew, E’y, s.  Maea.  An Echinus, or sea-egg, Heawy.  Echo, T_oo_o.  An Egg of a bird, Ehooero te Man_oo_. A white Egg-bird, Pee’ry.  Eight, A’waroo.  The Elbow, T_oo_’r_ee_.

Empty, Oooata’aoe,
s.  Tata’ooa.

An Enemy,                                           Taata’e. 
Entire, whole, not broke,                         Eta, Eta. 
Equal,                                               Oohy’t_ei_. 
Erect, upright,                                   Et_oo_. 
A Euphorbium tree, with white flowers,            Te’too_ee_. 
The Evening,                                        Oooh_oi_’h_oi_. 
Excrement,                                          T_oo_’ty. 
To expand, or spread out cloth, &c.               Ho’hora. 
The Eye,                                            Matta. 
The Eye-brow, and eye-lid,                        T_oo_a, matta.


   The Face, E’mot_ee_a.

To hide or hold the Face away, as when ashamed_, Far_ee_’w_ai_.  Facetious, merry, Faatta atta.  Fainting, to faint, Moee,mo’my.  To fall down, Topa.  False, not true, Ha’warre.  A Fan, or to fan the face or cool it, Taha’r_ee_.  To fart, or a fart, Eh_oo_.  Fat, full of flesh, lusty, P_ee_a.  The fat of meat, Ma_ee_.  A Father Med_oo_a tanne.  A step-father, Tanne, te hoea.  Fatigued, tired, E’h_ei’eu_,s.Faea.  Fear, Mattou.

A Feather, or quill, H_oo_roo, hoor_oo_,

Red Feathers, Ora, h_oo_r_oo_ te man_oo_.  Feebleness, weakness, Fara’ra, s.  Tooro’r_ee_. The sense of Feeling, Fa’fa.  To feel, Tear’ro. A young clever dexterous Fellow, or boy, Te’my de pa’ar_ee_.  The Female

Page 79

kind of any animal, E’ooha.  The Fern-tree, Ma’mo_oo_.  Fertile land, Fen_oo_a,maa.  Fetch, go fetch it, Atee.  Few in number, Eote.  To fight, E’neotto.  A Fillip, with the fingers, Epatta.  The Fin of a fish, Tirra.  To finish, or make an end, Eiote.  A Finger, E’r_ee_ma.  Fire, Ea’hai. A flying Fish, Mara’ra. A green flat Fish, E_eu_me. A yellow flat Fish, Oo’morehe. A flat green and red P_ai’ou_. The cuckold Fish, Etata.  A Fish, Eya.

   Fishing wall for hauling the seine at Epa.
      the first point

   A Fish pot, E’wha.

   A long Fishing rod of Bamboo, used Ma’kee_ra.
       to catch bonettoes_, &c.,

A Fissure, or crack, Motoo.  Fist, to open the fist, Ma’hora.  Fist, striking with the fist in dancing, A’moto. A fly Flapper, or to flap flies, Dah_ee_’ere e’r_eu_pa.

   Flatness, applied to a nose, or a vessel
   broad and flat; also a spreading
   flat topt tree
, Papa.

A red Flesh mark, E_ee_’da.  To float on the face of the water, Pa’noo.  The Flower of a plant, P_oo_a. Open Flowers, T_ee_arre’oo wa.

   Flowers, white odoriferous flowers,
   used as ornaments in the ears
, T_ee_arre tarr_ee_a.

Flown, it is flown or gone away, Ma’h_ou_ta.  A Flute, W_ee_wo. A black Fly-catcher, a bird so called, O’mamaeo.  A Fly, P_oo_re’h_oo_a.  To fly, as a bird, E’r_ai_re.  Fog, or mist, Ry’po_ee_a.  To fold up a thing, as cloth, &c.  He’fet_oo_.

   A Fool, scoundrel, or other epithet of
, Ta’ouna.

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The Foot, or sole of the foot,                Tapooy. 
The Forehead,                                   E’ry. 
Forgot, or lost in memory,                    Oo’aro. 
Foul, dirty, nasty,                           Erepo. 
A Fowl,                                         Moea. 
Four,                                            E’ha. 
The Frapping of a flute,                      Ahea. 
Freckles,                                       Taina. 
Fresh, not salt,                              Eanna,anna. 
Friction, rubbing,                            E’oo ee.

Friend, a method of addressing a
, Ehoea

A particular Friend, or the salutation E’apatte.
to him

To frisk, to wanton, to play, E’hanne.

From there, No,r_ei_ra,
s.  No,r_ei_da.

From without,                                   No,waho’oo. 
From before,                                    No,m_oo_a. 
Fruit,                                            ’Hoo’ero.

Perfume Fruit from Tethuroa, a
small island, Hooero te manoo.

A yellow Fruit, like a large plumb
with a rough core
, A’v_ee_.

Full, satisfied with eating, Pya,s._Oo_’pya,

A Furunculus, or a small hard boil, Apoo.

G. A Garland of flowers, A’v_ou_t_oo_,
s.  A’r_ou_too
Ef ha, apai.

Generosity, benevolence, Ho’roea.  A Gimblet, Eho’oo.  A Girdle, Ta’t_oo_a.  A Girl, or young woman, Too’n_ee_a.  A Girthing manufacture, Tat_oo_’y.  To give a thing, Hoea’t_oo_. A looking-Glass, H_ee_o’eeota.

A Glutton, or great eater, Taata A’ee, s. 
Era’poea n_oo_e.

To go, or move from where you stand Harre.
to walk

To go, or leave a place,                         Era’wa. 
Go, begone, make haste and do it,                Haro. 
Go and fetch it,                                 At_ee_.

Good, it is good, it is very well, My`ty, s. 
s.  Maytay.

Good-natured, Mama’h_ou_,
s.  Ma’r_oo_.

A Grandfather,                                        Too’b_oo_na. 
A Great-grandfather,                                  Tooboona tahe’too. 
A Great great-grandfather,                            Ouroo. 
A Grandson,                                           Mo’b_oo_na. 
To grasp with the hand,                             Hara’wa_ai_.

   Grasping the antagonist’s thigh when Tomo.

Page 81

   Grass, used on the floors of their Ano’noho.

To grate cocoa-nut kernel, E’annatehea’r_ee_.  Great, large, big, Ara’h_ai_.  Green colour, P_oo_re p_oore_.  To groan, Er_oo_,whe.  The groin, Ta’pa.  To grow as a plant, &c.  We’r_oo_a.  To grunt, or strain, Etee,_too_whe. The blind Gut, Ora’b_oo_b_oo_.  The Guts of any animal, A’a_oo_.

   The Hair of the head, E’ror_oo_,
                                                       s.  E’roh_oo_r_oo_.

Grey Hair, Hinna’heina. Red Hair, or a red-headed man, E’h_oo_. Curled Hair, P_ee_p_ee_. Woolly frizzled Hair, Oe’toeeto. To pull the Hair, E’w_ou_a.  Hair, tied on the crown of the head, E’p_oo_te.  Half of any thing, Fa’eete.  A Hammer, Et_ee_’te.  Hammer it out, Atoo’bian_oo_.  The Hand, E’r_ee_ma. A deformed Hand, P_ee_le’oi. A motion with the Hand in dancing, O’ne o’ne.  A Harangue, or speech, Oraro.  A Harbour, or anchoring-place, T_oo_’t_ou_.  Hardness, E’ta,e’ta.  A Hatchet, axe, or adze, Toee.  He, Nana.  The Head, Oo’po. A shorn Head, E’v_ou_a.

   The Head-ache, in consequence of
, Eana`n_ee_a.

The sense of Hearing, Faro.  The Heart of an animal, A’h_ou_too.  Heat, warmth, Mahanna,hanna.  Heavy, not light, T_ei_ma’ha. The sea Hedge-hog, Totera. A blue Heron, Otoo. A white Heron, Tra’pappa.  To hew with an axe, Teraee.

   Hibiscus, the smallest species of Hibiscus,
   with rough seed cases, that adhere
   to the clothes in walking
, P_ee_re,p_ee_re.

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   Hibiscus, a species of Hibiscus with
   large yellow flowers
, Po_oo_’r_ou_.

   The Hiccup, Et_oo_’ee,
                                                       s.  E_oo_’wha.

Hide, to hide a thing,                              E’h_oo_na. 
High, or steep,                                     Mato.

   A Hill, or mountain, Ma_oo_,
                                                        s.  Ma_oo_’a,
                                                        s.  M_ou_a.

One-tree Hill, a hill so called in
Matavia Bay
, Tal’ha.

To hinder, or prevent,                              Tapea. 
The Hips,                                             E’tohe.

Hips, the black punctuated part of Tamo’rou_.
the hips_,

To hit a mark, Ele’ba_ou_,
s.  Wa’p_oo_ta.

Hiss, to hiss or hold out the finger at Tee_’he.

Hoarseness, E’faeo.  A Hog, Boea.  To hold fast, Mou.  Hold your tongue, be quiet or silent, Ma’m_oo_, A Hole, as a gimblet hole in wood,&c, E’r_oo_a, s.  Poota.  To hollow, or cry aloud to one, T_oo_’o. To keep at Home, Ate’ei te Efarre.  Honesty, Eea’oure. A fish Hook, Ma’t_au_. A fish Hook of a particular sort, W_ee_te,w_ee_te.

The Horizon, E’pa_ee_,
no t’Era_ee_.

Hot, or sultry air, it is very hot, Poh_ee_’a.  A House, E’farre, s.  Ewharre.  A House of office, Eha’m_oo_te. A large House, Efarre’pota.  A House on props, A’whatta. An industrious Housewife, Ma’h_ei_ne Am_au_’hattoi How do you, or how is it with you, Tehanooee.  Humorous, droll, merry_, Fa,atta,’atta.

   Hunger, Poro’r_ee_,
                                                  s.  Po_ee_’a.

A Hut, or house, E’farre.


I,_ myself, first person singular_,              W_ou_(1) M_ee_.(2)
The lower Jaw,                                 E’ta. 
Idle, or lazy,                                 T_ee_’py.

Jealousy in a woman, Ta’b_oo_ne, s.Fatee
no, s.  H_oo_’hy.

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Ignorance, stupidity,                           W_ee_a’ta. 
Ill-natured, cross,                             Oore, e’eeore. 
An Image of a human figure,                     E’tee. 
Imps,_ the young imps,_                           Teo’he. 
Immature, unripe, as unripe fruit,              Poo. 
Immediately, instantly,                         To’hyto. 
Immense, very large,                            Roea. 
Incest, or incestuous,                          Ta’wytte. 
Indigent, poor, necessitous,                    T_ee_,t_ee_. 
Indolence, laziness,                            T_ee_’py. 
Industry, opposed to idleness,                  Ta_ee_’a. 
Inhospitable, ungenerous,                       P_ee_’p_ee_re. 
To inform,                                        E’whaee.
A sort of Ink, used to punctuate,             E’rah_oo_. 
An inquisitive tattling woman,                  Maheine Opotai_ee_hu. 
To interrogate, or ask questions,               Faeete. 
To invert, or turn upside down,                 E’h_oo_ra, tela’why. 
An  Islet,                                        Mo’too. 
The Itch, an itching of any sort,               Myro. 
To jump, or leap,                               Mah_ou_ta, s.  Araire.
Keep it to yourself,                                 V_ai_h_ee_’o. 
The Kernel of a cocoa-nut,                           Emo’t_ee_a. 
To kick with the foot,                               Ta’h_ee_. 
The Kidnies,                                           F_oo_a’h_oo_a. 
Killed, dead,                                        Matte. 
To kindle, or light up,                              Emaea. 
A King,                                                Eaer_ee_,da’h_ai_. 
A King-fisher, the bird to called,                   E’r_oo_ro. 
To kiss,                                               E’ho_ee_. 
Kite, a boy’s play-kite,                             O’omo. 
The Knee,                                              E’t_oo_r_ee_. 
To kneel,                                              T_oo_’t_oo_r_ee_. 
A Knot,                                                Ta’pona.
A double Knot,                                       Va’hod_oo_.

   The female Knot formed on the upper Tee_bona.
      part of the garment, and on one

To know, or understand,                              Eete. 
The Knuckle, or joint of the fingers,               T_ee_,p_oo_.


To labour, or work,                                  Ehea. 
A Ladder,                                              Era’a, s.  E’ara.

A Lagoon, Ewha’ouna,

Lame, cripple,                                       T_ei_’t_ei_. 
A Lance, or spear,                                   Taeo.

Land in general, a country, Fe’n_oo_a,
s.  Whe’n_oo_a.

Page 84

Language, speech, words, Pa’ra_ou_.

Language, used when dancing, Timoro’dee_,

Largeness, when applied to a country,                    Ara’hai_.
country,_&c.                                               N_oo_e.
To laugh, Atta. 
Laziness, T_ee_’py. 
Lean, the lean of meat, Aeo. 
Lean,_slender, not fleshy_, T_oo_’h_ai_. 
To leap, Ma’h_ou_ta,

                                                                                                          s.  A’rere.

Leave it behind, let it remain,                        ’V_ai_heo. 
To leave,                                                 E’wh_eeoo_. 
The Leg,                                                  A’wy. 
Legs, my legs ache, or are tired,                       A’h_oo_a. 
A Liar,                                                   Taata,ha’warre.

To lie down, or along, to rest one’s
, Ete’raha,
s.  Te’p_oo_.

To lift a thing up, Era’w_ai_. Day Light, Mara’marama.  Light, or fire of the great people T_ou_t_oi_,papa.  Light, or fire of the common people, N_ee_ao,papa.

Light, to light or kindle the fire, A’t_oo_n_oo_

Light, not heavy, Ma’ma.  Lightning, Oo’waira.  The Lips, Oot_oo_.  Little, small, Eete.  A Lizard, ’Moeo.  Loathsome, nauseous, E,a’wawa. A sort of Lobster, frequent in the isles, T_ee_on_ai_.  To loll about, or be lazy, Tee’py.  To loll out the tongue, Ewha’tor_oo_ t’Arere.  To look for a thing that is lost, Tap_oo_n_ee_.  A Looking-glass, H_ee_o’ee’otta.  Loose, not secure, A_oo_’w_ee_wa.  A Looseness, or purging, Hawa,’hawa.  To love, Ehe’nar_oo_.  Lover, courtier, wooer, Eh_oo_’noea.  A Louse, Oo’t_oo_.

 Low, not high, as low land, &c.  Hea,hea, s.  Papoo. 

Page 85

The Lungs,                                         T_ee_too,’arapoa. 
Lusty, fat, full of flesh,                       Oo’p_ee_a.


Maggots,                                         E’h_oo_h_oo_. 
A Maid, or young woman                           , T_oo_’n_ee_a. 
To make the bed,                                 Ho’hora, te Moee’ya. 
The Male of any animal, male kind,               E’oeta. 
A Man,                                             Taeata, s.  Taane.
An indisposed or insincere Man,                  Taeata,ham’an_ee_no. 
A Man-of-war bird,                               Otta’ha.

Many, a great number, Wo’rou,wo’rou,
s. man_oo_, man_oo_.

A black Mark on the skin, E_ee_’r_ee_.  Married, as a married man, Fan_ou_’nou.  A Mat, E’vanne. A silky kind of Mat, Moee’a.

A rough sort of Mat, cut in the Poo_’rou.
middle to admit the head_,

A Mast of a ship or boat,                            T_ee_ra. 
Mature, ripe; as ripe fruit,                         Para, s.  Pe. 
Me, I,                                               W_ou_, s.  M_ee_. 
A Measure,                                             E’a. 
To measure a thing,                                  Fa’eete. 
To meet one,                                         Ewharidde.

   To melt, or dissolve a thing, Too_’t_oo_e.
        as grease &c._

The middle, or midst of a thing,                   Teropoo. 
Midnight,                                            O’t_oo_ra,h_ei_’po. 
To mince, or cut small,                            E’p_oo_ta. 
Mine, it is mine, or belongs to me,                No’oo. 
To miss, not to hit a thing,                       Oo’happa. 
Mist, or fog,                                      Ry’po_ee_a. 
To mix things together,                            A’p_oo_e,’p_oo_e. 
To mock or scoff at one,                           Etoo’h_ee_. 
Modesty,                                             Mamma’ha_oo_. 
Moist, wet,                                   Wara’r_ee_. 
A Mole upon the skin,                         At_oo_’noea.
A lunar Month,                                Mara’ma. 
A Monument to the dead,                       Whatta’r_au_. 
The Moon,                                       Mara’ma. 
The Morning,                                    Oo’po_ee_’po_ee_. 
To-morrow,                                      Bo’bo, s.  A,Bo’bo.
The day after to-morrow,                      A’bo’bo d_oo_ra.
The second day after to-morrow;               Po_ee_,po_ee_,addoo. 

Page 86

A Moth, E,pepe.  A Mother, Ma’d_oo_a, wa’h_ei_ne.  A motherly, or elderly woman, Pa’tea.  Motion, opposed to rest, O_o_a’ta.  A Mountain, or hill, Maoo_a, s.  Mo_u_a.  Mountains of the highest order, Mo_u_a tei’tei.  Mountains of the second order, Mo_u_a ’haha.  Mountains of the third or lowest order, Pere’ra_ou_.  Mourning, ’Eeva.

 Mourning leaves, viz. those of the Ta’paoo_.
 cocoa-tree, used for that purpose_,

The Mouth, Eva’ha. To open the Mouth, Ha’mamma.  A Multitude, or vast number, Wo’r_ou_, wo’r_ou_.  Murdered, killed, Matte, s. matte roea.  A Murderer, Taata toea.  A Muscle-shell, No_u,ou_.  Music of any kind, H_ee_va.

 A Musket, pistol, or firearms Poo_,p_oo_, s.  Poo.
 of any kind_,

Mute, silent,                                 Fateb_oo_a. 
To matter, or stammer,                        E’wha_ou_.


The Nail of the fingers,                      Aee’oo. 
A Nail of iron,                               Eure.

 Naked, i. e. with the clothes off, Ta’lurra.

The Name of a thing, E_ee’oo_.  Narrow, strait, not wide, P_ee_re,p_ee_re.  Nasty, dirty, not clean, E,repo.  A Native, Taata’toob_oo_.  The Neck, A’ee.  Needles, Narreeda. A fishing Net, Oo’p_ai_a.  New, young, sound, Ho_u_.  Nigh, Poto, s.  Whatta’ta.  Night, P_o_, s.  E’a_oo_.  To-Night, or to-day at night, A’oone te’ Po. Black Night-shade, Oporo.  Nine, A’eeva.  The Nipple of the breast, E’oo.  A Nit, Eriha.

                                                [1] Ay’ma, [2] Y_ai_ha,
 No, a negation, [3]A’oure, [4] A_ee_,
                                                [5] Yeha_ee_a.

Page 87

To nod, A’t_ouou_.  Noisy, chattering, impertinent, Emoo.  Noon, Wawa’tea.  The Nostrils, Popo’heo.  Numeration, or counting of numbers, Ta’t_ou_. A cocoa Nut, Aree.

   A large compressed Nut,_that tastes E_ee_h_ee_.
       like chesnuts when roasted_,


Obesity, corpulence, Ou’p_ee_a.  The Ocean, Ty, s.  Meede.  Odoriferous, sweet-smelled, No’noea. Perfumed Oil they put on the hair, Mo’noee.

   An Ointment,_plaister, or any thing E’ra’pa_oo_.
       that heals or relates to medicine_,

Old,                                                    Ora’wheva. 
One,                                                    A’tahai. 
Open, clear, spacious,                                Ea’tea. 
Open, not shut,                                       Fe’r_ei_. 
To open,                                                Te’haddoo. 
Opposite to, or over against,                         Wetoo’wh_ei_tte.

   Order, in good order, regular, without Wara’wara.

   Ornament, any ornament for the ear, T_ooee_ ta’r_ee_a.

   Burial Ornaments, viz. nine noits Ma’ray Wharre.
      stuck in the ground

   An Orphan, Oo’hoppe,

Out, not in, not within, T_ei_we’ho.  The Outside of a thing, Ooa’p_ee_.  An Oven in the ground, E_oo_’m_oo_.  Over, besides, more than the quantity, Te’harra.  To overcome, or conquer, E’ma’ooma.  To overturn, or overset, Eha’pa_oo_.  An Owner E’whattoo. A large species of Oyster, I’t_ee_a. The large rough Oyster, or Spondylus, Paho’oea.


The Paddle of a canoe, or to paddle, E’hoee.  To paddle a canoe’s head to the right What’tea.  To paddle a canoe’s head to the left, Wemma.  Pain, or soreness,the sense of pain, Ma’my.  A Pair, or two of any thing together, Ano’ho.  The Palate, E’ta’nea. 

Page 88

The Palm of the hand, Ap_oo_’r_ee_ma.  To Pant, or breathe quickly, Oo’pou’pou,tea’ho.  Pap, or child’s food, Mamma.  A Parent, Me’d_oo_a. A small blue Parroquet, E’v_ee_n_ee_.

   A green Parroquet, with a E’a’a.
      red forehead

The Part below the tongue,                           Eta’raro. 
A Partition, division, or screen,                    Par_oo_’r_oo_. 
A Pass, or strait,                                   E,aree’ea.

   A fermented Paste, of bread,
    fruit and others
, Ma’h_ee_.

A Path, or road,                                     Eae’ra. 
The Pavement before a house or hut,                  Pye,pye. 
A Pearl,                                               Poee. 
The Peduncle, and stalk of a plant,                  A’maea, s.  E’atta.

   To peel or take the skin off a
&c.  A’tee, s.  E’atee.

Peeled, it is peeled,                                Me’at_ee_. 
A Peg to hang a bag on,                              ’Pe’a_oo_.

   A Pepper-plant, from the root of
   which they prepare an inebriating
, Awa.

Perhaps, it may be so,                               E’pa’ha. 
Persons of distinction,                              Patoo’nehe. 
A Petticoat of plantane leaves,                      AArou’m_aiee_a. 
Petty, small, trifling, opposed to Nooe,             R_ee_.

   A Physician, or person who
   attends the sick
, Taata no E’rapa_oo_.

Pick, to pick or choose,                       Eh_ee_ te mai my ty.
A large wood Pigeon,                           Er_oope_.

   A large green and white Pigeon, O_o_’oopa.

   A small black and white Pigeon,
   with purple wings, Oooowy’deroo.

A Pimple, H_oo_a’h_ou_a.  To Pinch with, the fingers, Ooma.  A Plain, or flat, E’peeho.  Plane, smooth, Pa’eea.  A Plant of any kind, O’mo. A small Plant, E’rabo. The fruit of a Plantane-tree M_aiee_’a, s.  Maya. Horse Plantanes, Fai’ee.

   Pleased, good humoured, not cross or Maroo_.

Page 89

Pluck it up, Ar_ee_te.  To pluck hairs from the beard, H_oo_h_oo_tee.  To plunge a thing in the water, E,_oo_’wh_ee_.  The Point of any thing, Oe,oee, or Oi,oi.  Poison, bitter, Awa,awa.  A Poll, Oora’h_oo_.  Poor, indigent, not rich, Tee’tee. A bottle-nosed Porpoise, E’oua. Sweet Potatoes, Oo’marra.  To pour out any liquid substance, Ma’n_ee_.  Pregnant with young, Waha’p_oo_.

   To press, or squeeze the legs gently
   with the hand, when tired or pained
, Roro’m_ee_.

Prick, to prick up the ears, Eoma te ta’r_ee_.  A Priest, Ta’h_ou_a.  Prone, or face downwards, T_ee_’opa. A sort of Pudding, made of fruits, oil, &c.  Po’po’ee.
Pumpkins,                                        A’h_ooa_. 
To puke, or vomit,                             E’awa, s. e’r_oo_’y. 
Pure, clear,                                   E’oo’ee. 
A Purging, or looseness,                       Hawa,hawa.
To pursue, and catch a person who              Eroo_,Er_oo_,
has done some mischief_,                        s.  Eha’r_oe_.
To push a thing with the hand,                T_oo_’ra_ee_. 
Put it up, or away,                            Orno.


Quickness, briskness,                               E’tirre.
To walk quickly,                                    Harre’n_ei_na.

   Quietness, silence, a silent or seemingly
   thoughtful person
, Falle’b_oo_a.

   A Quiver for holding arrows, ’P_ee_ha.


   A small black Rail, with red eyes, M_ai_’ho.

   A small black Rail, spotted and
   buured with white
, P_oo_a’n_ee_.

Rain,                                                E’ooa. 
A Rainbow,                                           E’n_oo_a. 
Raft, a raft of bamboo,                            M_ai_to’e. 
Rank,_ strong, urinous_,                             Ewao wao. 
A Rasp, or file,                                   Ooee. 
A Rat,                                               ’Yore, s.  Eyore.

Raw meat, flesh that is not dressed E’otta.

Page 90

Raw fruit, as plantanes, &c. that are Paroure.
not baked

To recline, or lean upon a thing, E’py.

Red colour, Oora,_oo_ra,
s.  Matde.

To reef a sail,                                     Epo’uie te rya. 
A Refusal,                                            Eh_oo_’nooa. 
The Remainder of any thing,                         T,’Ewahei. 
To rend, burst, or split,                           M_oo_’m_oo_m_oo_. 
Rent, cracked, or torn,                             E’wha. 
To reside, live or dwell,                           E’noho. 
Respiration, breathing,                             T_oo_e,t_oo_e. 
A Rib,                                                Awaeo.

Rich, not poor, having plenty of Epo’too.
goods, &c.

A Ring, ’M_ai_no.

The Ringworm, a disease so called, E’n_oo_a. 
Ripe, as ripe fruit, &c.  Para, s.  Pai, s.  Ooo

Rise, to rise up, A’too.  To rive, or split, Ewha_oo’_ wha_oo_.  A Road, or path, Eae’ra.  Roasted, or broiled, Ooa’w_ai_ra.  A Robber, or thief, E_ee_’a (taata.) A Rock, Pa_oo_. A reef of Rocks, E’a_ou_.  Rolling, the rolling of a ship, T_oo_’r_oo_re.  A Root, Ap_oo_, s.  Ea.  A Rope of any kind, Taura.  Rotten, as rotten fruit, &c.  R_oo_pe.  Rough, not smooth, Ta’rra, tarra.  To row with oars, E’oome, s, E’hoee.

   To rub a thing, as in washing the hands Ho’roee_.
      and face_,

   The Rudder of a boat, or steering Hoee,fa’herre.
        paddle of a canoe

   Running backwards and forwards, Oo’atapone.
      endeavouring to escape


The Sail of a ship or boat, E_ee_’ai.  To sail, or to be under sail, E’whano.  Salt, or salt water, Ty’ty, s.  Meede.  Sand, dust, E’one.  Saturn, Whati’hea.  Saunders’s island, Tab_oo_a, Manoo.  A Saw, E_ee’oo_.  A Scab, E’tona. A fish’s Scale or scales, Poea.

A pair of Scissars, O’t_oo_bo,
s.  O’tob_oo_.

Page 91

A Scoop, to empty water from a canoe,             E’tata. 
To scrape a thing,                                Oo’a_oo_. 
To scratch with the fingers,                      Era’ra_oo_. 
Scratched, a scratched metal, &c.                  Pah_oo_re’h_oo_re. 
The Sea-cat, a fish so called,                    P_oo_he. 
The Sea,                                            Ta_ee_, s.  M_ee_de. 
A Sea-egg,                                          He’awy. 
A Seam between two planks,                        Fatoo’wh_ai_ra. 
To search for a thing that is lost,               Ooe,s.Pae’m_ee_. 
A Seat,                                             Papa.

Secret, a secret whispering, or slandering
, Ohe’m_oo_.

The Seed of a plant, H_oo_a’t_oo_t_oo_,
s.  Ehooero

The sense of seeing,                              E’h_ee_’o. 
To send,                                            Eho’poee. 
A Sepulchre, or burying-place,                    Ma’ray. 
A Servant,                                          T_ow_t_ow_. 
Seven,                                              A’H_ee_t_oo_. 
To sew, or string,                                E’t_oo_e. 
Seyne, to haul a seyne,                           Etoroo te p_ai_a. 
Shady,                                              Mar_oo_,maroo. 
To shake, or agitate a thing,                     E_oo_a’wai. 
A Shark,                                            Maeo. 
Sharp, not blunt,                                 Ooe’ee.

   To shave, or take off the beard, Eva’r_oo_,
                                             s.Whanne, whanne.

A small Shell, Ot’eo. A tyger Shell, Pore’h_oo_.  Shew it me, Enara.  A Ship, P_a_hee.  Shipwreck, Ara’wha. A white Shirt, Par_oo_’y.  To shiver with cold, A’tete. Mud Shoes, or fishing shoes, Tama.  The Shore, Euta.  Short, Po’potoo.

Shut, not open, Opa’n_ee_,
s.  Poo’peepe.

Sickness, Matte my Mamy. The left Side, A’r_oo_de.  The Side, E’reea’wo. The right Side, Atou,a’taou.  Sighing, Fa’ea.  Silence, Fatte’b_oo_a. 

Page 92

Similar, or alike, Oowhyae’da.  To sink, A’tomo.  A Sister, T_oo_’h_ei_ne.  To sit down, A’noho.  To sit cross-legged, T_ee_’py.  Six, A’Hon_oo_.  A Skate-fish, E’wha_ee_.  The Skin, Ee’ree.  The Sky, E’ra_ee_.  To sleep, Moee. The long Sleep, or death, Moee roea.  To sleep, when sitting, T_oo_’roore,moee.  A Sling, E’ma.  Slow, Marra,marroea,s.Fate.  Small, little, Eete.

The sense of smelling, Fata’t_oo_,

Smell it,                                        H_oi_na. 
To smell,                                          Ahe’oi. 
Smoke,                                             E’oora. 
Smooth,                                            Pa’ya.

Smutting the face with charcoal for
funeral ceremonies
, Bap’para.

A sea Snake, that has alternate
rings of a white and black colour
, P_oo_h_ee_’ar_oo_.

To snatch a thing hastily,                       E’h_ai_r_oo_. 
Sneezing,                                          Mach_ee_’ai.

   Snipe, a bird resembling a snipe, of
   a black and brown colour
, T_ee_’t_ee_.

   Snot ’H_oo_pe. 
   Soberness, sobriety, sober, not given T_ei_r_ei_da.
      to drunkenness,

To soften,                                         Epar_oo_’par_oo_. 
Softness, that is, not hard,                     Maroo. 
The Sole of the foot,                            Tap_oo_’y. 
A Son                                              My’de. 
A Son-in-law,                                      H_oo_’noea. 
A Song,                                            Heeva. 
A Sore, or ulcer,                                O’pai. 
Soreness, or pain,                               Ma’may. 
Sound, any sound that strikes the ear,           Pa’eena. 
A Span,                                            Ewhaee ono. 
To speak,                                          Paraou.
Speak; he speaks not from the heart,      Neeate oo_t_oo_ te parou
his words are only on his lips_,       no nona.
A Spear, or lance,                               Taeo. 
To spill,                                          Emare. 
To spit,                                           Too’t_oo_a.

   To spread, or to expand a thing, as Ho’hora.
      cloth, &c.

Page 93

To squeeze, or press hard, Ne,’ne_ee_.  To squeeze, or press gently with the hand, Roro’m_ee_.  Squint-eyed, Matta’areva. A fighting Stage in a boat, E’t_oo_t_ee_.

   To stamp with the feet, to trample on Tata’hy.
     a thing

Stand up, Atearenona.  A Star, E’f_ai_too, s.  Hwettoo.  A Star-fish, Eve’r_ee_.  To startle, as when one dreams Wa’hee, te’dirre.  Stay, or wait a little, A’r_ee_a, s.  Ar_ee_’ana.  To steal, ’Woreedo.  Steep, as steep rocks, or cliffs, Mato. A walking Stick, ’Tame.

   Stinking, ill-smelled, as stinking water,&c.  Na’m_oo_a,
                                                  s.  N_ee_’n_ee_o.

   Stink, to stink or smell ill, F_ou_, f_ou_. 
   To stink, as excrement, P_ee_ro,p_ee_ro. 
   The Stomach, ’Para_ee_’a. 
   A Stone, Owhay.
   A polished Stone, used to beat victuals P_ai_’noo.
        into a paste_,

   Stones, upright stones which stand on
   the paved area before huts
, T_oo_’t_oo_re.

   A small Stool, to lay the head
   on when asleep
, Papa, s.  Papa, r_oo_ae.

Stool, to go to stool,                           T_ee_t_ee_’o. 
To stop,                                           A’too. 
The Stopper of a quiver,                         Ponau. 
A Storm of wind, rain, thunder, &c.               Tarooa. 
Strait, narrow, not wide,                        P_ee_re,peere. 
Striking, hollow striking in dancing,            Ap_ee_. 
The String of a quiver,                          E’aha. 
Strong, as a strong man,                         O’omara. 
Struck,                                            A’b_oo_l_a_. 
Stupidity, ignorance,                            W_ee_a’l_a_. 
To suck as a child,                              Ote,ote. 
Sugar cane,                                      E’To, s.  Toeo. 
Suicide,                                           Euha’a_ou_. 
Sultry, or hot air,                              Poh_ee_a. 
The Sun,                                           Mahanna, s.  Era.
The meridian Sun,                            T_ei_’n_ee_a te Mahanna. 
Supine, lying,                               Fateeraha. 
Surf of the sea,                             Horo’w_ai_.

   An interjection of Surprise,
   or admiration, Allaheuee’ai.

Page 94

To surround,                                      A’b_oo_ne. 
To swallow,                                       Horo’m_ee_. 
The Sweat of the body, or to sweat          E’h_ou_, s.  Eh_ou_ h_ou_. 
A sweet taste,                              Mona. 
Swell of the sea,                           E’r_oo_.


A Tail, Ero.  A Tail of a bird, E’hoppe.  To take a friend by the hand, Etoo’ya_oo_.  To take off, or unloose, Eve’vette.  To take care of the victuals, Ewhaapoo te maa.  To talk, or converse, Paraou. The sense of tasting, Tama’ta.  A Tetotum, or whirligig, E’piroea.  To tear a thing, Ha’hy, s.  Whatte.  A Teat, or dug, E’oo.  The Teeth, E’n_ee_h_ee_o.  Ten A’h_oo_r_oo_.  To tend, or feed hogs, Ew_h_a_ee_ te Boea.  Tenants, Af_eu_’h_au_. A black Tern, with a whitish head, O_ee_’o.  There, Te’raee.  They, them, or theirs, To’ta_oo_a.  Thickness, applied to solid bodies, Meoo’meoo.  Thick, as thick cloth, &c.  T_oo_e’too’e.  Thick, muddy, Ewore’r_oo_,s.Eworepe.  Thine, it is yours, or belongs to you, No oee.  Thirst, W’ah_ee_’y.  Thoughts, Para_ou_, no te o’p_oo_. An appearance of thoughtfulness, Fate’b_oo_a.  Three, Tor_oo_.  The Throat, Ara’poa.  To throw, or heave a thing, Taora.  To throw a thing away, Harre’wai.  To throw a ball, Ama’h_oo_a.  To throw a lance, Evara’towha.  Throw, shall I throw it, Taure’a’a.  Throwing in dancing, Hoe’aire.  The Thumb, E’r_ee_ma,erahai.  Thunder, Pa’t_ee_re.  Tickle, to tickle a person, My’n_ee_na.  A Tide, or current, A’ow.  To tie a knot, Ty.

   Time, a space of time, from 6 to 10
   at night
, O’t_oo_e, teepo.

Page 95

Time, a little time, a small space,            Popo’eun_oo_. 
Time, a long time, a great while,              Ta’moo. 
A Title belonging to a woman of rank,          E’tapay’r_oo_. 
A Toe of the foot,                             Man_ee_o. 
A Tomb,                                          T_oo_,pap’pou. 
The Tongue,                                      E’rero. 
A Tortoise,                                      E’hon_oo_. 
Touching,                                        Fa’fa. 
Tough, as tough meat, &c.                       Ah_oo_’oue. 
A Town,                                     E’farre p_oo_to p_oo_t_oo_. 
To trample with the foot,                 Tata’he, s.  Ta’ta’hy. 
A Tree,                                     E’raeo.

   A Tree, from which they make clubs, Toea (Eraeo.)
, &c.

To tremble, or shudder with cold,        Ooa’titte, s.  Eta. 
Trembling, shaking,                      A_ou_’dou. 
To trip one up in wrestling,             Me’haee. 
A Tropic-bird,                             Man_oo_’roa. 
Truth,                                     Eva_ee_’roea,s.Para_ou_,mou. 
To tumble,                                 P_ou_ta’heite. 
A Turban,                                  E’taee. 
To turn, or turned,                       Oo’ahoee.

   To turn, as in walking backwards and
, H_oo_d_ee_p_ee_pe.

Twins, twin children,                         Ma’hea. 
To twist a rope,                              Taw_ee_’r_ee_. 
Two,                                            E’Rooae.


An Ulcer, or sore,                            O’p_ai_. 
Under, below, low down,                       Oraro. 
Under sail,                                   P_ou_’pou_ee_. 
To understand,                                  Ee’te. 
To undress, or take off the clothes,          Ta’turra. 
An unmarried person,                          Ar_ee_’oi. 
Unripe, as unripe fruit,&c.                    P_oo_.


Luminous Vapour, Epao.  Vassal, or subject, Manna’h_ou_na.  Vast, Ara,hai,s.Mai,ara’hai.  The Veins that run under the skin, E’w_ou_a.  Venus, T_ou_’r_oo_a.

   Vessel, any hollow vessel, as cups of
,&c. Ai’boo.

   Vessel, a hollow vessel in which they
   prepare an inebriating liquor
, Oo’mutte.

   To vomit, Er_oo_’y.


Page 96

Wad, tow, fibres like hemp,                    Ta’m_ou_. 
Wait, stay a little,                           Areeana. 
Wake, awake,                                   Arra arra, s.  Era. 
To walk out,                                     Avou’oia. 
To walk backwards and forwards,                H_oo_a p_ee_pe. 
A Warrior, soldier, or rather a man-killer,    Taatatoea. 
Warmth, heat,                                  Mahanna,hanna. 
A Wart,                                          Toria. 
To wash, as to wash cloth in water,            Mare. 
To watch,                                        Eteaee. 
Water,                                           A’vy. 
Water-cresses,                                   Pa’toea. 
We, both of us,                            Ta_oo_a, s.  Ar_oo_’r_oo_a. 
A wedge,                                     Era’h_ei_. 
To weep, or cry,                           Hanoe a,a,ta_ee_. 
Well recovered, or well escaped,           Woura, s. woo,ara. 
Well, it is well, charming, fine,          P_oo_ro’too.

What, whats that, E’hara, E’ha’rya,s. 
Ye’ha_ee_a, expressed

What do you call that, what is the
name of it
, Owy te a_ee_’oa.

When, at what time,                            W’heea. 
Where is it,                                   Te’hea.
Whet, to whet or sharp a thing,                Evo_ee_. 
To whistle,                                      Ma’p_oo_.

Whistling, a method of whistling to
call the people to meals
, Ep_ou_,maa.

To whisper secretly, as in backbiting, &c.  Ohe’m_oo_.

Who is that, what is he called, Owy,tanna, s. 

Whole, the whole not a part of a thing, E’ta,e’tea, s.  A’ma_oo_.  Wide, not strait or narrow, Whatta,whatta.  A Widow, Wa’t_oo_neea.  Wife, my wife, Ma’h_ei_ne.  The Wind, Mattay. The south-east Wind, Mattaee.  A Window, Ma’laee ou’panee.  The Wing of a bird, Ere’ou.  To wink, E’am_ou_,am_oo_.  To wipe a thing clean, Ho’ro_ee_.  Wish, a wish to one who sneezes, Eva’r_ou_a t Eaet_oo_a.  Within side, T_ee_’ro to.  A Woman, Wa’h_ei_ne. A married Woman, Wa’h_ei_ne mou.

Woman, she is a married woman, she
has got another husband
, Terra,tanne.

Page 97

Won’t I won’t do it, ’A_eeoo_, expressed

Wood of any kind,                              E’raoe. 
A Wound,                                         Oo’t_ee_. 
A Wrestler,                                      M_ou_na. 
Wrinkled in the face,                          M_ee_o, m_ee_o. 
The Wrist,                                       Mo’moea. 
A Wry-neck,                                      Na’na.


To yawn, Ha’mamma.  Yellow colour, He’appa.  Yes, Ay, s. ai.  Yesterday, Ninna’hay.  Yesternight, Ere’po.  York island, Ei’meo.  Yon Oe. young,_as a young animal of any kind_, P_ee_’n_ai_a.

[21] A Table exhibiting at one View, Specimens of different
languages spoken in the South-Sea, from Easter Island,
Westward to New Caledonia, as observed in the Voyage.

English.    Otaheite.                    Easter Island. 
The Marquesas Isles.       The Island of Amsterdam.      New Zealand. 
Malicolo.     Tanna.                 New Caledonia

A Bird, ’Man_oo_,[22] ’Man_oo_,
Man_oo_, Manee, s.  Man_eek_.

A Bow E’fanna,
Nabrr_oo_s, Na’fanga.

Bread-fruit Oor_oo_,
Ba’rabe, Tag’oor_oo_.

A canoe E’vaea ’Wagga,
Ev’aea, Ta’wagga,

Cloth         Ah_oo_,                        ’Ah_oo_,
’Ah_oo_, s.  A’hoo_ee_a,           Babba’langa,Kak’ah_oo_,
Ta’nar_ee_,             Hamban.

A Cocoa-nut ’Ar_ee_,
Nar_oo_, Nab_oo_’y, ’N_eeoo_.

To drink Ayn_oo_’ A_ee_n_oo_,
No’a_ee_, N_ooee_, ’Oo_d_oo_, s. Oond_oo_.

The Eye       Matta,                        Matta,
’Matta, s.  Matta_ee_a,          ’Matta,                 ’Matta,
M_ai_tang,     Nan_ee_’maiuk,          T_ee_’vein.
The Ear       Ta’r_ee_a,                      Ta’r_ee_an,
B_oo_’eena,                                           Ta’r_ee_ka,
Talingan,    F_ee_n_ee_’enguk,         Gain’eeng.

Fish ’Eya, Eeka,
Eeka, ’Eeka,

A Fowl, Moea, Moea,

The Hand, E’r_ee_ma, ’R_ee_ma,
E_oo_’my, E’r_ee_ma, ’R_ee_nga,

Page 98

The Head, Oo’po, Aoe’po,
Ba’s_ai_ne, N_oo_gwa’n_aium, Gar’moing.

A Hog,        ’Boea,
’B_oo_a,                        B_oo_’acka,
’Brr_oo_as,    ’B_oo_ga, s.  ’B_oo_gas.
I,myself,     W_ou_, s. ou,
’W_ou_,                                                 Ou.

To laugh, ’Atta,
’Haearish, Ap, s.Gye’ap.

A Man, ’Taeata, Papa? 
Ba’rang, Nar_oo_’maean.

The Navel,    ’P_ee_to,
P_ee_to, s.  P_ee_to’ai,                                   P_ee_to,
Nomprtong,   Nap_ee_ rainguk,        Whanb_oo_ een.
No,           (1)’Ayma,(2)Y_ai_ha,(3)A’oure,’Eisa,
’Eesha,      Ka’oure,
Ta’ep,       E’sa,                 ’Eeva, Eeba.

Plantains, ’M_ai_ya, (1)Maya, (2)F_oo_tse,
M_ai_e_ea_, ’F_oo_dje,

Puncturation, Ta’t_ou_,
E’pat_oo_, Ta’t_ou_, Moko,
’Gan, s.  Gan,galang.

Rain, E’ooa, ’Ooa,

Na’mawar, Ooe.

Sugar cane, E’To, To,


The Teeth,    E’n_ee_h_ee_o,                    ’N_ee_ho,
E’n_ee_ho,                      ’N_ee_fo,                 N_ee_ho,
R_ee_’bohn,    ’Warrewuk, s.  ’R_ai_buk, Penna’w_ei_n.

Water, A’vay, E’vy,

Er’g_ou_r, Ooe.

To Whistle, ’Map_oo_,
Papang, Awe’bern, ’Wy_oo_.

A Woman, Wa’h_ei_ne,
Ra’bin, N_ai_’braean, Tama.

Yams, E’oohe, Oohe,
Nan-’ram, Oofe, Oobe.

Yes, Ai,
Ai, ’Eeo, ’Elo, s. Eeo,
s. oee.

You, Oe,

One,          A’Tahay,                       Katta’ha_ee_,
Atta’ha_ee_,                    Ta’ha_ee_,

Ts_ee_’ka_ee_, R_ee_d_ee_, Wag_ee’ai_ng.

Two,          E’R_oo_a,                        ’Rooa,
A’ooa,                        E’ooa,
E’ry,        ’Karoo,               ’Waroo.
Three,       ’Ter_oo_,                        ’Tor_oo_,
A’tor_oo_,                      ’Tor_oo_,
E’r_ei_,       ’Kahar,               Wat_ee_ en.
Four,         A’Haa,                        ’Haea, s.  Faea,
A’faa,                        A’faea,
E’bats,      ’K_ai_phar,             Wam’ba_ee_k.
Five,         E’R_ee_ma,                      ’R_ee_ma,
A’eema,                       ’N_ee_ma,
E’r_ee_m,      ’Kr_ee_rum,             Wannim.

   Six, A’ono, ’Hon_oo_,
   Ts_oo_’ka_ee_, Ma’r_ee_d_ee_, Wannim-g_ee_ek.

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   Seven, A’H_ei_too, ’H_ee_d_oo_,
   G_oo_y, Ma’kar_oo_, Wannim’n_oo_.

Eight, A’war_oo_, ’Var_oo_,
H_oo_rey, Ma’kahar, Wannim’g_ai_n.

Nine, A’eeva, H_ee_va,
G_oo_dbats, Ma’k_ai_phar, Wannim’ba_ee_k.

Ten, A’h_oo_r_oo_, Atta’h_oo_r_oo_,
s.  Anna’h_oo_r_oo_,
Wannah_oo_, s.  Wanna’h_oo_e,
Senearr, Ma’kr_ee_rum, Wann_oo_’n_ai_uk.

[Footnote 21:  It may be easily perceived, that notwithstanding some words are entirely different, the first five Indian languages are radically the same; though the distance from Easter Island to New Zealand is upwards of fifteen hundred leagues.  The principal difference consists in the mode of pronunciation, which in Easter Island, Amsterdam, and New Zealand, is more harsh, or guttural, than at the Marquesas Isles, or Otaheite.  The other three differ totally, not only from the preceding, but from each other; which is more extraordinary than the agreement of the others, as from Malicolo to Tanna you never lose sight of land; nor is New Caledonia at a great distance from the last place.  In the language of Malicolo a great number of harsh labial sounds prevail, very difficult to be represented in writing.  At Tanna the pronunciation is likewise harsh, but rather guttural, and the inhabitants of New Caledonia have many nasal sounds, or snivel much in speaking.  It may however be observed, that in the three last languages, some words are found which seem to have a distant resemblance to those that go before; as Brr’ooas, in Malicolo, and ’B_oo_ga, or ’Boogas, in Tanna, both signifying a hog, which at Otaheite and the Marquesas, is expressed by the word ’Boea, and at Amsterdam B_oo_’acka.  Yet, whether these may not have been accidentally introduced, is hard to determine; because they frequently use two words to express the same thing; as for instance, in New Caledonia, they call a star both P_ee_j_oo_ and Fya’t_oo_; the first seems most consonant to the general composition of their language, whereas the second differs very little from E’f_ai_t_oo_, or Whet_oo_, the name of a star at Otaheite.  When they mention puncturation, it is commonly called a Gan, or Gan,galan; but sometimes they say Tata’tou, which is almost the same as Ta’t_ou_, used to express the same thing at Otaheite and Amsterdam.]

[Footnote 22:  The letters in Italic, as oo, ee, &c. are to be sounded as one.  Those with this “, as oee, &c. are separately.  The accent at the beginning of a word, signifies the chief stress in pronunciation is to be laid there; if over it at any other part, the stress is laid on that part immediately following.  A comma in the middle of a word, either signifies, that it is compounded of two, or, that the same syllables repeated, make the word; in both which cases, a small stop, or pause, must be made in pronouncing it.]

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The spirit of discovery, which had long animated the European nations, having, after its arduous and successful exertions, during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, gradually subsided, and for a considerable time lain dormant, began to revive in Great Britain in the late reign;[24] and recovered all its former activity, under the cherishing influence, and munificent encouragement, of his present majesty.

[Footnote 23:  The account of this voyage was originally published in three volumes the first and second of which were written by Captain Cook himself, and the third by Captain King, one of his officers.  The work, however, as the reader will soon find, is materially enriched by the communications of Mr Anderson, surgeon of the Resolution.  The valuable introduction, and the notes interspersed throughout the volumes contributed by Cook, were the production of Dr Douglas, Bishop of Salisbury, who, at the request of Lord Sandwich, undertook also the office of editor.  Of the amount of his services in this character, we have his own statement, towards the end of the introduction.  From this, it appears, that Cook, when he set out, knew he was expected to relate, as well as to execute, the operations committed to him; and that his journal, in consequence, was faithfully adhered to.  This seems to imply the non-interference of the editor, at least in any important sense.  The same thing may be inferred from what he says respecting Mr Anderson’s journal.  And as to the third volume, we are expressly told, that it was completely prepared for the press by Captain King himself.  There is surely, then, very little foundation for an assertion made in the memoir of Captain Cook, inserted in the new edition of the General Biographical Dictionary, vol. 10. viz. that Dr Douglas “has levelled down the more striking peculiarities of the different writers, into some appearance of equality.”  Certainly, we are bound either to refuse such an insinuation, or to charge falsehood on Dr Douglas, who expressly states, that all he has to answer for, are the notes in Captain Cook’s two volumes and the introduction.  But the alternative will give no trouble to any reader acquainted with the worthy character of the bishop, or who can comprehend, how very readily a probable conjecture may became the basis of an erroneous opinion.

It is necessary to apprise the reader, that the letter D is placed at such of Dr Douglas’s notes as it is thought advisable to retain in this work, and that for the rest marked E., the editor, as formerly, is responsible.—­E.]

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[Footnote 24:  Two voyages for discovering a north-west passage, through Hudson’s Bay, were then performed; one under the command of Captain Middleton, in his majesty’s ships the Furnace, and the Discovery pink, in 1741 and 1743.  The other under the direction of Captains Smith and Moore, in the ships Dobbs and California, fitted out by subscription, in 1746 and 1747.—­D.]

Soon after his accession to the throne, having happily closed the destructive operations of war, he turned his thoughts to enterprises more humane, but not less brilliant, adapted to the season of returning peace.  While every liberal art, and useful study, flourished under his patronage at home, his superintending care was extended to such branches of knowledge, as required distant examination and enquiry; and his ships, after bringing back victory and conquest from every quarter of the known world, were now employed in opening friendly communications with its hitherto unexplored recesses.

In the prosecution of an object so worthy of the monarch of a great commercial people, one voyage followed another in close succession; and, we may add, in regular gradation.  What Byron had begun, Wallis and Carteret soon improved.  Their success gave birth to a far more extensive plan of discovery, carried into execution in two subsequent voyages, conducted by Cook.  And that nothing might be left unattempted, though much had been already done, the same commander, whose professional skill could only be equalled by the persevering diligence with which he had exerted it, in the course of his former researches, was called upon, once more, to resume, or rather to complete, the survey of the globe.  Accordingly, another voyage was undertaken, in 1776; which, though last in the order of time, was far from being the least considerable, with respect to the extent and importance of its objects; yet, still, far less fortunate than any of the former, as those objects were not accomplished, but at the expence of the valuable life of its conductor.

When plans, calculated to be of general utility, are carried into execution with partial views, and upon interested motives, it is natural to attempt to confine, within some narrow circle, the advantages which might have been derived to the world at large, by an unreserved disclosure of all that had been effected.  And, upon this principle, it has too frequently been considered as sound policy, perhaps, in this country, as well as amongst some of our neighbours, to affect to draw a veil of secrecy over the result of enterprises to discover and explore unknown quarters of the globe.  It is to the honour of the present reign, that more liberal views have been now adopted.  Our late voyages, from the very extensive objects proposed by them, could not but convey useful information to every European nation; and, indeed, to every nation, however remote, which cultivates commerce, and is acquainted with navigation:  And that information has most

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laudably been afforded.  The same enlarged and benevolent spirit, which ordered these several expeditions to be undertaken, has also taken care that the result of their various discoveries should be authentically recorded.  And the transactions of these voyages round the world, having, in due time, been communicated, under the authority of his majesty’s naval minister; those of the present, which, besides revisiting many of the former discoveries in the southern, carried its operations into untrodden paths in the northern hemisphere, are, under the same sanction, now submitted to the public in these volumes.

One great plan of nautical investigation having been pursued throughout, it is obvious, that the several voyages have a close connection, and that an exact recollection of what had been aimed at, and effected, in those that preceded, will throw considerable light on our period.  With a view, therefore, to assist the reader in forming a just estimate of the additional information conveyed by this publication, it may not be improper to lay before him a short, though comprehensive, abstract of the principal objects that had been previously accomplished, arranged in such a manner, as may serve to unite into one point of view, the various articles which lie scattered through the voluminous journals already in the hands of the public; those compiled by Dr Hawkesworth; and that which was written by Captain Cook himself.  By thus shewing what had been formerly done, how much still remained for subsequent examination will be more apparent; and it will be better understood on what grounds, though the ships of his majesty had already circumnavigated the world five different times, in the course of about ten years, another voyage should still be thought expedient.

There will be a farther use in giving such an abstract a place in this introduction.  The plan of discovery, carried on in so many successive expeditions, being now, we may take upon us to say, in a great measure completed, by summing up the final result, we shall be better able to do justice to the benevolent purposes it was designed to answer; and a solid foundation will be laid, on which we may build a satisfactory answer to a question, sometimes asked by peevish refinement, and ignorant malevolence, What beneficial consequences, if any, have followed, or are likely to follow, to the discoverers, or to the discovered, to the common interests of humanity, or to the increase of useful knowledge, from all our boasted attempts to explore the distant recesses of the globe?

The general object of the several voyages round the world, undertaken by the command of his majesty, prior to that related in this work, was to search for unknown tracts of land that might exist within the bosom of the immense expanse of ocean that occupies the whole southern hemisphere.

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Within that space, so few researches had been made, before our time, and those few researches had been made so imperfectly, that the result of them, as communicated to the world in any narration, had rather served to create uncertainty, than to convey information; to deceive the credulous, rather than to satisfy the judicious enquirer; by blending the true geography of above half the superficies of the earth with an endless variety of plausible conjectures, suggested by ingenious speculation; of idle tales, handed down by obscure tradition; or of bold fictions, invented by deliberate falsehood.

It would have been very unfortunate, indeed, if five different circumnavigations of the globe, some of them, at least, if not all, in tracks little known, and less frequented, had produced no discoveries, to reward the difficulties and perils unavoidably encountered.  But the following review will furnish the most satisfactory proofs, that his majesty’s instructions have been executed with ability; and that the repeated visits of his ships to the southern hemisphere, have very considerably added to our stock of geographical knowledge.

1.  The south Atlantic ocean was the first scene of our operations.  Falkland’s Islands had been hitherto barely known to exist; but their true position and extent, and every circumstance which could render their existence of any consequence, remained absolutely undecided, till Byron visited them in 1764.  And Captain Macbride, who followed him thither two years after, having circumnavigated their coasts, and taken a complete survey, a chart of Falkland’s Islands has been constructed, with so much accuracy, that the coasts of Great Britain itself, are not more authentically laid down upon our maps.

How little was really known of the islands in the south Atlantic, even so late as the time of Lord Anson, we have the most remarkable proofs, in the history of his voyage.  Unavoidably led into mistake, by the imperfect materials then in the possession of the world, he had considered Pepys’s Island, and Falkland Isles, as distinct places; distant from each other about five degrees of latitude.  Byron’s researches have rectified this capital error; and it is now decided, beyond all contradiction, that, as Captain Cook says, “Future navigators will mispend their time, if they look for Pepys’s Island in latitude 47 deg.; it being now certain, that Pepys’s Island is no other than these islands of Falkland.”

Besides the determination of this considerable point, other lands, situated in the South Atlantic, have been brought forward into view.  If the isle of Georgia had been formerly seen by La Roche in 1675, and by Mr Guyot, in the ship Lion, in 1756, which seems to be probable, Captain Cook, in 1775, has made us fully acquainted with its extent and true position; and, in the same year, he added to the map of the world Sandwich Land, hitherto not known to exist, and the most southern discovery that has been ever accomplished.

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II.  Though the Strait of Magalhaens had been formerly visited, and sailed through by ships of different nations, before our time, a careful examination of its bays, and harbours, and head-lands; of the numerous islands it contains, and of the coasts, on both sides, that inclose it; and an exact account of the tides, and currents, and soundings, throughout its whole extent, was a task, which, if Sir John Narborough, and others, had not totally omitted, they cannot be said to have recorded so fully, as to preclude the utility of future investigation.  This task has been ably and effectually performed by Byron, Wallis, and Carteret; whose transactions in this strait, and the chart of it, founded on their observations and discoveries, are a most valuable accession to geography.

III.  If the correct information, thus obtained, about every part of this celebrated strait, should deter future adventurers from involving themselves in the difficulties and embarrassments of a labyrinth, now known to be so intricate, and the unavoidable source of danger and delay, we have the satisfaction to have discovered, that a safer and more expeditious entrance into the Pacific Ocean, may be reasonably depended upon.  The passage round Cape Horn has been repeatedly tried, both from the east and from the west, and stript of its terrors.  We shall, for the future, be less discouraged by the labours and distresses experienced by the squadrons of Lord Anson and Pizarro, when we recollect that they were obliged to attempt the navigation of those seas at an unfavourable season of the year; and that there was nothing very formidable met with there when they were traversed by Captain Cook.

To this distinguished navigator was reserved the honour of being the first, who, from a series of the most satisfactory observations, beginning at the west entrance of the Strait of Magalhaens, and carried on with unwearied diligence, round Tierra del Fuego, through the Strait of Le Maire, has constructed a chart of the southern extremity of America, from which it will appear, how much former navigators must have been at a loss to guide themselves; and what advantages will be now enjoyed by those who shall hereafter sail round Cape Horn.

IV.  As the voyages of discovery, undertaken by his majesty’s command, have facilitated the access of ships into the Pacific Ocean, they have also greatly enlarged our knowledge of its contents.

Though the immense expanse usually distinguished by this appellation, had been navigated by Europeans for near two centuries and a half, by far the greater part of it, particularly to the south of the equator, had remained, during all this time, unexplored.

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The great aim of Magalhaens, and of the Spaniards in general, its first navigators, being merely to arrive, by this passage, at the Moluccas, and the other Asiatic spice islands, every intermediate part of the ocean that did not lie contiguous to their western track, which was on the north side of the equator, of course escaped due examination.  And if Mendana and Quiros, and some nameless conductors of voyages before them, by deviating from this track, and steering westward from Callao, within the southern tropic, were so fortunate as to meet with various islands there, and so sanguine as to consider those islands as marks of the existence of a neighbouring southern continent, in the exploring of which they flattered themselves they should rival the fame of De Gama and Columbus, these feeble efforts never led to any effectual disclosure of the supposed hidden mine of a New World.  On the contrary, their voyages being conducted without a judicious plan, and their discoveries being left imperfect without immediate settlement, or subsequent examination, and scarcely recorded in any well-authenticated or accurate narrations, had been almost forgot; or were so obscurely remembered, as only to serve the purpose of producing perplexing debates about their situation and extent, if not to suggest doubts about their very existence.

It seems, indeed, to have become a very early object of policy in the Spanish councils, to discontinue and to discourage any farther researches in that quarter.  Already masters of a larger empire on the continent of America than they could conveniently govern, and of richer mines of the precious metals on that continent than they could convert into use, neither avarice nor ambition furnished reasons for aiming at a fresh accession of dominions.  And thus, though settled all along the shores of this ocean, in a situation so commodious for prosecuting discoveries throughout its wide extent, the Spaniards remained satisfied with a coasting intercourse between their own ports; never stretching across the vast gulph that separates that part of America from Asia, but in an unvarying line of navigation, perhaps in a single annual ship, between Acapulco and Manilla.

The tracks of other European navigators of the South Pacific Ocean, were, in a great measure, regulated by those of the Spaniards, and consequently limited within the same narrow bounds.  With the exception, perhaps, of two instances only, those of Le Maire and Roggewein, no ships of another nation had entered this sea, through the Strait of Magalhaens, or found Cape Horn, but for the purposes of trade with the Spaniards, or of hostility against them, purposes which could not be answered, without precluding any probable chance of adding much to our stock of discovery.  For it was obviously incumbent on all such adventurers, to confine their cruises within a moderate distance of the Spanish settlements, in the vicinity of which alone they could hope to exercise their commerce,

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or to execute their predatory and military operations.  Accordingly, soon after emerging from the strait, or completing the circuit of Tierra del Fuego, they began to hold a northerly course, to the uninhabited island of Juan Fernandez, their usual spot of rendezvous and refreshment.  And after ranging along the continent of America, from Chili to California, they either reversed their course back to the Atlantic, or, if they ventured to extend their voyage by stretching over to Asia, they never thought of trying experiments in the unfrequented and unexplored parts of the ocean, but chose the beaten path (if the expression may be used,) within the limits of which it was likely that they might meet with a Philippine galleon, to make their voyage profitable to themselves; but could have little prospect, if they had been desirous, of making it useful to the public, by gaining any accession of new land to the map of the world.

By the natural operation of these causes, it could not but happen, that little progress should be made toward obtaining a full and accurate knowledge of the South Pacific Ocean.  Something, however, had been attempted by the industrious, and once enterprising, Dutch, to whom we are indebted for three voyages, undertaken for the purposes of discovery; and whose researches, in the southern latitudes of this ocean, are much better ascertained than are those of the earlier Spanish navigators above mentioned.

Le Maire and Schouten, in 1616, and Roggewein, in 1722, wisely judging that nothing new could be gained by adhering to the usual passage on the north side of the Line, traversed this ocean from Cape Horn to the East Indies, crossing the south tropic, a space which had been so seldom, and so ineffectually, visited; though popular belief, fortified by philosophical speculation, expected there to reap the richest harvest of discovery.

Tasman, in 1642, in his extensive circuit from Batavia, through the South Indian Ocean, entered the South Pacific, at its greatest distance from the American side, where it never had been examined before.  And his range, continued from a high southern latitude, northward to New Guinea, and the islands to the east of it near the equator, produced intermediate discoveries, that have rendered his voyage memorable in the annals of navigation.

But still, upon the whole, what was effected in these three expeditions, served only to shew how large a field was reserved for future and more persevering examination.  Their results had, indeed, enabled geographers to diversify the vacant uniformity of former charts of this ocean by the insertion of some new islands.  But the number, and the extent of these insertions, were so inconsiderable, that they may be said to appear

   Rari, nantes in gurgite vasto.

And, if the discoveries were few, those few were made very imperfectly.  Some coasts were approached, but not landed upon; and passed without waiting to examine their extent and connection with those that might exist at no great distance.  If others were landed upon, the visits were, in general, so transient, that it was scarcely possible to build upon a foundation so weakly laid, any information that could even gratify idle curiosity, much less satisfy philosophical enquiry, or contribute greatly to the safety, or to the success, of future navigation.

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Let us, however, do justice to these beginnings of discovery.  To the Dutch, we must, at least, ascribe the merit of being our harbingers, though we afterward went beyond them in the road they had first ventured to tread.  And with what success his majesty’s ships have, in their repeated voyages, penetrated into the obscurest recesses of the South Pacific Ocean, will appear from the following enumeration of their various and very extensive operations, which have drawn up the veil that had hitherto been thrown over the geography of so great a proportion of the globe.

1.  The several lands, of which any account had been given, as seen by any of the preceding navigators, Spanish or Dutch, have been carefully looked for, and most of them (at least such of them as seemed of any consequence) found out and visited; and not visited in a cursory manner, but every means used to correct former mistakes, and to supply former deficiencies, by making accurate enquiries ashore, and taking skilful surveys of their coasts, by sailing round them, who has not heard, or read, of the boasted Tierra Australia del Espiritu Santo of Quiros?  But its bold pretensions to be a part of a southern continent, could not stand Captain Cook’s examination, who sailed round it, and assigned it its true position and moderate bounds, in the Archipelago of the New Hebrides.[25]

[Footnote 25:  Bougainville, in 1768, did no more than discover that the land here was not connected, but composed of islands.  Captain Cook, in 1774, explored the whole group.—­D.]

2.  Besides perfecting many of the discoveries of their predecessors, our late navigators have enriched geographical knowledge with a long catalogue of their own.  The Pacific Ocean, within the south tropic, repeatedly traversed, in every direction, was found to swarm with a seemingly endless profusion of habitable spots of land.  Islands scattered through the amazing space of near fourscore degrees of longitude, separated at various distances, or grouped in numerous clusters, have, at their approach, as it were, started into existence; and such ample accounts have been brought home concerning them and their inhabitants, as may serve every useful purpose of enquiry; and, to use Captain Cook’s words, who bore so considerable a share in those discoveries, have left little more to be done in that part.

3.  Byron, Wallis, and Carteret had each of them contributed toward increasing our knowledge of the islands that exist in the Pacific Ocean, within the limits of the southern tropic; but how far that ocean reached to the west, what lands bounded it on that side, and the connection of those lands with the discoveries of former navigators, was still the reproach of geographers, and remained absolutely unknown, till Captain Cook, during his first voyage in 1770, brought back the most satisfactory decision of this important question.  With a wonderful perseverance, and consummate skill,

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amidst an uncommon combination of perplexities and dangers, he traced this coast near two thousand miles, from the 38 deg. of south latitude, cross the tropic, to its northern extremity, within 10 deg. 1/2 of the equinoctial, where it was found to join the lands already explored by the Dutch, in several voyages from their Asiatic settlements, and to which they have given the name of New Holland.  Those discoveries made in the last century, before Tasman’s voyage, had traced the north and the west coasts of this land; and Captain Cook, by his extensive operations on its east side, left little to be done toward completing the full circuit of it.  Between Cape Hicks, in latitude 38 deg., where his examination of this coast began, and that part of Van Diemen’s Land, from whence Tasman took his departure, was not above fifty-five leagues.  It was highly probable, therefore, that they were connected; though Captain Cook cautiously says, that he could not determine whether his New South Wales, that is, the east coast of New Holland, joins to Van Diemen’s Land, or no.  But what was thus left undetermined by the operations of his first voyage, was, in the course of his second, soon cleared up; Captain Furneaux, in the Adventure, during his separation from the Resolution (a fortunate separation as it thus turned out) in 1773, having explored Van Diemen’s Land, from its southern point, along the east coast, far beyond Tasman’s station, and on to the latitude 38 deg., where Captain Cook’s examination of it in 1770 had commenced.

It is no longer, therefore, a doubt, that we have now a full knowledge of the whole circumference of this vast body of land, this fifth part of the world (if I may so speak), which our late voyages have discovered to be of so amazing a magnitude, that, to use Captain Cook’s words, it is of a larger extent than any other country in the known world, that does not bear the name of a continent.[26]

[Footnote 26:  What the learned editor asserts here, as to the full knowledge acquired by the voyages to which he alludes, must be restricted, as Captain Flinders very properly remarks, to the general extent of the vast region explored.  It will not apply to the particular formation of its coasts, for this plain reason, that the chart accompanying the work, of which he was writing the introduction, represents much of the south coast as totally unknown.  It is necessary to mention also, that what he says immediately before, in allusion to the discoveries made by Captain Furaeaux, must submit to correction.  That officer committed some errors, owing, it would appear, to the imperfection of preceding accounts; and he left undetermined the interesting question as to the existence of a connection betwixt Van Diemen’s Land and New South Wales.  The opinion which he gave as to this point, on very insufficient data certainly, viz. that there is “no strait between them, but a very deep bay,” has been most satisfactorily disproved, by the discovery of the extensive passage which bears the name of Flinders’s friend, Mr Bass, the enterprising gentleman that accomplished it.—­E.]

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4.  Tasman having entered the Pacific Ocean, after leaving Van Diemen’s Land, had fallen in with a coast to which he gave the name of New Zealand.  The extent of this coast, and its position in any direction but a part of its west side, which he sailed along in his course northward, being left absolutely unknown, it had been a favourite opinion amongst geographers, since his time, that New Zealand was a part of a southern continent, running north and south, from the 33 deg. to the 64 deg. of south latitude, and its northern, coast stretching cross the South Pacific to an immense distance, where its eastern boundary had been seen by Juan Fernandez, half a century before.  Captain Cook’s voyage in the Endeavour has totally destroyed this supposition.  Though Tasman must still have the credit of having first seen New Zealand, to Captain Cook solely belongs that of having really explored it.  He spent near six months upon its coasts in 1769 and 1770, circumnavigated it completely, and ascertained its extent and division into two islands.  Repeated visits since that have perfected this important discovery, which, though now known to be no part of a southern continent, will probably, in all future charts of the world, be distinguished as the largest islands that exist in that part of the southern hemisphere.

5.  Whether New Holland did or did not join to New Guinea, was a question involved in much doubt and uncertainty, before Captain Cook’s sailing between them, through Endeavour Strait, decided it.  We will not hesitate to call this an important acquisition to geography.  For though the great sagacity and extensive reading of Mr Dalrymple had discovered some traces of such a passage having been found before, yet these traces were so obscure, and so little known in the present age, that they had not generally regulated the construction of our charts; the President de Brosses, who wrote in 1756, and was well versed in geographical researches, had not been able to satisfy himself about them; and Mons. de Bougainville, in 1768, who had ventured to fall in with the south coast of New Guinea, near ninety leagues to the westward of its south-east point, chose rather to work those ninety leagues directly to windward, at a time when his people were in such distress for provisions as to eat the seal-skins from off the yards and rigging, than to run the risk of finding a passage, of the existence of which he entertained the strongest doubts, by persevering in his westerly course.  Captain Cook, therefore, in this part of his voyage (though he modestly disclaims all merit), has established, beyond future controversy, a fact of essential service to navigation, by opening, if not a new, at least an unfrequented and forgotten communication between the South Pacific and Indian Oceans.[27]

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[Footnote 27:  We are indebted to Mr Dalrymple for the recovery of an interesting document respecting a passage betwixt New Holland and New Guinea, discovered by Torres, a Spanish navigator, in 1606.  It was found among the archives of Manilla, when that city was taken by the British, in 1762, being a copy of a letter which Torres addressed to the king of Spain, giving an account of his discoveries.  The Spaniards, as usual, had kept the matter a profound secret, so that the existence of the strait was generally unknown, till the labours of Captain Cook, in 1770, entitled him to the merit here assigned.  Captain Flinders, it must be remembered, is of opinion, that some suspicion of such a strait was entertained in 1644, when Tasman sailed on his second voyage, but that the Dutch, who were then engaged in making discoveries in these regions, were ignorant of its having been passed.  Several navigators have sailed through Torres’s Strait, as it has been justly enough named, since the time of Cook, and have improved our acquaintance with its geography.  Of these may be mentioned Lieutenant (afterwards Rear-Admiral) Bligh, in 1789; Captain (afterwards Admiral) Edwards, in 1791; Bligh, a second time, accompanied by Lieutenant Portlock, in 1792; Messrs Bampton and Alt, in 1793; and Captain Flinders, in 1802-3.  The labours of the last-mentioned gentleman in this quarter surpass, in utility and interest, those of his predecessors, and, if he had accomplished nothing else, would entitle his name to be ranked amongst the benefactors of geography.  What mind is so insensible as not to regret, that after years of hardship and captivity, the very day which presented the public with the memorial of his services and sufferings, deprived him of the possibility of reaping their reward?—­E.]

6.  One more discovery, for which we are indebted to Captain Carteret, as similar in some degree to that last mentioned, may properly succeed it, in this enumeration.  Dampier, in sailing round what was supposed to be part of the coast of New Guinea, discovered it to belong to a separate island, to which he gave the name of New Britain.  But that the land which he named New Britain should be subdivided again into two separate large islands, with many smaller intervening, is a point of geographical information, which, if ever traced by any of the earliest navigators of the South Pacific, had not been handed down to the present age:  And its having been ascertained by Captain Carteret, deserves to be mentioned as a discovery, in the strictest sense of the word; a discovery of the utmost importance to navigation.  St George’s Channel, through which his ship found a way, between New Britain and New Ireland, from the Pacific into the Indian Ocean, to use the Captain’s own words, “is a much better and shorter passage, whether from the eastward or westward, than round all the islands and lands to the northward."[28]

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[Footnote 28:  The position of the Solomon Islands, Mendana’s celebrated discovery, will no longer remain a matter in debate amongst geographers, Mr Dalrymple having, on the most satisfactory evidence, proved, that they are the cluster of islands which comprises what has since been called New Britain, New Ireland, &c.  The great light thrown on that cluster by Captain Carteret’s discovery, is a strong confirmation of this.—­See Mr Dalrymple’s Collection of Voyages, vol. i. p. 162-3.—­D.]

V. The voyages of Byron, Wallis, and Carteret, were principally confined to a favourite object of discovery in the South Atlantic; and though accessions to geography were procured by them in the South Pacific, they could do but little toward giving the world a complete view of the contents of that immense expanse of ocean, through which they only held a direct track, on their way homeward by the East Indies.  Cook, indeed, who was appointed to the conduct of the succeeding voyage, had a more accurate examination of the South Pacific entrusted to him.  But as the improvement of astronomy went hand in hand, in his instructions, with that of geography, the Captain’s solicitude to arrive at Otaheite time enough to observe the transit of Venus, put it out of his power to deviate from his direct track, in search of unknown lands that might lie to the south-east of that island.  By this unavoidable attention to his duty, a very considerable part of the South Pacific, and that part where the richest mine of discovery was supposed to exist, remained unvisited and unexplored, during that voyage in the Endeavour.  To remedy this, and to clear up a point, which, though many of the learned were confident of, upon principles of speculative reasoning, and many of the unlearned admitted, upon what they thought to be credible testimony, was still held to be very problematical; if not absolutely groundless, by others who were less sanguine or more incredulous; his majesty, always ready to forward every enquiry that can add to the stock of interesting knowledge in every branch, ordered another expedition to be undertaken.  The signal services performed by Captain Cook, during his first voyage, of which we have given the outlines, marked him as the fittest person to finish an examination which he had already so skilfully executed in part.  Accordingly, he was sent out in 1772, with two ships, the Resolution and Adventure, upon the most enlarged plan of discovery known in the annals of navigation.  For he was instructed not only to circumnavigate the globe, but to circumnavigate it in high southern latitudes, making such traverses, from time to time, into every corner of the Pacific Ocean not before examined, as might finally and effectually resolve the much-agitated question about the existence of a southern continent, in any part of the southern hemisphere accessible by navigation.

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The ample accessions to geography, by the discovery of many islands within the tropic in the Pacific Ocean, in the course of this voyage, which was carried on with singular perseverance, between three and four years, have been already stated to the reader.  But the general search now made, throughout the whole southern hemisphere, as being the principal object in view, hath been reserved for this separate article.  Here, indeed, we are not to take notice of lands that have been discovered, but of seas sailed through, where lands had been supposed to exist.  In tracing the route of the Resolution and Adventure, throughout the South Atlantic, the South Indian, and the South Pacific Oceans that environ the globe, and combining it with the route of the Endeavour, we receive what may be called ocular demonstration, that Captain Cook, in his persevering researches, sailed over many an extensive continent, which, though supposed to have been seen by former navigators, at the approach of his ships, sunk into the bosom of the ocean, and, “like the baseless fabric of a vision, left not a rack behind."[29] It has been urged, that the existence of a southern continent is necessary to preserve an equilibrium between the two hemispheres.  But however plausible this theory may seem at first sight, experience has abundantly detected its fallacy.  In consequence of Captain Cook’s voyage, now under consideration, we have a thorough knowledge of the state of the southern hemisphere, and can pronounce with certainty, that the equilibrium of the globe is effectually preserved, though the proportion of sea actually sailed through, leaves no sufficient space for the corresponding mass of land; which, on speculative arguments, had been maintained to be necessary.[30]

[Footnote 29:  A very long note in the original is occupied by Mr Wales’s reply to the observations of Monsieur le Monier, in the memoirs of the French Academy of Sciences for 1776, respecting what Captain Cook alleged in the account of his second voyage, of the non-existence of Cape Circumcision, said to have been discovered by Bouvet in 1738.  As the subject, though exceedingly well treated by Mr Wales, is in itself of scarce any importance, and has long lost interest among scientific enquirers, who rest perfectly content with Captain Cook’s examination, there appeared no inducement whatever to retain the note.  The reader, it is confidently presumed, will be satisfied with what was said of it in the account of the former voyage.—­E.]

[Footnote 30:  The judgment of the ingenious author of Recherches sur Americains, on this question, seems to be very deserving of a place here:  “Qu’on calcule, comme on voudra, on sera toujours contraint d’avouer, qu’il y a une plus grande portion de continent situee dans la latitude septentrionale, que dans la latitude australe.

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“C’est fort mal a-propos, qu’on a soutenu que cette repartition inegale ne sauroit exister, sous pretexte que le globe perdroit son equilibre, faute d’un contrepoids suffisant au pole meridionale.  Il est vrai qu’un pied cube d’eau salee ne pese pas autant qu’un pied cube de terre; mais on auroit du reflechir, qu’il peut y avoir sous l’ocean des lits & des couches de matieres, dont la pesanteur specifique varie a l’infini, & que le peu de profondeur d’une mer, versee sur une grande surface, contrebalance les endroits ou il y a moins de mer, mais ou elle est plus profonde.”—­Recherches Philosophiques, tom. ii, p. 375.—­D.

We offered some observations on this topic in the preceding volume, and need scarcely resume it, as it cannot be imagined that any of our readers still entertain the belief of the necessity for such an equilibrium.  The object in again alluding to it, is to call attention to some observations of another kind, which Mr Jones has hazarded in one of his Physiological Disquisitions.  According to him, no such thing as a southern counterpoise ought to have been expected, for it seems to be the constitution of our globe, that land and water are contrasted to each other on its opposite sides.  “If,” says he, “you bring the meridian of the Cape of Good Hope under the brazen circle, or universal meridian of a terrestrial globe, observing that this meridian passes through the heart of the continents of Europe and Africa, you will find that the opposite part of the meridian passes through the middle of the great, south sea.  When the middle of the northern continent of America, about the meridian of Mexico, is examined in the same way, the opposite part passes very exactly through the middle of the Indian ocean.  The southern continent of America is opposed by that eastern sea which contains the East India islands.  The southern continent of New Holland is opposite to the Atlantic ocean.  This alternation, if I may so call it, between the land and sea, is too regular to have been casual; and if the face of the earth was so laid out by design, it was for some good reason.  But what that reason may be, it will be difficult to shew.  Perhaps this disposition may be of service to keep up a proper balance; or, it may assist toward the diurnal rotation of the earth, the free motions of the tides, &c.; or the water on one side may give a freer passage to the rays of the sun, and being convex and transparent, may concentrate, or at least condense, the solar rays internally, for some benefit to the land that lies on the other side.”—­This sort of reasoning, from our ignorance, is no doubt liable to objection, and Mr Jones had good sense and candour enough to admit, that the questions were too abstruse for him to determine.  The proper part, indeed, for man to act; is to investigate what Nature has done, not to dogmatize as to the reasons for her conduct—­to ascertain facts, not to substitute conjectures in place of them.  But it is allowable for us, when we have done our best in collecting and examining phenomena, to arrange them together according to any plausible theory which our judgments can suggest.  Still, however, we ought to remember, that the most obviously imperative dictates of our reasoning faculties are only inferences from present appearances, and determine nothing as to the necessity of existing things.—­E.]

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If former navigators have added more land to the known globe than Captain Cook, to him, at least, was reserved the honour of being foremost in disclosing to us the extent of sea that covers its surface.  His own summary view of the transactions of this voyage, will be a proper conclusion to these remarks:  “I had now made the circuit of the southern ocean in a high latitude, and traversed it in such a manner as to leave not the least room for there being a continent, unless near the Pole, and out of the reach of navigation.  By twice visiting the Tropical Sea, I had not only settled the situation of some old discoveries, but made there many new ones, and left, I conceive, very little to be done, even in that part.  Thus I flatter myself, that the intention of the voyage has, in every respect, been fully answered; the southern hemisphere sufficiently explored; and a final end put to the searching after a southern continent, which has, at times, engrossed the attention of some of the maritime powers for near two centuries past, and been a favourite theory amongst the geographers of all ages."[31]

[Footnote 31:  Cook’s second Voyage.]

Thus far, therefore, the voyages to disclose new tracks of navigation, and to reform old defects in geography, appear to have been prosecuted with a satisfactory share of success.  A perusal of the foregoing summary of what had been done, will enable every one to judge what was still wanting to complete the great plan of discovery.  The southern hemisphere had, indeed, been repeatedly visited, and its utmost accessible extremities been surveyed.  But much uncertainty, and, of course, great variety of opinion, subsisted, as to the navigable extremities of our own hemisphere; particularly as to the existence, or, at least, as to the practicability of a northern passage between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, either by sailing eastward, round Asia, or westward, round North America.

It was obvious, that if such a passage could be effected, voyages to Japan and China, and, indeed, to the East Indies in general, would be much shortened; and consequently become more profitable, than by making the tedious circuit of the Cape of Good Hope.  Accordingly, it became a favourite object of the English to effectuate this, above two centuries ago; and (to say nothing of Cabot’s original attempt, in 1497, which ended in the discovery of Newfoundland and the Labradore coast) from Frobisher’s first voyage to find a western passage, in 1576, to those of James and of Fox, in 1631, repeated trials had been made by our enterprising adventurers.  But though farther knowledge of the northern extent of America was obtained in the course of these voyages, by the discovery of Hudson’s and Baffin’s Bays, the wished-for passage, on that side, into the Pacific Ocean, was still unattained.  Our countrymen, and the Dutch, were equally unsuccessful, in various attempts, to find this passage in an eastern direction.  Wood’s failure, in 1676, seems to have closed the long list of unfortunate northern expeditions in that century; and the discovery, if not absolutely despaired of, by having been so often missed, ceased, for many years, to be sought for.

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Mr Dobbs, a warm advocate for the probability of a north-west passage through Hudson’s Bay, in our own time, once more recalled the attention of this country to that undertaking; and, by his active zeal, and persevering solicitation, renewed the spirit of discovery.  But it was renewed in vain.  For Captain Middleton, sent out by government in 1741, and Captains Smith and Moore, by a private society, in 1746, though encouraged by an act of parliament passed in the preceding year, that annexed a reward of twenty thousand pounds to the discovery of a passage, returned from Hudson’s Bay with reports of their proceedings, that left the accomplishment of this favourite object at as great a distance as ever.

When researches of this kind, no longer left to the solicitation of an individual, or to the subscriptions of private adventurers, became cherished by the royal attention, in the present reign, and warmly promoted by the minister at the head of the naval department, it was impossible, while so much was done toward exploring the remotest corners of the southern hemisphere, that the northern passage should not be attempted.  Accordingly, while Captain Cook was prosecuting his voyage toward the South Pole in 1773, Lord Mulgrave sailed with two ships, to determine how far navigation was practicable toward the North Pole.  And though his lordship met with the same insuperable bar to his progress which former navigators had experienced, the hopes of opening a communication between the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans by a northerly course, were not abandoned; and a voyage for that purpose was ordered to be undertaken.[32]

[Footnote 32:  Dr Douglas refers to the introduction to Lord Mulgrave’s Journal for a history of former attempts to sail toward the North Pole; and to Barrington’s Miscellanies for several instances of ships reaching very high north latitudes.—­E.]

The operations proposed to be pursued were so new, so extensive, and so various, that the skill and experience of Captain Cook, it was thought, would be requisite to conduct them.  Without being liable to any charge of want of zeal for the public service, he might have passed the rest of his days in the command to which he had been appointed in Greenwich Hospital, there to enjoy the fame he had dearly earned in two circumnavigations of the world.  But he cheerfully relinquished this honourable station at home; and, happy that the Earl of Sandwich had not cast his eye upon any other commander, engaged in the conduct of the expedition, the history of which is now given, an expedition that would expose him to the toils and perils of a third circumnavigation, by a track hitherto unattempted.[33] Every former navigator round the globe had made his passage home to Europe by the Cape of Good Hope; the arduous task was now assigned to Captain Cook of attempting it, by reaching the high northern latitudes between Asia and America.  So that the usual plan of discovery

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was reversed; and, instead of a passage from the Atlantic to the Pacific, one from the latter into the former was to be tried.  For it was wisely foreseen, that whatever openings or inlets there might be on the east side of America, which lie in a direction that could give any hopes of a passage, the ultimate success of it would still depend upon there being an open sea between the west side of that continent and the extremities of Asia.  Captain Cook, therefore, was ordered to proceed into the Pacific Ocean, through the chain of his new islands in the southern tropic; and, having crossed the equator into its northern parts, then to hold such a course as might probably fix many interesting points in geography, and produce intermediate discoveries, in his progress northward to the principal scene of his operations.

[Footnote 33:  It is due to history, and to the character of Cook, to mention a circumstance respecting his appointment to this expedition, which strikingly proves the high opinion entertained of his abilities for it, and, at the same time, his zeal for the promotion of useful discoveries, and the prosperity of his country.  This is done from the information of Lord Sandwich, as communicated in the memoir of Cook inserted in the Biog.  Brit.  When the enterprise was determined on, it became of extreme consequence to select a proper person to undertake the execution of it.  Captain Cook most naturally obtained this respect; and at once, without the possibility of rivalship, would have been appointed to the command, did not a conviction and feeling of sympathy for his former sufferings and important services, restrain his warmest friends from the slightest expression of what they unanimously desired.  Concealing, therefore, their opinion, and avoiding every thing of the nature of solicitation, they, nevertheless, thought it advisable to consult his well-informed judgment relative to the nature of the undertaking, and the person most likely to perform it.  For this purpose, Captain Cook, Sir Hugh Palliser, and Mr Stephens, were invited to dine with Lord Sandwich, when the whole affair was discussed.  The representation of its magnitude, and beneficial consequences, roused the enthusiasm of the navigator; and starting up, he declared that he himself would undertake its accomplishment.  This magnanimous resolution was joyfully received, and could not fail to produce the most sanguine hopes of at least an honourable, if not a successful, issue.  His appointment was immediately made out; and it was agreed, that on returning to England, he should have his situation at Greenwich restored.—­E.]

But the plan of the voyage, and the various objects it embraced, will best appear from the instructions under which Captain Cook sailed; and the insertion of them here, will convey such authentic information as may enable the reader to judge with precision how far they have been carried into execution.

* * * * *

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By the Commissioners for executing the Office of Lord High Admiral of Great Britain and Ireland, &c.

Secret Instructions for Captain James Cook, Commander of his Majesty’s Sloop the Resolution.

Whereas the Earl of Sandwich has signified to us his majesty’s pleasure, that an attempt should be made to find out a northern passage by sea from the Pacific to the Atlantic Ocean; and whereas we have, in pursuance thereof, caused his majesty’s sloops Resolution and Discovery to be fitted, in all respects, proper to proceed upon a voyage for the purpose above-mentioned, and, from the experience we have had of your abilities and good conduct in your late voyages, have thought fit to entrust you with the conduct of the present intended voyage, and with that view appointed you to command the first-mentioned sloop, and directed Captain Clerke, who commands the other, to follow your orders for his further proceedings.  You are hereby required and directed to proceed with the said two sloops directly to the Cape of Good Hope, unless you shall judge it necessary to stop at Madeira, the Cape de Verd or Canary Islands, to take in wine for the use of their companies; in which case you are at liberty to do so, taking care to remain there no longer than may be necessary for that purpose.

On your arrival at the Cape of Good Hope, you are to refresh the sloops’ companies, and to cause the sloops to be supplied with as much provisions and water as they can conveniently stow.

You are, if possible, to leave the Cape of Good Hope by the end of October, or the beginning of November next, and proceed to the southward, in search of some islands said to have been lately seen by the French, in the latitude 48 deg. 0’ S., and about the meridian of Mauritius.  In case you find those islands, you are to examine them thoroughly for a good harbour; and, upon discovering one, make the necessary observations to facilitate the finding it again, as a good port, in that situation, may hereafter prove very useful, although it should afford little or nothing more than shelter, wood, and water.  You are not, however, to spend too much time in looking out for those islands, or in the examination of them, if found, but proceed to Otaheite, or the Society Isles, (touching at New Zealand in your way thither, if you should judge it necessary and convenient,) and taking care to arrive there time enough to admit of your giving the sloops’ companies the refreshment they may stand in need of, before you prosecute the farther object of these instructions.

Upon your arrival at Otaheite, or the Society Isles, you are to land Omiah at such of them as he may choose, and to leave him there.

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You are to distribute among the chiefs of those islands such part of the presents with which you have been supplied, as you shall judge proper, reserving the remainder to distribute among the natives of the countries you may discover in the northern hemisphere.  And having refreshed the people belonging to the sloops under your command, and taken on board such wood and water as they may respectively stand in need of, you are to leave those islands in the beginning of February, or sooner if you shall judge it necessary, and then proceed in as direct a course as you can to the coast of New Albion, endeavouring to fall in with it in the latitude of 45 deg. 0’ N.; and taking care, in your way thither, not to lose any time in search of new lands, or to stop at any you may fall in with, unless you find it necessary to recruit your wood and water.

You are also, in your way thither, strictly enjoined not to touch upon any part of the Spanish dominions on the western continent of America, unless driven thither by some unavoidable accident; in which case you are to stay no longer there than shall be absolutely necessary, and to be very careful not to give any umbrage or offence to any of the inhabitants or subjects of his catholic majesty.  And if, in your farther progress to the northward, as hereafter directed, you find any subjects of any European prince or state upon any part of the coast you may think proper to visit, you are not to disturb them, or give them any just cause of offence, but, on the contrary, to treat them with civility and friendship.

Upon your arrival on the coast of New Albion, you are to put into the first convenient port to recruit your wood and water, and procure refreshments, and then to proceed northward along the coast as far as the latitude of 65 deg., or farther, if you are not obstructed by lands or ice, taking care not to lose any time in exploring rivers or inlets, or upon any other account, until you get into the before-mentioned latitude of 65 deg., where we could wish you to arrive in the month of June next.  When you get that length, you are carefully to search for, and to explore, such rivers or inlets as may appear to be of a considerable extent, and pointing towards Hudson’s or Baffin’s Bays; and if, from your own observations, or from any information you may receive from the natives, (who, there is reason to believe, are the same race of people, and speak the same language, of which you are furnished with a vocabulary, as the Esquimaux,) there shall appear to be a certainty, or even a probability, of a water passage into the afore-mentioned bays, or either of them, you are, in such case, to use your utmost endeavours to pass through with one or both of the sloops, unless you shall be of opinion that the passage may be effected with more certainty, or with greater probability, by smaller vessels; in which case you are to set up the frames of one or both the small vessels with which you are provided, and, when

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they are put together, and are properly fitted, stored, and victualled, you are to dispatch one or both of them, under the care of proper officers, with a sufficient number of petty officers, men, and boats, in order to attempt the said passage, with such instructions for their rejoining you, if they should fail, or for their farther proceedings, if they should succeed in the attempt, as you shall judge most proper.  But, nevertheless, if you shall find it more eligible to pursue any other measures than those above pointed out, in order to make a discovery of the beforementioned passage, (if any such there be,) you are at liberty, and we leave it to your discretion, to pursue such measures accordingly.

In case you shall be satisfied that there is no passage through to the above-mentioned bays, sufficient for the purposes of navigation, you are, at the proper season of the year, to repair to the port of St Peter and St Paul in Kamtschatka, or wherever else you shall judge more proper, in order to refresh your people and pass the winter; and, in the spring of the ensuing year 1778 to proceed from thence to the northward, as far as, in your prudence, you may think proper, in further search of a N.E. or N.W. passage from the Pacific Ocean into the Atlantic Ocean, or the North Sea; and if, from your own observation, or any information you may receive, there shall appear to be a probability of such a passage, you are to proceed as above directed:  and having discovered such passage, or failed in the attempt, make the best of your way back to England, by such route as you may think best for the improvement of geography and navigation, repairing to Spithead with both sloops, where they are to remain till further order.

At whatever places you may touch in the course of your voyage, where accurate observations of the nature hereafter mentioned have not already been made, you are, as far as your time will allow, very carefully to observe the true situation of such places, both in latitude and longitude; the variation of the needle; bearings of head-lands; height, direction, and course of the tides and currents; depths and soundings of the sea; shoals, rocks, &c.; and also to survey, make charts, and take views of such bays, harbours, and different parts of the coast, and to make such notations thereon as may be useful either to navigation or commerce.  You are also carefully to observe the nature of the soil, and the produce thereof; the animals and fowls that inhabit or frequent it; the fishes that are to be found in the rivers or upon the coast, and in what plenty; and, in case there are any peculiar to such places, to describe them as minutely, and to make as accurate drawings of them, as you can; and, if you find any metals, minerals, or valuable stones, or any extraneous fossils, you are to bring home specimens of each, as also of the seeds of such trees, shrubs, plants, fruits, and grains, peculiar to those places, as you may be able to collect, and to transmit them

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to our secretary, that proper examination and experiments may be made of them.  Yon are likewise to observe the genius, temper, disposition, and number of the natives and inhabitants, where you find any; and to endeavour, by all proper means, to cultivate a friendship with them, making them presents of such trinkets as you may have on board, and they may like best, inviting them to traffic, and shewing them every kind of civility and regard; but taking care, nevertheless, not to suffer yourself to be surprised by them, but to be always on your guard against any accidents.

You are also, with the consent of the natives, to take possession, in the name of the King of Great Britain, of convenient situations in such countries as you may discover, that have not already been discovered or visited by any other European power, and to distribute among the inhabitants such things as will remain as traces and testimonies of your having been there; but if you find the countries so discovered are uninhabited, you are to take possession of them for his majesty, by setting up proper marks and inscriptions, as first discoverers and possessors.

But forasmuch as, in undertakings of this nature, several emergencies may arise not to be foreseen, and therefore not particularly to be provided for by instructions before-hand, you are, in all such cases, to proceed as you shall judge most advantageous to the service on which you are employed.

You are, by all opportunities, to send to our secretary, for our information, accounts of your proceedings, and copies of the surveys and drawings you shall have made; and upon your arrival in England, you are immediately to repair to this office, in order to lay before us a full account of your proceedings in the whole course of your voyage, taking care, before you leave the sloop, to demand from the officers and petty officers the log-books and journals they may have kept, and to seal them up for inspection; and enjoining them, and the whole crew, not to divulge where they have been, until they shall have permission so to do:  And you are to direct Captain Clerke to do the same, with respect to the officers, petty officers, and crew of the Discovery.

If any accident should happen to the Resolution in the course of the voyage, so as to disable her from proceeding any farther, you are, in such case, to remove yourself and her crew into the Discovery, and to prosecute your voyage in her; her commander being hereby strictly required to receive you on board, and to obey your orders, the same, in every respect, as when you were actually on board the Resolution.  And, in case of your inability, by sickness or otherwise, to carry these instructions into execution, you are to be careful to leave them with the next officer in command, who is hereby required to execute them in the best manner he can.

Given under our hands the 6th day of July, 1776,


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By command of their lordships,


* * * * *

Besides ordering Captain Cook to sail on this important voyage, government, in earnest about the object of it, adopted a measure, which, while it could not but have a powerful operation on the crews of the Resolution and Discovery, by adding the motives of interest to the obligations of duty, at the same time encouraged all his majesty’s subjects to engage in attempts toward the proposed discovery.  By the act of parliament, passed in 1745,[34] a reward of twenty thousand pounds had been held out.  But it had been held out only to the ships belonging to any of his majesty’s subjects, exclusive of his majesty’s own ships.  The act had a still more capital defect.  It held out this reward only to such ships as should discover a passage through Hudson’s Bay; and, as we shall soon take occasion to explain, it was, by this time, pretty certain that no such passage existed within those limits.  Effectual care was taken to remedy both these defects by passing a new law; which, after reciting the provisions of the former, proceeds as follows:—­“And whereas many advantages, both to commerce and science, may be also expected from the discovery of any northern passage for vessels by sea, between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, be it enacted, That if any ship belonging to any of his majesty’s subjects, or to his majesty, shall find out, and sail through, any passage by sea between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, in any direction, or parallel of the northern hemisphere, to the northward of the 52 deg. of northern latitude, the owners of such ships, if belonging to any of his majesty’s subjects, or the commander, officers, and seamen of such ship belonging to his majesty, shall receive, as a reward for such discovery, the sum of twenty thousand pounds.

[Footnote 34:  See the Statutes at Large, 18 George II. chap. 17.]

“And whereas ships employed, both in the Spitzbergen Seas, and in Davis’s Straits, have frequent opportunities of approaching the North Pole, though they have not time, during the course of one summer, to penetrate into the Pacific Ocean; and whereas such approaches may greatly tend to the discovery of a communication between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, as well as be attended with many advantages to commerce and science, &c. be it enacted, That if any ship shall approach to within 1 deg. of the North Pole, the owner, &c. or commander, &c. so approaching, shall receive, as a reward for such first approach, the sum of five thousand pounds."[35]

[Footnote 35:  See the Statutes at Large, 1776, 16 George III. chap. 6.]

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That nothing might be omitted that could facilitate the success of Captain Cook’s expedition, some time before he sailed, in the beginning of the summer of 1776, Lieutenant Pickersgill, appointed commander of his majesty’s armed brig the Lion, was ordered “to proceed to Davis’s Straits, for the protection of the British whale fishers;” and that first object being secured, “he was then required and directed to proceed up Baffin’s Bay, and explore the coasts thereof, as far as in his judgment the same could be done without apparent risk, taking care to leave the above-mentioned bay so timely as to secure his return to England in the fall of the year;” and it was farther enjoined to him, “to make nautical remarks of every kind, and to employ Mr Lane (master of the vessel under his command) in surveying, making charts, and taking views of the several bays, harbours, and different parts of the coast which he might visit, and in making such notations thereon as might be useful to geography and navigation."[36]

[Footnote 36:  From his MS. Instructions, dated May 14, 1776.]

Pickersgill, we see, was not to attempt the discovery of the passage.  He was directed to explore the coasts of Baffin’s Bay, only to enable him to bring back, the same year, some information, which might be an useful direction toward planning an intended voyage into that bay the ensuing summer, to try for the discovery of a passage on that side, with a view to co-operate with Captain Cook; who, it was supposed, (from the tenor of his instructions,) would be trying for this passage, about the same time, from the opposite side of America.

Pickersgill, obeying his instructions, at least in this instance, did return that year, but there were sufficient reasons for not sending him out again, and the command of the next expedition into Baffin’s Bay was conferred on Lieutenant Young; whose instructions, having an immediate connection with our voyage, are here inserted.

* * * * *

Extract of Instructions to Lieutenant Young, commanding the Lion Armed Vessel, dated 13th March, 1777.

Resolution.} Whereas, in pursuance of the king’s pleasure, Discovery } signified to us by the Earl of Sandwich, his majesty’s sloops named in the margin have been sent out under the command of Captain Cook, in order, during this and the ensuing year, to attempt a discovery of a northern passage, by sea, from the Pacific to the Atlantic ocean; and, for that purpose, to run up as high as the latitude of 65 deg.  N., where it is hoped he will be able to arrive in the month of June next; and there, and as much further to the northward as in his prudence he shall think proper, very carefully to search for and explore such rivers, or inlets, as may appear to be of a considerable extent, and pointing to Hudson’s or Baffin’s Bays, or the north sea; and, upon finding any passage through, sufficient for the purposes of navigation,

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to attempt such passage with one or both of the sloops; or, if they are judged to be too large, with smaller vessels, the frames of which have been sent out with him for that purpose:  And whereas, in pursuance of his majesty’s further pleasure, signified as aforesaid, the armed vessel under your command hath been fitted in order to proceed to Baffin’s Bay, with a view to explore the western parts thereof, and to endeavour to find a passage on that side, from the Atlantic to the Pacific ocean, and we have thought fit to intrust you with the conduct of that voyage; you are therefore hereby required and directed to put to sea in the said armed vessel, without a moment’s loss of time, and make the best of your way into Baffin’s Bay, and to use your best endeavours to explore the western shores thereof, as far as in your judgment the same can be done, without apparent risk, and to examine such considerable rivers or inlets as you may discover; and in case you find any, through which there may be a probability of passing into the Pacific ocean, you are to attempt such passage; and if you succeed in the attempt, and shall be able to repass it again, so as to return to England this year, you are to make the best of your way to Spithead, or the Nore, and remain there until you receive further order; sending us an account of your arrival and proceedings.  But if you shall succeed in the attempt, and shall find the season too far advanced for you to return the same way, you are then to look out for the most convenient place to winter in, and to endeavour to return by the said passage as early in the next year as the season will admit, and then to make the best of your way to England, as above directed.

In case, however, you should not find, or should be satisfied there is not any probability of finding any such passage, or, finding it, you should not be able to get through in the vessel you command, you are then to return to England, as before-mentioned, unless you shall find any branch of the sea leading to the westward which you shall judge likely to afford a communication between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans, and which you shall not be able to explore in the course of this year, it being, in that case, left to your discretion to stay the winter in the most commodious situation you can find, in order to pursue the discovery next year, if you shall find it advisable so to do; and, having discovered such passage, or not succeeded in the attempt, you are to make the best of your way to England, as above directed.

* * * * *

It was natural to hope, that something would have been done in one or other, or in both these voyages of the Lion, that might have opened our views with regard to the practicability of a passage from this side of America.  But, unfortunately, the execution did not answer the expectations conceived.  Pickersgill, who had acquired professional experience when acting under Captain Cook, justly merited the censure he received, for improper behaviour when intrusted with command in Davis’s Strait; and the talents of Young, as it afterward appeared, were more adapted to contribute to the glory of a victory, as commander of a line of battle-ship, than to add to geographical discoveries, by encountering mountains of ice, and exploring unknown coasts.[37]

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[Footnote 37:  In the Philosophical Transactions, vol. lxviii. p, 1057, we have the track of Pickersgill’s voyage, which, probably, may be of use to our Greenland ships, as it contains many observations for fixing the longitude and latitude of the coasts in Davis’s Strait.  But it appears that he never entered Baffin’s Bay, the highest northern latitude to which he advanced being 68 deg. 14’.  As to Young’s proceedings, having failed absolutely in making any discovery, it is of less consequence, that no communication of his journal could be procured.—­D.]

Both Pickersgill and Young having been ordered to proceed into Baffin’s Bay; and Captain Cook being directed not to begin his search till he should arrive in the latitude of 65 deg., it may not be improper to say something here of the reasons which weighed with those who planned the voyages, and framed the instructions, to carry their views so far northward, as the proper situation, where the passage, if it existed at all, was likely to be attempted with success.  It may be asked, why was Hudson’s Bay neglected on our side of America; and why was not Captain Cook ordered to begin his search on its opposite side, in much lower latitudes? particularly, why not explore the strait leading into the western sea of John de Fuca, between the latitudes of 47 deg. and 48 deg.; the Archipelago of St Lazarus of Admiral de Fonte, between 50 deg. and 55 deg.; and the rivers and lakes through which he found a passage north-eastward, till he met with a ship from Boston?

As to the pretended discoveries of de Fuca, the Greek pilot, or of de Fonte, the Spanish admiral, though they have sometimes found their way into fictitious maps, or have been warmly contended for by the espousers of fanciful systems, to have directed Captain Cook to spend any time in tracing them, would have been as wise a measure as if he had been directed to trace the situation of Lilliput or Brobdignag.  The latter are, indeed, confessedly, mere objects of imagination; and the former, destitute of any sufficient external evidence, bear so many striking marks of internal absurdity, as warrant our pronouncing them to be the fabric of imposture.  Captain Cook’s instructions were founded on an accurate knowledge of what had been already done, and of what still remained to do; and this knowledge pointed out the inutility of beginning his search for a passage till his arrival in the latitude of 65 deg..  Of this every fair and capable enquirer will be abundantly convinced, by an attention to the following particulars: 

Middleton, who commanded the expedition in 1741 and 1742, into Hudson’s Bay, had proceeded farther north than any of his predecessors in that navigation.  But though, from his former acquaintance with that bay, to which he had frequently sailed in the service of the company, he had entertained hopes of finding out a passage through it into the Pacific Ocean, the observations which he was now enabled to make, induced

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him to change his opinion; and, on his return to England, he made an unfavourable report.  Mr Dobbs, the patron of the enterprise, did not acquiesce in this; and, fortified in his original idea of the practicability of the passage, by the testimony of some of Middleton’s officers, he appealed to the public, accusing him of having misrepresented facts, and of having, from interested motives, in concert with the Hudson’s Bay Company, decided against the practicability of the passage, though the discoveries of his own voyage had put it within his reach.

He had, between the latitude of 65 deg. and 66 deg., found a very considerable inlet running westward, into which he entered with his ships; and, “after repeated trials of the tides, and endeavours to discover the nature and course of the opening, for three weeks successively, he found the flood constantly to come from the eastward, and that it was a large river he had got into,” to which he gave the name of Wager River."[38]

[Footnote 38:  See the Abstract of his Journal, published by Mr Dobbs.]

The accuracy, or rather the fidelity, of this report, was denied by Mr Dobbs, who contended that this opening is a strait, and not a fresh-water river; and that Middleton, if he had examined it properly, would have found a passage through it to the western American Ocean.  The failure of this voyage, therefore, only served to furnish our zealous advocate for the discovery, with new arguments for attempting it once more; and he had the good fortune, after getting the reward of twenty thousand pounds established by act of parliament, to prevail upon a society of gentlemen and merchants to fit out the Dobbs and California; which ships, it was hoped, would be able to find their way into the Pacific Ocean, by the very opening which Middleton’s Voyage had pointed out, and which he was believed to have misrepresented.

This renovation of hope only produced fresh disappointment For it is well known, that the voyage of the Dobbs and California, instead of confuting, strongly confirmed all that Middleton had asserted.  The supposed strait was found to be nothing more than a fresh-water river, and its utmost western navigable boundaries were now ascertained, by accurate examination.  But though Wager’s Strait had thus disappointed our hopes, as had also done Rankin’s Inlet, which was now found to be a close bay; and though other arguments, founded on the supposed course of the tides in Hudson’s Bay, appeared to be groundless, such is our attachment to an opinion once adopted, that, even after the unsuccessful issue of the voyage of the Dobbs and California, a passage through some other place in that bay was, by many, considered as attainable; and, particularly, Chesterfield’s (formerly:  called Bowden’s) Inlet, lying between latitude 65 deg. and 64 deg., succeeded Wager’s Strait, in the sanguine expectations of those who remained unconvinced by former disappointments.  Mr Ellis,

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who was on board the Dobbs, and who wrote the history of the voyage, holds up this, as one of the places where the passage may be sought for, upon very rational grounds, and with very good effects.[39] He also mentions Repulse Bay, nearly in latitude 67 deg.; but as to this he speaks less confidently; only saying, that by an attempt there, we might probably approach nearer to the discovery.[40] He had good reason for thus guarding his expression; for the committee, who directed this voyage, admitting the impracticability of effecting a passage at Repulse Bay, had refused allowing the ships to go into it, being satisfied as to that place.[41]

[Footnote 39:  Ellis’s Voyage, p. 328.]

[Footnote 40:  Ibid, p. 330.]

[Footnote 41:  Account of the voyage, by the clerk of the California, vol. ii. p. 273.  Mr Dobbs himself says, “That he thought the passage would be impracticable, or, at least, very difficult, in case there was one farther north than 67 deg..”—­Account of Hudson’s Bay, p. 99.—­D.]

Setting Repulse Bay, therefore, aside, within which we have no reason for believing that any inlet exists, there did not remain any part of Hudson’s Bay to be searched, but Chesterfield’s Inlet, and a small tract of coast between the latitude 62 deg., and what is called the South Point of Main, which had been left unexplored by the Dobbs and California.

But this last gleam of hope has now disappeared.  The aversion of the Hudson’s Bay Company to contribute any thing to the discovery of a north-west passage had been loudly reported by Mr Dobbs; and the public seemed to believe that the charge was well founded.  But still, in justice to them, it must be allowed, that in 1720, they had sent Messrs Knight and Barlow, in a sloop on this very discovery; but these unfortunate people were never more heard of.  Mr Scroggs, who sailed in search of them, in 1722, only brought back proofs of their shipwreck, but no fresh intelligence about a passage, which he was also to look for.  They also sent a sloop, and a shallop, to try for this discovery, in 1787; but to no purpose.  If obstructions were thrown in the way of Captain Middleton, and of the commanders of the Dobbs and California, the governor and committee of the Hudson’s Bay Company, since that time, we must acknowledge, have made amends for the narrow prejudices, of their predecessors; and we have it in our power to appeal to facts, which abundantly testify, that every thing has been done by them, that could be required by the public, toward perfecting the search for a north-west passage.

In the year 1761, Captain Christopher sailed from Fort Churchill, in the sloop Churchill; and his voyage was not quite fruitless; for he sailed up Chesterfield’s Inlet, through which a passage had, by Mr Ellis’s account of it, been so generally expected.  But when the water turned brackish, which marked that he was not in a strait, but in a river, he returned.

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To leave no room for a variety of opinion, however, he was ordered to repeat the voyage the ensuing summer, in the same sloop, and Mr Norton, in a cutter, was appointed to attend him.  By the favour of the governor and committee of the company, the journals of Captain Christopher, and of Mr Norton, and Captain Christopher’s chart of the inlet, have been readily communicated.  From these authentic documents, it appears that the search and examination of Chesterfield’s Inlet was now completed.  It was found to end in a fresh-water lake, at the distance of about one hundred and seventy miles from the sea.  This lake was found also to be about twenty-one leagues long, and from five to ten broad, and to be completely closed up on every side, except to the west, where there was a little rivulet; to survey the state of which, Mr Norton and the crew of the cutter having landed, and marched up the country, saw that it soon terminated in three falls, one above another, and not water for a small boat over them; and ridges, mostly dry from side to side, for five, or six miles higher.

Thus ends Chesterfield’s Inlet, and all Mr Ellis’s expectations of a passage through it to the western ocean.  The other parts of the coast, from latitude 62 deg., to the South Point of Main, within which limits hopes were also entertained of finding a passage, have, of late years, been thoroughly explored.  It is here that Pistol Bay is situated; which the author who has writ last in this country, on the probability of a north-west passage,[42] speaks of as the only remaining part of Hudson’s Bay where this western communication may exist.  But this has been also examined; and, on the authority of Captain Christopher, we can assure the reader, that there is no inlet of any consequence in all that part of the coast.  Nay, he has, in an open boat, sailed round the bottom of what is called Pistol Bay, and, in stead of a passage to a western sea, found it does not run above three or four miles inland.

[Footnote 42:  Printed for Jeffreys, in 1768.  His words are, “There remains then to be searched for the discovery of a passage, the opening called Pistol Bay, in Hudson’s Bay,” p. 122—­D]

Besides these voyages by sea, which satisfy us that we must not look for a passage to the south of 67 deg. of latitude, we are indebted to the Hudson’s Bay Company for a journey by land, which has thrown much additional light on this matter, by affording what may be called demonstration, how much farther north, at least in some part of their voyage, ships must hold their course, before they can pass from one side of America to the other.  The northern Indians, who come down to the company’s forts for trade, had brought to the knowledge of our people, the existence of a river, which, from copper abounding near it, had got the name of the Copper-mine River.  We read much about this river in Mr Dobbs’s publications, and he considers the Indian accounts of it as favourable

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to his system.  The company being desirous of examining the matter with precision, instructed their governor of Prince of Wales’s Fort, to send a proper person to travel by land, under the escort of some trusty northern Indians, with orders to proceed to this famous river, to take an accurate survey of its course, and to trace it to the sea, into which it empties itself.  Mr Hearne, a young gentleman in their service, who, having been an officer in the navy, was well qualified to make observations for fixing the longitude and latitude, and make drawings of the country he should pass through, and of the river which he was to examine, was appointed for this service.

Accordingly, he set out from Fort Prince of Wales, on Churchill River, in latitude 58 deg. 50’, on the 7th of December, 1770; and the whole of his proceedings, from time to time, are faithfully preserved in his journal.  The publication of this is an acceptable present to the world, as it draws a plain artless picture of the savage modes of life, the scanty means of subsistence, and indeed of the singular wretchedness, in every respect, of the various tribes, who, without fixed habitations, pass their miserable lives, roving throughout the dreary deserts, and over the frozen lakes of the immense tract of continent through which Mr Hearne passed, and which he may be said to have added to the geography of the globe.  His general course was to the northwest.  In the month of June 1771, being then at a place called Conge catha wha Chaga, he had, to use his own words, two good observations, both by meridian and double altitudes, the mean of which determines this place to be in latitude 66 deg. 46’ N., and, by account, in longitude 24 deg. 2’ W. of Churchill River.  On the 13th of July (having left Conge catha wha Chaga on the 3d, and travelling still to the west of north) he reached the Copper-mine River; and was not a little surprised to find it differ so much from the descriptions given of it by the natives at the fort; for, instead of being likely to be navigable for a ship, it is, at this part, scarcely navigable for an Indian canoe; three falls being in sight, at one view, and being choaked up with shoals and stony ridges.

Here Mr Hearne began his survey of the river.  This he continued till he arrived at its mouth, near which his northern Indians massacred twenty-one Esquimaux, whom they surprised in their tents.  We shall give Mr Hearne’s account of his arrival at the sea, in his own words:  “After the Indians had plundered the tents of the Esquimaux of all the copper, &c. they were then again ready to assist me in making an end to the survey; the sea then in sight from the N.W. by W. to the N.E., distant about eight miles.  It was then about five in the morning of the 17th, when I again proceeded to survey the river to the mouth, still found, in every respect, no ways likely, or a possibility of being made navigable, being full of shoals and falls; and, at the entrance, the river

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emptying itself over a dry flat of the shore.  For the tide was then out, and seemed, by the edges of the ice, to flow about twelve or fourteen feet, which will only reach a little within the river’s mouth.  That being the case, the water in the river had not the least brackish taste.  But I am sure of its being the sea, or some part thereof, by the quantity of whale-bone and seal-skins the Esquimaux had at their tents; as also the number of seals which I saw upon the ice.  The sea, at the river’s mouth, was full of islands and shoals, as far as I could see, by the assistance of a pocket-telescope; and the ice was not yet broken up, only thawed away about three quarters of a mile from the snore, and a little way round the islands and shoals.

“By the time I had completed this survey, it was about one in the morning of the 18th; but in these high latitudes, and this time of the year, the sun is always a good height above the horizon.  It then came on a thick drizzling rain, with a thick fog; and, as finding the river and sea, in every respect, not likely to be of any utility, I did not think it worth while to wait for fair weather, to determine the latitude exactly by an observation.  But, by the extraordinary care I took in observing the courses and distances, walked from Conge catha wha Chaga, where I had two good observations, the latitude may be depended on, within twenty miles at farthest.”

From the map which Mr Hearne constructed of the country through which he passed, in this singular journey, it appears that the mouth of the Copper-mine River lies in the latitude 72 deg., and above 25 deg. west longitude from the fort, from whence he took his departure.[43]

[Footnote 43:  Mr Hearne’s journey, back from the Copper-mine River, to Fort Prince of Wales, lasted till June 30, 1772.  From his first setting out till his return, he had employed near a year and seven months.  The unparalleled hardships he suffered, and the essential service he performed, met with a suitable reward from his masters, and he was made governor of Fort Prince of Wales, where he was taken prisoner by the French in 1782; but soon afterwards returned to his station.”—­D.

This opportunity is taken to mention, that Mr Arrowsmith lays down Copper-mine River in longitude 113 deg., and not in 120 deg., according to Mr Hearne.  In the opinion of Mr H. this river flows into an inland sea.  Be this as it may, the result of his discoveries is unfavourable to the supposition of there being a north-west passage, Mr Hearne’s journal was not published till 1795, considerably after the date of Dr Douglas’s writing.  Some alterations have consequently been made on the text and notes of that gentleman.—­E.]

The consequences resulting from this extensive discovery, are obvious.  We now see that the continent of North America stretches from Hudson’s Bay so far to the north-west, that Mr Hearne had travelled near thirteen hundred miles before he arrived at the sea.  His most western distance from the coast of Hudson’s Bay was near six hundred miles; and that his Indian guides were well apprised of a vast tract of continent stretching farther on in that direction, is certain from many circumstances mentioned in his journal.

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What is now mentioned with regard to the discoveries made by the Hudson’s Bay Company, was well known to the noble lord who presided at the Board of Admiralty when this voyage was undertaken; and the intimate connection of those discoveries with the plan of the voyage, of course, regulated the instructions given to Captain Cook.

And now, may we not take it upon us to appeal to every candid and capable enquirer, whether that part of the instructions which directed the captain not to lose time, in exploring rivers or inlets, or upon any other account, till he got into the latitude of 65 deg., was not framed judiciously; as there were such indubitable proofs that no passage existed so far to the south as any part of Hudson’s Bay, and that, if a passage could be effected at all, part of it, at least, must be traversed by the ships as far to the northward as the latitude 72 deg., where Mr Hearne arrived at the sea?

We may add, as a farther consideration in support of this article of the instructions, that Beering’s Asiatic discoveries, in 1728, having traced that continent to the latitude of 67 deg., Captain Cook’s approach toward that latitude was to be wished for, that he might be enabled to bring back more authentic information than the world had hitherto obtained, about the relative situation and vicinity of the two continents, which was absolutely necessary to be known, before the practicability of sailing between the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans, in any northern direction, could be ascertained.

After all, that search, in a lower latitude, which they who give credit (if any such there now be) to the pretended discoveries of De Fonte, affect to wish had been recommended to Captain Cook, has (if that will cure them of their credulity) been satisfactorily made.  The Spaniards, roused from their lethargy by our voyages, and having caught a spark of enterprise from our repeated visits to the Pacific Ocean, have followed us more than once into the line of our discoveries within the southern tropic; and have also fitted out expeditions to explore the American continent to the north of California.  It is to be lamented, that there should be any reasons why the transactions of those Spanish voyages have not been fully disclosed, with the same liberal spirit of information which other nations have adopted.  But, fortunately, this excessive caution of the court of Spain has been defeated, at least in one instance, by the publication of an authentic journal of their voyage of discovery upon the coast of America, in 1775, for which the world is indebted to the honourable Mr Daines Barrington.  This publication, which conveys some information of real consequence to geography, and has therefore been referred to more than once in the following work, is particularly valuable in this respect, that some parts of the coast which Captain Cook, in his progress northward, was prevented, by unfavourable winds, from approaching, were seen and examined by the Spanish ships who preceded

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him; and the perusal of the following extract from their journal may be recommended to those (if any such there be) who would represent it as an imperfection in Captain Cook’s voyage, that he had not an opportunity of examining the coast of America, in the latitude assigned to the discoveries of Admiral Fonte.  “We now attempted to find out the straits of Admiral Fonte, though, as yet, we had not discovered the Archipelago of St Lazarus, through which he is said to have sailed.  With this intent, we searched every bay and recess of the coast, and sailed round every headland, lying-to in the night, that we might not lose sight of this entrance.  After these pains taken, and being favoured by a north-west wind, it may be pronounced that no such straits are to be found."[44]

[Footnote 44:  Journal of a voyage in 1775 by Don Francisco Antonio Maurelle, in Mr Barrington’s Miscellanies, p. 508.—­D.]

In this journal, the Spaniards boast of “having reached so high a latitude as 58 deg., beyond what any other navigators had been able to effect in those seas."[45] Without diminishing the merit of their performance, we may be permitted to say, that it will appear very inconsiderable indeed, in comparison of what Captain Cook effected, in the voyage of which an account is given in these volumes.  Besides exploring, the land in the South Indian Ocean, of which Kerguelen, in two voyages, had been able to obtain but a very imperfect knowledge; adding also many considerable accessions to the geography of the Friendly Islands; and discovering the noble group, now called Sandwich Islands, in the northern part of the Pacific Ocean, of which not the faintest trace can be met with in the account of any former voyage; besides these preliminary discoveries, the reader of the following work will find, that in one summer, our English navigator discovered a much larger proportion of the north-west coast of America than the Spaniards, though settled in the neighbourhood, had, in all their attempts, for above two hundred years, been able to do; that he has put it beyond all doubt that Beering and Tscherikoff had really discovered the continent of America in 1741, and has also established the prolongation of that continent westward opposite Kamschatka, which speculative writers, wedded to favourite systems, had affected so much to disbelieve, and which, though admitted by Muller, had, since he wrote, been considered as disproved, by later Russian discoveries;[46] that, besides ascertaining the true position of the western coasts of America, with some inconsiderable interruptions, from latitude 44 deg. up to beyond the latitude 70 deg., he has also ascertained the position of the northeastern extremity of Asia, by confirming Beering’s discoveries in 1728, and adding extensive accessions of his own; that he has given us more authentic information concerning the islands lying between the two continents, than the Kamtschatka traders, ever since Beering first

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taught them to venture on this sea, had been able to procure; that, by fixing the relative situation of Asia and America, and discovering the narrow bounds of the strait that divides them, he has thrown a blaze of light upon this important part of the geography of the globe, and solved the puzzling problem about the peopling of America, by tribes destitute of the necessary means to attempt long navigations; and, lastly, that, though the principal object of the voyage failed, the world will be greatly benefited even by the failure, as it has brought us to the knowledge of the existence of the impediments which future navigators may expect to meet with, in attempting to go to the East Indies through Beering’s strait.[47]

[Footnote 45:  Ibid. p. 507.  We learn from Maurelle’s Journal, that another voyage had been some time before performed upon the coast of America; but the utmost northern progress of it was to latitude 55 deg..—­D.]

[Footnote 46:  See Coxe’s Russian Discoveries, p. 26, 27, &c.  The fictions of speculative geographers in the southern hemisphere, have been continents; in the northern hemisphere, they have been seas.  It may be observed, therefore, that if Captain Cook in his first voyages annihilated imaginary southern lands, he has made amends for the havock, in his third voyage, by annihilating imaginary northern seas, and filling up the vast space which had been allotted to them, with the solid contents of his new discoveries of American land farther west and north than had hitherto been traced.—­D.]

[Footnote 47:  The Russians seem to owe much to England, in matters respecting their own possessions.  It is singular enough that one of our countrymen, Dr Campbell, (see his edition of Harris’s voyages, vol. ii. p. 1021) has preserved many valuable particulars of Beering’s first voyage, of which Muller himself, the historian of their earlier discoveries, makes no mention; that it should be another of our countrymen, Mr Coxe, who first published a satisfactory account of their later discoveries; and that the King of Great Britain’s ships should traverse the globe in 1778, to confirm to the Russian empire the possession of near thirty degrees, or above six hundred miles, of continent, which Mr Engel, in his zeal for the practicability of a north-east passage, would prune away from the length of Asia to the eastward.  See his Alanoires Geographiques, &c.  Lausanne 1765; which, however, contains much real information, and many parts of which are confirmed by Captain Cook’s American discoveries.—­D.

It shews some inconsistency in Captain Krusenstern, that whilst he speaks of the too successful policy of the commercial nations of Europe to lull Russia into a state of slumber as to her interests, he should give us to understand, that the same effect which Captain Cook’s third voyage produced on the speculative and enterprising spirit of English merchants, had been occasioned among his countrymen forty years sooner,

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by the discovery of the Aleutic islands and the north-west coast of America.  But, in fact, it is the highest censure he could possibly have passed on his own government, to admit, that it had been subjected to such stupifying treatment.  This it certainly could not have been, without the previous existence of such a lethargy as materially depreciates the virtue of any opiate employed.  There is no room, however, for the allegation made; and the full amount of her slumber is justly imputable to the gross darkness which so long enveloped the horizon of Russia.  Whose business was it to rouse her?  What nation could be supposed to possess so much of the spirit of knight-errantry, as to be induced to instruct her savages as to the advantages of cultivating commerce, without a cautious regard to its own particular interests in the first place?  But the bold, though somewhat impolitic seaman, has perhaps stumbled on the real cause of the slow progress which she has hitherto made in the course which his sanguine imagination has pointed out for her.  Speaking of her inexhaustible springs and incentives to commerce, he nevertheless admits, that there are obstacles which render it difficult for her to become a trading nation.  But these obstacles, he says, do not warrant a doubt of the possibility of removing them.  “Let the monarch only express his pleasure with regard to them, and the most difficult are already overcome!” The true prosperity of Russia, it is indubitably certain, will be infinitely more advanced by fostering her infant commerce, than by any augmentation of territories which the policy or arms of her sovereign can accomplish.  But he will always require much self-denial to avoid intermeddling with the concerns of other nations, and to restrict his labours to the improvement of his own real interests.—­E.]

The extended review we have taken of the preceding voyages, and the general outline we have sketched out, of the transactions of the last, which are recorded at full length in these volumes, will not, it is hoped, be considered as a prolix or unnecessary detail.  It will serve to give a just notion of the whole plan of discovery executed by his majesty’s commands.  And it appearing that much was aimed at, and much accomplished, in the unknown parts of the globe, in both hemispheres, there needs no other consideration, to give full satisfaction to those who possess an enlarged way of thinking, that a variety of useful purposes must have been effected by these researches.  But there are others, no doubt, who, too diffident of their own abilities, or too indolent to exert them, would wish to have their reflections assisted, by pointing out what those useful purposes are.  For the service of such, the following enumeration of particulars is entered upon.  And if there should be any, who affect to undervalue the plan or the execution of our voyages, what shall now be offered, if it do not convince them, may, at least, check the influence of their unfavourable decision.

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1.  It may be fairly considered, as one great advantage accruing to the world from our late surveys of the globe, that they have confuted fanciful theories, too likely to give birth to impracticable undertakings.

After Captain Cook’s persevering and fruitless traverses through every corner of the southern hemisphere, who, for the future, will pay any attention to the ingenious reveries of Campbell, de Brosses, and de Buffon? or hope to establish an intercourse with such a continent as Manpertuis’s fruitful imagination had pictured?  A continent equal, at least, in extent, to all the civilized countries in the known northern hemisphere, where new men, new animals, new productions of every kind, might be brought forward to our view, and discoveries be made, which would open inexhaustible treasures of commerce?[48] We can now boldly take it upon us to discourage all expeditions, formed on such reasonings of speculative philosophers, into a quarter of the globe, where our persevering English navigator, instead of this promised fairy land, found nothing but barren rocks, scarcely affording shelter to penguins and seals; and dreary seas, and mountains of ice, occupying the immense space allotted to imaginary paradises, and the only treasures there to be discovered, to reward the toil, and to compensate the dangers, of the unavailing search.

[Footnote 48:  See Maupertuis’s Letter to the King of Prussia.  The author of the Preliminary Discourse to Bougainville’s Voyage aux Isles Malouines, computes that the southern continent (for the existence of which, he owns, we must depend more on the conjectures of philosophers, than on the testimony of voyagers) contains eight or ten millions of square leagues.—­D.]

Or, if we carry our reflections into the northern hemisphere, could Mr Dobbs have made a single convert, much less could he have been the successful solicitor of two different expeditions, and have met with encouragement from the legislature, with regard to his favourite passage through Hudson’s Bay, if Captain Christopher had previously explored its coasts, and if Mr Hearne had walked over the immense continent behind it?  Whether, after Captain Cook’s and Captain Clerke’s discoveries on the west side of America, and their report of the state of Beering’s Strait, there can be sufficient encouragement to make future attempts to penetrate into the Pacific Ocean in any northern direction, is a question, for the decision of which the public will be indebted to this work.

2.  But our voyages will benefit the world, not only by discouraging future unprofitable searches, but also by lessening the dangers and distresses formerly experienced in those seas, which are within the line of commerce and navigation, now actually subsisting.  In how many instances have the mistakes of former navigators, in fixing the true situations of important places, been rectified?  What accession to the variation chart?  How many nautical observations

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have been collected, and are now ready to be consulted, in directing a ship’s course, along rocky shores, through narrow straits, amidst perplexing currents, and dangerous shoals?  But, above all, what numbers of new bays, and harbours, and anchoring-places, are now, for the first time, brought forward, where ships may be sheltered, and their crews find tolerable refreshments?  To enumerate all these, would be to transcribe great part of the journals of our several commanders, whose labours will endear them to every navigator whom trade or war may carry into their tracks.  Every nation that sends a ship to sea will partake of the benefit; but Great Britain herself, whose commerce is boundless, must take the lead in reaping the full advantage of her own discoveries.

In consequence of all these various improvements, lessening the apprehensions of engaging in long voyages, may we not reasonably indulge the pleasing hope, that fresh branches of commerce may, even in our own time, be attempted, and successfully carried on?  Our hardy adventurers in the whale-fishery have already found their way, within these few years, into the South Atlantic; and who knows what fresh sources of commerce may still be opened, if the prospect of gain can be added, to keep alive the spirit of enterprise?  If the situation of Great Britain be too remote, other trading nations will assuredly avail themselves of our discoveries.  We may soon expect to hear that the Russians, now instructed by us where to find the American continent, have extended their voyages from the Fox Islands to Cook’s River, and Prince William’s Sound.  And if Spain itself should not be tempted to trade from its most northern Mexican ports, by the fresh mine of wealth discovered in the furs of King George’s Sound, which they may transport in their Manilla ships, as a favourite commodity for the Chinese market, that market may probably be supplied by a direct trade to America, from Canton itself, with those valuable articles which the inhabitants of China have hitherto received, only by the tedious and expensive circuit of Kamtschatka and Kiachta.[49]

[Footnote 49:  It is not unlikely that Captain Krusenstern was indebted to the hint now given, for his proposal to establish a direct commercial intercourse with China.  The reader who desires information respecting the nature of the fur trade carried on betwixt the north-west coast of America, the neighbouring islands, and China, may consult his introduction.  The affairs of Spain, it may be remarked, long precluded the requisite attention to her commercial interests, and do not now promise a speedy recovery under her apparently infatuated government.  To Nootka or King George’s Sound, mentioned in the text, that power abandoned all right and pretensions, in favour of Great Britain, in 1790, after an altercation, which at one time bid fair to involve the two kingdoms in war.  It was during this dispute, and in view of its hostile termination, that Mr Pitt gave his sanction

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to a scheme for revolutionizing the Spanish colonies, an event which, if not now encouraged by any direct assistance, bears too complacent an aspect on our commercial interests not to be regarded with a large portion of good wishes.  It is impossible, indeed, excluding altogether every idea of personal advantage, not to hope highly, at least, of any efforts which may be made to wrest the souls and bodies of millions from the clutch of ignorance and tyranny.  The fate of these colonists is by no means the most unimportant spectacle which the passing drama of the world exhibits to the eye of an enlightened and humane politician.—­E.]

These, and many other commercial improvements, may reasonably be expected to result from the British discoveries, even in our own times.  But if we look forward to future ages, and to future changes in the history of commerce, by recollecting its various past revolutions and migrations, we may be allowed to please ourselves with the idea of its finding its way, at last, throughout the extent of the regions with which our voyages have opened an intercourse; and there will be abundant reason to subscribe to Captain Cook’s observation with regard to New Zealand, which may be applied to other tracts of land explored by him, that, “although they be far remote from the present trading world, we can, by no means, tell what use future ages may make of the discoveries made by the present.[50] In this point of view, surely, the utility of the late voyages must stand confessed; and we may be permitted to say, that the history of their operations has the justest pretensions to be called [Greek:  chtaema is au], as it will convey to latest posterity a treasure of interesting information.

[Footnote 50:  Cook’s second voyage.]

3.  Admitting, however, that we may have expressed too sanguine expectations of commercial advantages, either within our own reach, or gradually to be unfolded at some future period, as the result of our voyages of discovery, we may still be allowed, to consider them as a laudable effort to add to the stock of human knowledge, with regard to an object which cannot but deserve the attention of enlightened man.  To exert our faculties in devising ingenious modes of satisfying ourselves about the magnitude and distance of the sun; to extend our acquaintance with the system, to which that luminary is the common centre, by tracing the revolutions of a new planet, or the appearance of a new comet; to carry our bold researches through all the immensity of space, where world beyond world rises to the view of the astonished observer; these are employments which none but those incapable of pursuing them can depreciate, and which every one capable of pursuing them must delight in, as a dignified exercise of the powers of the human mind.  But while we direct our studies to distant worlds, which, after all our exertions, we must content ourselves with having barely discovered to exist, it would be a strange neglect, indeed, and would argue a most culpable want of rational curiosity, if we did not use our best endeavours to arrive at a full acquaintance with the contents of our own planet; of that little spot in the immense universe, on which we have been placed, and the utmost limits of which, at least its habitable parts, we possess the means of ascertaining, and describing, by actual examination.

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So naturally doth this reflection present itself, that to know something of the terraqueous globe, is a favourite object with every one who can taste the lowest rudiments of learning.  Let us not, therefore, think so meanly of the times in which we live, as to suppose it possible that full justice will not be done to the noble plan of discovery, so steadily and so successfully carried on, since the accession of his majesty; which cannot fail to be considered, in every succeeding age, as a splendid period in the history of our country, and to add to our national glory, by distinguishing Great Britain as taking the lead in the most arduous undertakings for the common benefit of the human race.  Before these voyages took place, nearly half the surface of the globe we inhabit was hid in obscurity and confusion.  What is still wanting to complete our geography may justly be termed the minutiae of that science.

4.  Let us now carry our thoughts somewhat farther.  It is fortunate for the interests of knowledge, that acquisitions, in any one branch, generally, and indeed unavoidably, lead to acquisitions in other branches, perhaps of still greater consequence; and that we cannot even gratify mere curiosity without being rewarded with valuable instruction.  This observation applies to the subject before us.  Voyages, in which new oceans have been traversed, and in which new countries have been visited, can scarcely ever be performed without bringing forward to our view fresh objects of science.  Even when we are to take our report of what was discovered from the mere sailor, whose knowledge scarcely goes beyond the narrow limits of his own profession, and whose enquiries are not directed by philosophical discernment, it will be unfortunate indeed if something hath not been remarked, by which the scholar may profit, and useful accessions be made to our old stock of information.  And if this be the case in general, how much more must be gained by the particular voyages now under consideration?  Besides naval officers equally skilled to examine the coasts they might approach, as to delineate them accurately upon their charts, artists[51] were engaged, who, by their drawings, might illustrate what could only be imperfectly described; mathematicians,[52] who might treasure up an extensive series of scientific observations; and persons versed in the various departments of the history of nature, who might collect, or record, all that they should find new and valuable, throughout the wide extent of their researches.  But while most of these associates of our naval discoverers were liberally rewarded by the public, there was one gentleman, who, thinking it the noblest reward he could receive, to have an opportunity of making the ample fortune he inherited from his ancestors subservient to the improvement of science, stepped forward of his own accord, and, submitting to the hardships and dangers of a circumnavigation of the globe, accompanied Captain Cook in the Endeavour.  The learned world, I may also say the unlearned, will never forget the obligations which it owes to Sir Joseph Banks.

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[Footnote 51:  Messrs Hodges and Webber, whose drawings have ornamented and illustrated this and Captain Cook’s second voyage.—­D.]

[Footnote 52:  Mr Green, in the Endeavour; Messrs Wales and Bayly, in the Resolution and the Adventure; Mr Bayly, a second time, jointly with Captains Cook and King in this voyage; and Mr Lyons, who accompanied Lord Mulgrave.—­D.]

What real acquisitions have been gained by this munificent attention to science, cannot be better expressed than in the words of Mr Wales, who engaged in one of these voyages himself, and contributed largely to the benefits derived from them.

“That branch of natural knowledge which may be called nautical astronomy, was undoubtedly in its infancy when these voyages were first undertaken.  Both instruments and observers, which deserved the name, were very rare; and so late as the year 1770, it was thought necessary, in the appendix to Mayor’s Tables, published by the Board of Longitude, to state facts, in contradiction to the assertions of so celebrated an astronomer as the Abbe de la Caille, that the altitude of the sun at noon, the easiest and most simple of all observations, could not be taken with certainty to a less quantity than five, six, seven, or even eight minutes.[53] But those who will give themselves the trouble to look into the astronomical observations, made in Captain Cook’s last voyage, will find, that there were few, even of the petty officers, who could not observe the distance of the moon from the sun, or a star, the most delicate of all observations, with sufficient accuracy.  It may be added, that the method of making and computing observations for finding the variation of the compass, is better known, and more frequently practised, by those who have been on these voyages, than by most others.  Nor is there, perhaps, a person who ranks as an officer, and has been concerned in them, who would not, whatever his real skill may be, feel ashamed to have it thought that he did not know how to observe for, and compute the time at sea; though, but a short while before these voyages were set on foot, such a thing was scarcely ever heard of amongst seamen; and even first-rate astronomers doubted the possibility of doing it with sufficient exactness.[54]

[Footnote 53:  The Abbe’s words are,—­“Si ceux qui promettent une si grande precision dans ces sortes de methodes, avoient navigue quelques temps, ils auroient vu souvent, que dans l’observation la plus simple de toutes, qui est celle de la hauteur du soleil a midi, deux observations, munis de bons quartiers de reflexion, bien rectifies, different entr’eux, lorsqu’ils observent chacun a part, de 5’, 6’, 7’, & 8’.”—­Ephemer. 1755—­1765. Introduction, p. 32.

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It must be, however, mentioned, in justice to M. de la Caille, that he attempted to introduce the lunar method of discovering the longitude, and proposed a plan of calculations of the moon’s distance from the sun and fixed stars; but, through the imperfection of his instruments, his success was much less than that method was capable of affording.  The bringing it into general use was reserved for Dr Maskelyne, our Astronomer Royal.  See the preface to the Tables for correcting the Effects of Refraction and Parallax, published by the Board of Longitude, under the direction of Dr Shepherd, Flumian Professor of Astronomy and Experimental Philosophy at Cambridge, in 1772.—­D.]

[Footnote 54:  In addition, to Mr Wales’s remark, it may be observed, that the proficiency of our naval officers in taking observations at sea, must ultimately be attributed to the great attention paid to this important object by the Board of Longitude at home; liberal rewards having been given to mathematicians for perfecting the lunar tables, and facilitating calculations, and to artists for constructing more accurate instruments for observing, and watches better adapted to keeping time at sea.  It appears, therefore, that the voyages of discovery, and the operations of the Board of Longitude, went hand in hand; and they must be combined, in order to form a just estimate of the extent of the plan carried into execution since his majesty’s accession, for improving astronomy and navigation.  But, besides the establishment of the Board of Longitude on its present footing, which has had such important consequences, it must also be ever acknowledged, that his present majesty has extended his royal patronage to every branch of the liberal arts and useful science.  The munificent present to the Royal Society for defraying the expence of observing the transit of Venus; the institution of the Academy of Painting and Sculpture; the magnificent apartments allotted to the Royal and Antiquarian Societies, and to the Royal Academy at Somerset-Place; the support of the Garden of Exotics at Kew, to improve which Mr Masson was sent to the extremities of Africa; the substantial encouragement afforded to learned men and learned works in various departments, and particularly that afforded to Mr Herschel, which has enabled him to devote himself entirely to the improvement of astronomy;—­these, and many other instances which might be enumerated, would have greatly distinguished his majesty’s reign, even if he had not been the patron of those successful attempts to perfect geography and navigation by so many voyages of discovery.—­D.

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It is scarcely necessary to add to this note by saying, that the period which has elapsed since the first publication of this voyage, has not witnessed any failure of the promises held out by the previous state of science, notwithstanding the calamities and embarrassments attendant on the revolutionary frenzy that, in some degree, infected every country in Europe.  Science, indeed, has peculiarly prospered amid the miseries of the world.  In pity of the destructive work, in which man’s bad passions had been engaged with such industrious ferocity, she has held out in one hand a remedy for the evil, and pointed with the other to the blessings of peace.  Is it unreasonable to hope, that the precious seed sown in such tumultuous times as we have witnessed, and are now witnessing, will ere long yield a rich harvest to reward the industry of her labourers?  But let, us not limit our expectations and toils to the completion of mere minutiae, as Dr Douglas speaks.  The opinion of plenty, says Lord Bacon, is one of the causes of want.  A more unfavourable symptom of our condition could hardly be found, than a belief that we had reached perfection.  Let us rather think that greater progress may yet be made in beneficial arts and sciences than ever was made hitherto, and be therefore stimulated to more ambitious exertions.  It will be no glory to the next generation that we have gone so far, if they themselves are not invited and enabled by our success to get beyond us.—­E.]

“The number of places at which the rise and times of flowing of tides have been observed, in these voyages, is very great, and hence an important article of useful knowledge is afforded.  In these observations, some very curious, and even unexpected, circumstances, have offered themselves to our consideration.  It will be sufficient to instance the exceedingly small height to which the tide rises in the middle of the great Pacific Ocean, where it falls short, two-thirds at least, of what might have been expected from theory and calculation.

“The direction and force of currents at sea, make also an important object.  These voyages will be found to contain much useful information on this head, as well relating to seas nearer home, and which, in consequence, are navigated every day, as to those which are more remote, but where, notwithstanding, the knowledge of these things may be of great service to those who are destined to navigate them hereafter.  To this head also we may refer the great number of experiments which have been made for enquiring into the depth of the sea, its temperature, and saltness at different depths, and in a variety of places and climates.

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“An extensive foundation has also been laid for improvements in magnetism, for discovering the cause and nature of the polarity of the needle, and a theory of its variations, by the number and variety of the observations and experiments which have been made, both on the variation and dip, in almost all parts of the world.  Experiments also have been made, in consequence of the late voyages, on the effects of gravity in different and very distant places, which may serve to increase our stock of natural knowledge.  From the same source of information we have learned, that the phenomenon, usually called the aurora borealis, is not peculiar to high northern latitudes, but belongs equally to all cold climates, whether they be north or south.

“But, perhaps, no part of knowledge has been so great a gainer by the late voyages as that of botany.  We are told,[55] that at least twelve hundred new plants have been added to the known system; and that very considerable additions have been made to every other branch of natural history, by the great skill and industry of Sir Joseph Banks, and the other gentlemen who have accompanied Captain Cook for that purpose.”

[Footnote 55:  See Dr Shepherd’s Preface, as above.]

To our naval officers in general, or to their learned associates in the expeditions, all the foregoing improvements of knowledge may be traced; but there is one very singular improvement indeed, still behind, for which, as we are solely indebted to Captain Cook, let us state it in his own words:  “Whatever may be the public judgment about other matters, it is with real satisfaction, and without claiming any merit but that of attention to my duty, that I can conclude this account with an observation, which facts enable me to make, that our having discovered the possibility of preserving health amongst a numerous ship’s company for such a length of time, in such varieties of climate, and amidst such continued hardships and fatigues, will make this voyage remarkable in the opinion of every benevolent person, when the disputes about a southern continent shall have ceased to engage the attention and to divide the judgment of philosophers."[56]

[Footnote 56:  34:  Cook’s second voyage.]

5.  But while our late voyages have opened so many channels to an increase of knowledge in the several articles already enumerated; while they have extended our acquaintance with the contents of the globe; while they have facilitated old tracks, and opened new ones for commerce; while they have been the means of improving the skill of the navigator, and the science of the astronomer; while they have procured to us so valuable accessions in the several departments of natural history, and furnished such opportunities of teaching us how to preserve the healths and lives of seamen, let us not forget another very important object of study, for which they have afforded to the speculative philosopher ample materials; I mean the study of human nature in various situations, equally interesting as they are uncommon.

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However remote or secluded from frequent intercourse with more polished nations the inhabitants of any parts of the world be, if history or our own observation should make it evident that they have been formerly visited, and that foreign manners and opinions, and languages, have been blended with their own, little use can be made of what is observed amongst such people toward drawing a real picture of man in his natural uncultivated state.  This seems to be the situation of the inhabitants of most of the islands that lie contiguous to the continent of Asia, and of whose manners and institutions the Europeans, who occasionally visit them, have frequently given us accounts.  But the islands which our enterprising discoverers visited in the centre of the South Pacific Ocean, and are indeed the principal scenes of their operations, were untrodden ground.  The inhabitants, as far as could be observed, were unmixed with any different tribe, by occasional intercourse, subsequent to their original settlement there; left entirely to their own powers for every art of life, and to their own remote traditions for every political or religions custom or institution; uninformed by science; unimproved by education; in short, a fit soil from whence a careful observer could collect facts for forming a judgment, how far unassisted human nature will be apt to degenerate, and in what respects it can ever be able to excel.  Who could have thought, that the brutal ferocity of feeding upon human flesh, and the horrid superstition of offering human sacrifices, should be found to exist amongst the natives lately discovered in the Pacific Ocean, who, in other respects, appear to be no strangers to the fine feelings of humanity, to have arrived at a certain stage of social life, and to be habituated to subordination and government, which tend so naturally to repress the ebullitions of wild passion, and expand the latent powers of the understanding?

Or, if we turn from this melancholy picture, which will suggest copious matter for philosophical speculation, can we, without astonishment, observe to what a degree of perfection the same tribe (and indeed we may here join, in some of those instances, the American tribes visited in the course of the present voyage) have carried their favourite amusements, the plaintive songs of their women, their dramatic entertainments, their dances, their olympian games, as we may call them, the orations of their chiefs, the chants of their priests, the solemnity of their religious processions, their arts and manufactures, their ingenious contrivances to supply the want of proper materials, and of effective tools and machines, and the wonderful productions of their persevering labour under a complication of disadvantages, their cloth and their mats, their weapons, their fishing instruments, their ornaments, their utensils, which in design and in execution may vie with whatever modern Europe or classical antiquity can exhibit?

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It is a favourite study with the scholar to trace the remains of Grecian or Roman workmanship; he turns over his Montfaucon with learned satisfaction; and he gazes with rapture on the noble collection of Sir William Hamilton.  The amusement is rational and instructive.  But will not his curiosity be more awakened, will he not find even more real matter for important reflection, by passing an hour in surveying the numerous specimens of the ingenuity of our newly-discovered friends, brought from the utmost recesses of the globe to enrich the British Museum, and the valuable repository of Sir Ashton Lever?  If the curiosities of Sir Ashton’s Sandwich-room alone were the only acquisition gained by our visits to the Pacific Ocean, who, that has taste to admire, or even eyes to behold, could hesitate to pronounce that Captain Cook had not sailed in vain?  The expence of his three voyages did not, perhaps, far exceed that of digging out the buried contents of Herculaneum.  And we may add, that the novelties of the Society or Sandwich Islands seem better calculated to engage the attention of the studious in our times, than the antiquities which exhibit proofs of Roman magnificence.

The grounds for making this remark cannot be better explained, than in the words of a very ingenious writer:  " In an age,” says Mr Warton,[57] “advanced to the highest degree of refinement, that species of curiosity commences, which is busied in contemplating the progress of social life, in displaying the gradation of science, and in tracing the transition from barbarism to civility.  That these speculations should become the favourite topics of such a period, is extremely natural.  We look back on the savage condition of our ancestors with the triumph of superiority; and are pleased to mark the steps by which we have been raised from rudeness to elegance; and our reflections on this subject are accompanied with a conscious pride, arising, in a great measure, from a tacit comparison of the infinite disproportion between the feeble efforts of remote ages, and our present improvements in knowledge.  In the mean time, the manners, monuments, customs, practices, and opinions of antiquity, by forming so strong a contrast with those of our own times, and by exhibiting human nature and human inventions in new lights, in unexpected appearances, and in various forms, are objects which forcibly strike a feeling imagination.  Nor does this spectacle afford nothing more than a fruitless gratification to the fancy.  It teaches us to set a just estimation on our own acquisitions, and encourages us to cherish that cultivation, which is so closely connected with the existence and the exercise of every social virtue.”  We need not here observe, that the manners, monuments, customs, practices, and opinions of the present inhabitants of the Pacific Ocean, or of the west side of North America, form the strongest contrast with those of our own time in polished Europe; and that a feeling imagination will probably be more struck with the narration of the ceremonies of a Natche at Tongataboo, than of a Gothic tournament at London; with the contemplation of the colossuses of Easter Island, than of the mysterious remains of Stonehenge.[58]

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[Footnote 57:  Preface to his History of English Poetry.]

[Footnote 58:  This may be disputed, both in point of fact, and on principles of reasoning.  As to the first, the fact, let readers in general enquire as to the comparative degree and frequency of attention bestowed on the different kinds of topics alluded to by the doctor.  What is the conclusion from their observations on the subject?  The writer for one, does not hesitate to assert, that he is convinced, the evidence bears against the opinion of the learned editor.  So far as his notice extends, it appears, that the fooleries of a superstitious age, the lies of legendary fabulists, the incomprehensible relics of long-forgotten delusions, really obtain more regard as objects of curiosity, than whatever of ingenuity or labour is to be found in the history of presently existing savages.  Then again as to the reasons for such a preference.  Is there not a sort of fashionable taste for the productions of antiquity, the want of which is quite unpardonable in our polished and literary circles?  Does not the attainment of this taste, in any meritorious degree, by necessarily requiring much study, operate as preclusive of information to the possession of which no peculiar epithet of a commendatory nature has hitherto been awarded?  Nay, is there not a sort of prejudice allied to a notion of vulgarity, directed against almost any shew of acquaintance with the habits and histories of uncultivated nations?  But it would be unpardonable to imagine, there were not other reasons of a less invidious nature to explain the fact.  We must certainly be allowed to pay higher respect to the particular concerns of those people with whom we stand in the light of offspring or relatives, or whose transactions and fates have rendered the history of the world what it is, almost superlatively important to every intelligent mind.  If time shall witness the triumph of civilization over the savages of the southern hemisphere, then, it is highly probable, a similar enthusiasm will prevail among their literary descendants; and objects regarded by us as mere dust in the high road of nature, will be enshrined with all the partiality and fondness of national idolatry.—­E.]

Many singularities, respecting what may be called the natural history of the human species, in different climates, will, on the authority of our late navigators, open abundant sources for philosophical discussion.  One question of this sort, in particular, which had formerly divided the opinions of the inquisitive, as to the existence, if not of “giants on the earth,” at least of a race, (inhabiting a district bordering on the north side of the strait of Magalhaens,) whose stature considerably exceeds that of the bulk of mankind, will no longer be doubted or disbelieved.  And the ingenious objections of the sceptical author of Recherches sur les Americains,[59] will weigh nothing in the balance against the concurrent and accurate testimony of Byron, Wallis, and Carteret.

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[Footnote 59:  Tom. i. p. 331.]

Perhaps there cannot be a more interesting enquiry than to trace the migrations of the various families or tribes that have peopled the globe; and in no respect have our late voyages been more fertile in curious discoveries.  It was known in general, (and I shall use the words of Kaempfer,[60]) that the Asiatic nation called Malayans “in former times, had by much the greatest trade in the Indies, and frequented with their merchant ships, not only all the coasts of Asia, but ventured even over to the coasts of Africa, particularly to the great island of Madagascar.[61] The title which the king of the Malayans assumed to himself, of Lord of the Winds and Seas to the East and to the West, is an evident proof of this; but much more the Malayan language, which spread most all over the East, much after the same manner as formerly the Latin, and of late the French, did all over Europe.”  Thus far, I say, was known.  But that from Madagascar to the Marqueses and Easter Island, that is, nearly from the east side of Africa, till we approach toward the west side of America, a space including above half the circumference of the globe, the same tribe or nation, the Phoenicians, as we may call them, of the oriental world, should have made their settlements, and founded colonies throughout almost every intermediate stage of this immense tract, in islands at amazing distances from the mother continent, and ignorant of each other’s existence; this is an historical fact, which could be but very imperfectly known before Captain Cook’s two first voyages discovered so many new-inhabited spots of land lurking in the bosom of the South Pacific Ocean; and it is a fact which does not rest solely on similarity of customs and institutions, but has been established by the most satisfactory of all proofs, that drawn from affinity of language.  Mr Marsden, who seems to have considered this curious subject with much attention, says, “that the links of the latitudinal chain remain yet to be traced."[40] The discovery of the Sandwich Islands in this last voyage, has added some links to the chain.  But Captain Cook had not an opportunity of carrying his researches into the more westerly parts of the North Pacific.  The reader, therefore, of the following work will not, perhaps, think that the editor was idly employed when he subjoined some notes, which contain abundant proof that the inhabitants of the Ladrones, or Marianne islands, and those of the Carolines, are to be traced to the same common source, with those of the islands visited by our ships.  With the like view of exhibiting a striking picture of the amazing extent of this oriental language, which marks, if not a common original, at least an intimate intercourse between the inhabitants of places so very remote from each other, he has inserted a comparative table of their numerals, upon a more enlarged plan than any that has hitherto been executed.

[Footnote 60:  History of Japan, vol. i. p. 93.]

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[Footnote 61:  That the Malayans have not only frequented Madagascar, but have also been the progenitors of some of the present race of inhabitants there, is confirmed to us by the testimony of Monsieur de Pages, who visited that island so late as 1774.  “Ils m’ont paru provenir des diverses races; leur couleur leur cheveux, et leur corps l’indiquent.  Ceux que je n’ai pas cru originaires des anciens naturels du pays, sont petits et trapus; ils ont les cheveux presque unis, et sont olivatres comme les Malayes, avec qui ils ont, en general, une espece de resemblance.”—­Voyages des M. des Pages, tom. ii. p. 90.—­D.]

[Footnote 40:  Archaeolog. vol. vi. p. 155.  See also his History of Sumatra, p. 166, from which the following passage is transcribed:—­ “Besides the Malaye, there are a variety of languages spoken in Sumatra, which, however, have not only a manifest affinity among themselves, but also to that general language which is found to prevail in, and to be indigenous to, all the islands of the eastern seas; from Madagascar to the remotest of Captain Cook’s discoveries, comprehending a wider extent than the Roman or any other tongue has yet boasted.  In different places, it has been more or less mixed and corrupted; but between the most dissimilar branches, an eminent sameness of many radical words is apparent; and in some very distant from each other, in point of situation:  As, for instance, the Philippines and Madagascar, the deviation of the words is scarcely more than is observed in the dialects of neighbouring provinces of the same kingdom.”—­D.]

Our British discoverers have not only thrown a blaze of light on the migrations of the tribe which has so wonderfully spread itself throughout the islands in the eastern ocean, but they have also favoured us with much curious information concerning another of the families of the earth, whose lot has fallen in less hospitable climates.  We speak of the Esquimaux, hitherto only found seated on the coasts of Labradore and Hudson’s Bay, and who differ in several characteristic marks from the inland inhabitants of North America.  That the Greenlanders and they agree in every circumstance of customs, and manners, and language, which are demonstrations of an original identity of nation, had been discovered about twenty years ago.[62] Mr Hearne, in 1771, traced this unhappy race farther back, toward that part of the globe from whence they had originally coasted along in their skin boats, having met with some of them at the mouth of the Copper-mine River, in the latitude of 72 deg., and near five hundred leagues farther west than Pickersgill’s most westerly station in Davis’s Strait.  Their being the same tribe who now actually inhabit the islands and coasts on the west side of North America, opposite Kamtschatka, was a discovery, the completion of which was reserved for Captain Cook.  The reader of the following work will find them at Norton Sound, and at Oonalashka and Prince William’s Sound; that is, near 1500 leagues distant from their stations in Greenland and on the Labradore coast.  And lest similitude of manners should be thought to deceive us, a table exhibiting proofs of affinity of language, which was drawn up by Captain Cook, and is inserted in this work, will remove every doubt from the mind of the most scrupulous enquirer after truth.[63]

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[Footnote 62:  See Crantz’s History of Greenland, vol. i. p. 262; where we are told that the Moravian brethren, who, with the consent and furtherance of Sir Hugh Palliser, then governor of Newfoundland, visited the Esquimaux on the Labradore coast, found that their language, and that of the Greenlanders, do not differ so much as that of the High and Low Dutch.—­D.]

[Footnote 63:  The Greenlanders, as Crantz tells us, call themselves Karalit; a word not very unlike Kanagyst, the name assumed by the inhabitants of Kodiack, one of the Schumagin islands, as Staehlin informs us.—­D.]

There are other doubts of a more important kind, which, it may be hoped, will now no longer perplex the ignorant, or furnish matter of cavil to the ill-intentioned.  After the great discovery, or at least the full confirmation of the great discovery, of the vicinity of the two continents of Asia and America, we trust that we shall not, for the future, be ridiculed, for believing that the former could easily furnish its inhabitants to the latter.  And thus, to all the various good purposes already enumerated, as answered by our late voyages, we may add this last, though not the least important, that they have done service to religion, by robbing infidelity of a favourite objection to the credibility of the Mosaic account of the peopling of the earth.[64]

[Footnote 64:  A contempt of revelation is generally the result of ignorance, conceited of its possessing superior knowledge.  Observe how the author of Recherches Philosophiques sur les Americains, expresses himself on this very point.  “Cette distance que Mr Antermony veut trouver si peu impotante, est a-peu-pres de huit cent lieus Gauleises au travers d’un ocean perilleux, et impossible a franchir avec des canots aussi chetifs et aussi fragiles que le sont, au rapport d’Ysbrand Ides, les chaloupes des Tunguses,” &c. &c. t. i. p. 156.  Had this writer known that the two continents are not above thirteen leagues (instead of eight hundred) distant from each other, and that, even in that narrow space of sea, there are intervening islands, he would not have ventured to urge this argument in opposition to Mr Bell’s notion of the quarter from which North America received its original inhabitants.—­D.

No intelligent reader needs to be informed, that a much closer approach of the two continents of Asia and America than is here alleged to exist, would be inadequate to account for the peopling of the latter, throughout its immense extent and very important diversities of appearance.  The opinion is more plausible, and gains ground in the world, that much of South America derived its original inhabitants from the opposite coast of Africa.  It is enough to state this opinion, without occupying a moment’s attention, in discussing the arguments which can be adduced in its support.  The truth of Revelation, it may be remarked, is quite unaffected by the controversy, and,

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in fact, can receive neither injury nor advantage from any decision that is given to it.  The real friends of that cause attach little importance to any weight of human argument in its favour, and rest entirely on divine evidence, for both the painful and the comfortable effects it produces on their consciences.  Any other, they are sure, may indeed furnish matter for the display of ingenuity and learning, but will fall short of that conviction which secures self-denied obedience to its precepts.—­E.]

6.  Hitherto we have considered our voyages as having benefited the discoverers.  But it will be asked, Have they conveyed, or are they likely ever to convey, any benefit to the discovered?  It would afford exquisite satisfaction to every benevolent mind, to be instructed in facts, which might enable us, without hesitation, to answer this question in the affirmative.  And yet, perhaps, we may indulge the pleasing hope, that, even in this respect, our ships have not sailed in vain.  Other discoveries of new countries have, in effect, been wars, or rather massacres; nations have been no sooner found out, than they have been extirpated; and the horrid cruelties of the conquerors of Mexico and Peru can never be remembered, without blushing for religion and human nature.  But when the recesses of the globe are investigated, not to enlarge private dominion, but to promote general knowledge; when we visit new tribes of our fellow-creatures as friends; and wish only to learn that they exist, in order to bring them within the pale of the offices of humanity, and to relieve the wants of their imperfect state of society, by communicating to them our superior attainments; voyages of discovery planned with such benevolent views by George the Third, and executed by Cook, have not, we trust, totally failed in this respect.  Our repeated visits, and long-continued intercourse with the natives of the Friendly, Society, and Sandwich Islands, cannot but have darted some rays of light on the infant minds of those poor people.  The uncommon objects they have thus had opportunities of observing and admiring, will naturally tend to enlarge their stock of ideas, and to furnish new materials for the exercise of their reason.  Comparing themselves with their visitors, they cannot but be struck with the deepest conviction of their own inferiority, and be impelled, by the strongest motives, to strive to emerge from it, and to rise nearer to a level with those children of the Sun, who deigned to look upon them, and left behind so many specimens of their generous and humane attention.  The very introduction of our useful animals and vegetables, by adding fresh means of subsistence, will have added to their comforts of life, and immediate enjoyments; and if this be the only benefit they are ever to receive, who will pronounce that much has not been gained?  But may we not carry our wishes and our hopes still farther?  Great Britain itself, when, first visited by the Phoenicians,

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was inhabited by painted savages, not, perhaps, blessed with higher attainments than are possessed by the present natives of New Zealand; certainly less civilized than those of Tongataboo or Otaheite.  Our having opened an intercourse with them, is the first step toward their improvement.  Who knows, but that our late voyages may be the means appointed by Providence, of spreading, in due time, the blessings of civilization amongst the numerous tribes of the South Pacific Ocean; of abolishing their horrid repasts and their horrid rites; and of laying the foundation for future and more effectual plans, to prepare them for holding an honourable station amongst the nations of the earth?  This, at least, is certain, that our having, as it were, brought them into existence by our extensive researches, will suggest to us fresh motives of devout gratitude to the Supreme Being, for having blessed us with advantages hitherto withheld from so great a proportion of the human race; and will operate powerfully to incite us to persevere in every feasible attempt, to be his instruments in rescuing millions of fellow-creatures from their present state of humiliation.[65]

[Footnote 65:  It is painful to a liberal mind to question the basis of any hope, or to doubt the validity of any expectations, in behalf of our species.  One would rather foster a mistaken benevolence, which, scorning selfish interests, embraced the future welfare of distant and unknown people, were it not that the indulgence of them might tend to prevent the very object which they regard from being attained.  Does not the well-meaning editor anticipate too much from the diffusion of foreign knowledge among the tribes of whom he speaks?  Is he not somewhat inattentive to the mass of inseparable evil which every such accession brings along with it?  Does he not seem to confound together the acquisition of knowledge, and the ability to do what is requisite for human happiness?  May we not perceive by the very items of his calculation, that he has neglected to consider that nice adjustment of the faculty and the means of enjoyment, which evinces the general care and universal affection of Providence?  The consequence of such neglect or mistake, would be an injudicious and hasty effort to induce what we call civilization, on the too much commiserated objects of our philanthropy.  Without disputing for a moment, that the intercourse with Europeans has proved beneficial to these people, though, as every intelligent reader knows well, a thousand arguments would be thrown away on an attempt to shew there was no occasion to do so, we may fairly enough affirm, that such zealous exertions as are here virtually recommended, are liable to the charge of being premature, and not altogether according to knowledge.  We are too apt to imagine that barbarous people are easily made to believe their institutions and manners are erroneous, or impolitic; and that they will accordingly readily listen to the suggestions of those who, they

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acknowledge, are in many respects superior to themselves.  But, in fact, the very reverse is the case, and it will ever be found that the simplest states of society are least sensible of inconveniences, and therefore most averse to innovation.  Besides, it ought to be remembered, that, independent of any adventitious assistance, there is implanted in every such society, how contemptible soever it may seem to others, a certain principle of amelioration, which never fails, in due time, to yield its fruit, and which, there is some reason to apprehend, may receive detriment from obtrusive solicitude to hasten its product.  Every boy has within him the seeds of manhood, which, at the period appointed by nature, germinate, blossom, and fructify; but anxiety to accelerate the process too often ruins the soil on which they grow, and mars the hopes of the cultivator, by unseasonable maturity and rapid decay.  So is it with societies.  The progress of human affairs on the large scale, is precisely similar to what we daily witness on the small.  It has been described, with equal beauty and correctness, by the judicious Ferguson, in his Essays on the History of Civil Society.  “What was in one generation,” says he, “a propensity to herd with the species, becomes, in the ages which follow, a principle of natural union.  What was originally an alliance for common defence, becomes a concerted plan of political force; the care of subsistence becomes an anxiety for accumulating wealth, and the foundation of commercial arts.”—­Who can say that the officiousness of friendship is not likely to disorder the series, and, though it escape the charge and the fate of presumption, is not deserving to be considered as unnecessary enthusiasm?—­E.]

The several topics which occurred, as suitable to this general Introduction, being now discussed, nothing remains but to state a few particulars, about which the reader of these volumes has a right to expect some information.

Captain Cook, knowing, before he sailed upon this last expedition, that it was expected from him to relate, as well as to execute, its operations, had taken care to prepare such a journal as might be made use of for publication.  This journal, which exists in his own hand-writing, has been faithfully adhered to.  It is not a bare extract from his logbooks, but contains many remarks which, it appears, had not been inserted by him in the nautical register; and it is also enriched with considerable communications from Mr Anderson, surgeon of the Resolution.  The confessed abilities, and great assiduity, of Mr Anderson, in observing every thing that related either to natural history, or to manners and language, and the desire which, it is well known, Captain Cook, on all occasions, shewed to have the assistance of that gentleman, stamped a great value on his collections.  That nothing, therefore, might be wanting to convey to the public the best possible account of the transactions of the voyage, his journal, by the order of Lord Sandwich,

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was also put into the hands of the editor, who was authorised and directed to avail himself of the information it might be found to contain, about matters imperfectly touched, or altogether omitted, in Captain Cook’s manuscript.  This task has been executed in such a manner, that the reader will scarcely ever be at a loss to distinguish in what instances recourse has been had to Mr Anderson.  To preclude, if possible, any mistake, the copy of the first and second volumes, before it went to the printer, was submitted to Captain King; and after it had been read over and corrected by one so well qualified to point out any inaccuracies, the Earl of Sandwich had the goodness to give it a perusal.  As to the third volume, nothing more need be said, than that it was completely prepared for the press by Captain King himself.  All that the editor of the work has to answer for, are the notes occasionally introduced in the course of the two volumes contributed by Captain Cook; and this Introduction, which was intended as a kind of epilogue to our Voyages of Discovery.  He must be permitted, however, to say, that he considers himself as entitled to no inconsiderable share of candid indulgence from the public; having engaged in a very tedious and troublesome undertaking upon the most disinterested motives; his only reward being the satisfaction he feels, in having been able to do an essential service to the family of our great navigator, who had honoured him, in the journal of this voyage, with the appellation of friend.

They who repeatedly asked why this publication was so long delayed, needed only to look at the volumes, and their attendant illustrations and ornaments, to be satisfied that it might, with at least equal reason, be wondered at, that it was not delayed longer.  The journal of Captain Cook, from the first moment that it came into the hands of the editor, had been ready for the press; and Captain King had left with him his part of the narrative, so long ago as his departure for the West Indies, when he commanded the Resistance man-of-war.  But much, besides, remained to be done.  The charts, particularly the general one, were to be prepared by Mr Roberts; the very numerous and elegant drawings of Mr Webber were to be reduced by him to the proper size; artists were next to be found out who would undertake to engrave them; the prior engagements of those artists were to be fulfilled before they could begin; the labour and skill to be exerted in finishing many of them, rendered this a tedious operation; paper fit for printing them upon was to be procured from abroad; and after all these various and unavoidable difficulties were surmounted, much time was necessarily required for executing a numerous impression of the long list of plates, with so much care as might do justice both to Mr Webber, and to his several engravers.

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And here it seems to be incumbent upon us to add, as another instance of munificent attention, that care was taken to mark, in the most significant manner, the just sense entertained of the human and liberal relief afforded to our ships in Kamtachatka.  Colonel Behm, the commandant of that province, was not rewarded merely by the pleasure which a benevolent mind feels in reflecting upon the blessings it confers, but also thanked in a manner equally consistent with the dignity of his own sovereign and of ours, to whose subjects he extended protection.  A magnificent piece of plate was presented to him, with an inscription, worthy of a place in the same book where the history of his humanity to our countrymen is recorded, and which, while it does honour to our national gratitude, deserves also to be preserved as a monument of our national taste for elegant composition.  It is as follows: 

VIRO EGREGIO MAGNO DE BEHM; qui, Imperatricis Augustissimae Catherinae auspiciis, summaque animi benignitate, saeva, quibus praeerat, Kamtschatkae littora, navibus nautisque Britannicis, hospita praebuit; eosque, in terminis, si qui essent Imperio Russico, frustra explorandis, mula multa perpessos, iterata vice excepit, refecit, recreavit, et commeatu omni cumulate auctos dimisit_; REI NAVALIS BRITANNICAE SEPTEMVIRI in aliquam benevolentiae tam insignis memoriam, amicissimo, gratissimoque animo, suo, patriaeque nomine, D.D.D.  MDCCLXXXI.

This testimony of public gratitude, reminds the editor that there are similar calls upon himself.  He owes much to Captain King for his advice and direction, in a variety of instances, where Captain Cook’s journal required explanation; for filling up several blanks with the proper longitude and latitude; and for supplying deficiencies in the tables of astronomical observations.

Lieutenant Roberts was also frequently consulted, and was always found to be a ready and effectual assistant, when any nautical difficulties were to be cleared up.

But particular obligations are due to Mr Wales, who, besides his valuable communications for this Introduction, seconded most liberally the editor’s views of serving Mrs Cook, by cheerfully taking upon himself the whole trouble of digesting, from the log-books, the tables of the route of the ships, which add so greatly to the utility of this publication.

Mr Wegg, besides sharing in the thanks so justly due to the committee of the Hudson’s Bay Company, for their unreserved communications, was particularly obliging to the editor, by giving him repeated opportunities of conversing with Governor Hearne and Captain Christopher.

The Honourable Mr Daines Barrington had the goodness to interest himself, with his usual zeal for every work of public utility, in procuring some necessary information, and suggesting some valuable hints, which were adopted.

It would be great injustice not to express acknowledgements to Mr Pennant, who, besides enriching the third volume with references to his Arctic Zoology, the publication of which is an important accession to natural history, also communicated some very authentic and satisfactory manuscript accounts of the Russian discoveries.

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The vocabularies of the Friendly and Sandwich Islands, and of the natives of Nootka, had been furnished to Captain Cook, by his most useful associate in the voyage, Mr Anderson; and a fourth, in which the language of the Esquimaux is compared with that of the Americans on the opposite side of the continent, had been prepared by the captain himself.  But the comparative Table of Numerals was very obligingly drawn up, at the request of the editor, by Mr Bryant, who, in his study, followed Captain Cook, and, indeed, every traveller and historian, of every age, into every part of the globe.  The public will consider this table as a very striking illustration of the wonderful migrations of a nation, about whom so much additional information has been gained by our voyages, and be ready to acknowledge it as a very useful communication.

One more communication remains to be not only acknowledged, but to be inserted at the close of this Introduction.  The testimonies of learned contemporaries, in commendation of a deceased author, are frequently displayed in the front of his book.  It is with the greatest propriety, therefore, that we prefix to this posthumous work of Captain Cook, the testimony of one of his own profession, not more distinguished by the elevation of rank, than by the dignity of private virtues.  As he wishes to remain concealed, perhaps this allusion, for which we entreat his indulgence, may have given too exact direction to the eyes of the public where to look for such a character.[66] Let us, however, rest satisfied with the intrinsic merit of a composition, conveyed under the injunction of secrecy; and conclude our long preliminary dissertation with expressing a wish, or rather a well-grounded hope, that this volume may not be the only place where posterity can meet with a monumental inscription, commemorative of a man, in recounting and applauding whose services, the whole of enlightened Europe will equally concur with Great Britain.

[Footnote 66:  This is understood to be spoken of the Honourable Admiral Forbes, Admiral of the Fleet, and General of the Marines, to whom, on the authority of Sir Hugh Palliser, the eulogium is ascribed in the Biog.  Brit.  He is said to have known Cook only by his eminent merit and extraordinary actions.  The testimony, therefore, is the more to be prized, as it cannot be charged with the partiality of friendship.—­E.]



The ablest and most renowned Navigator this or any other country hath produced.

He raised himself, solely by his merit, from a very obscure birth, to the rank of Post Captain in the royal navy, and was, unfortunately, killed by the savages of the island Owhyhee, on the 14th of February, 1779; which island he had, not long before, discovered, when prosecuting his third voyage round the globe.

He possessed, in an eminent degree, all the qualifications requisite for his profession and great undertakings; together with the amiable and worthy qualities of the best men.

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Cool and deliberate in judging; sagacious in determining; active in executing; steady and persevering in enterprising vigilance and unremitting caution; unsubdued by labour, difficulties, and disappointments; fertile in expedients; never wanting presence of mind; always possessing himself, and the full use of a sound understanding.

Mild, just, but exact in discipline:  He was a father to his people, who were attached to him from affection, and obedient from confidence.

His knowledge, his experience, his sagacity, rendered him so entirely master of his subject, that the greatest obstacles were surmounted, and the most dangerous navigations became easy, and almost safe, under his direction.

He explored the southern hemisphere to a much higher latitude than had ever been reached, and with fewer accidents than frequently befal those who navigate the coasts of this island.

By his benevolent and unabating attention to the welfare of his ship’s company, he discovered and introduced a system for the preservation of the health of seamen in long voyages, which has proved wonderfully efficacious; for in his second voyage round the world, which continued upwards of three years, he lost only one man by distemper, of one hundred and eighteen, of which his company consisted.

The death of this eminent and valuable man was a loss to mankind in general; and particularly to be deplored by every nation that respects useful accomplishments, that honours science, and loves the benevolent and amiable affections of the heart.  It is still more to be deplored by this country, which may justly boast of having produced a man hitherto unequalled for nautical talents; and that sorrow is farther aggravated by the reflection, that his country was deprived of this ornament by the enmity of a people, from whom, indeed, it might have been dreaded, but from whom it was not deserved.  For, actuated always by the most attentive care and tender compassion for the savages in general, this excellent man was ever assiduously endeavouring, by kind treatment, to dissipate their fears, and court their friendship; overlooking their thefts and treacheries, and frequently interposing, at the hazard of his life, to protect them from the sudden resentment of his own injured people.

The object of his last mission was to discover and ascertain the boundaries of Asia and America, and to penetrate into the northern ocean by the north-east Cape of Asia.

Traveller! contemplate, admire, revere, and emulate this great master in his profession; whose skill and labours have enlarged natural philosophy; have extended nautical science; and have disclosed the long-concealed and admirable arrangements of the Almighty in the formation of this globe, and, at the same time, the arrogance of mortals, in presuming to account, by their speculations, for the laws by which he was pleased to create it.  It is now discovered, beyond all doubt, that the same Great Being who created the universe by his fiat, by the same ordained our earth to keep a just poise, without a corresponding southern continent—­and it does so!  “He stretches out the north over the empty place, and hangeth the earth upon nothing.”—­Job, xxvi. 7.

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If the arduous but exact researches of this extraordinary man have not discovered a new world, they have discovered seas unnavigated and unknown before.  They have made us acquainted with islands, people and productions, of which we had no conception.  And if he has not been so fortunate as Americus to give his name to a continent, his pretensions to such a distinction remain unrivalled; and he will be revered, while there remains a page of his own modest account of his voyages, and as long as mariners and geographers shall be instructed, by his new map of the southern hemisphere, to trace the various courses and discoveries he has made.

If public services merit public acknowledgments; if the man who adorned and raised the fame of his country is deserving of honours, then Captain Cook deserves to have a monument raised to his memory, by a generous and grateful nation.

Virtutis uberrimum alimentum est honos. 
VAL.  MAXIMUS, lib. ii. cap. 6.





Various Preparations for the Voyage.—­Omais Behaviour on embarking.—­Observations for determining the Longitude of Sheerness, and the North Foreland.—­Passage of the Resolution from Deptford to Plymouth.—­Employments there.—­Complements of the Crews of both Ships, and Names of the Officers.—­Observations to fix the Longitude of Plymouth.—­Departure of the Resolution.

Having, on the 9th day of February, 1776, received a commission to command his majesty’s sloop the Resolution, I went on board the next day, hoisted the pendant, and began to enter men.  At the same time, the Discovery, of three hundred tons burthen, was purchased into the service, and the command of her given to Captain Clerke, who had been my second lieutenant on board the Resolution, in my second voyage round the world, from which we had lately returned.

These two ships were, at this time, in the dock at Deptford, under the hands of the shipwrights; being ordered to be equipped to make farther discoveries in the Pacific Ocean, under my direction.

On the 9th of March, the Resolution was hauled out of dock into the river; where we completed her rigging, and took on board the stores and provisions requisite for a voyage of such duration.  Both ships, indeed, were supplied with as much of every necessary article as we could conveniently stow, and with the best of every kind that could be procured.  And, besides this, every thing that had been found, by the experience acquired during our former extensive voyages, to be of any utility in preserving the health of seamen, was supplied in abundance.

It was our intention to have sailed to Long Reach on the 6th of May, when a pilot came on board to carry us thither; but it was the 29th before the wind would permit us to move, and the 30th before we arrived at that station, where our artillery, powder, shot, and other ordnance stores were received.

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While we lay in Long Reach, thus employed, the Earl of Sandwich, Sir Hugh Palliser, and others of the Board of Admiralty, as the last mark of the very great attention they had all along shewn to this equipment, paid us a visit on the 8th of June, to examine whether every thing had been completed conformably to their intentions and orders, and to the satisfaction of all who were to embark in the voyage.  They, and several other noblemen and gentlemen their friends, honoured me with their company at dinner on that day; and, on their coming on board, and also on their going ashore, we saluted them with seventeen guns, and three cheers.

With the benevolent view of conveying some permanent benefit to the inhabitants of Otaheite, and of the other islands in the Pacific Ocean, whom we might happen to visit, his majesty having commanded some useful animals to be carried out, we took on board, on the 10th, a bull, two cows with their calves, and some sheep, with hay and corn for their subsistence; intending to add to these other useful animals, when I should arrive at the Cape of Good Hope.

I was also, from the same laudable motives, furnished with a sufficient quantity of such of our European garden-seeds, as could not fail to be a valuable present to our newly discovered islands, by adding fresh supplies of food to their own vegetable productions.

Many other articles, calculated to improve the condition of our friends in the other hemisphere in various ways, were, at the same time, delivered to us by order of the Board of Admiralty.  And both ships were provided with a proper assortment of iron tools and trinkets, as the means of enabling us to traffic, and to cultivate a friendly intercourse with the inhabitants of such new countries as we might be fortunate enough to meet with.

The same humane attention was extended to our own wants.  Some additional clothing, adapted to a cold climate, was ordered for our crews; and nothing was denied to us that could be supposed in the least conducive to health, or even to convenience.

Nor did the extraordinary care of those at the head of the naval department stop here.  They were equally solicitous to afford us every assistance towards rendering our voyage of public utility.  Accordingly, we received on board, next day, several astronomical and nautical instruments, which the Board of Longitude entrusted to me, and to Mr King, my second lieutenant; we having engaged to that board to make all the necessary observations, during the voyage, for the improvement of astronomy and navigation; and, by our joint labours, to supply the place of a professed observator.  Such a person had been originally intended to be sent out in my ship.

The board, likewise, put into our possession the same watch, or time-keeper, which I had carried out in my last voyage, and had performed its part so well.  It was a copy of Mr Harrison’s, constructed by Mr Kendall.  This day, at noon, it was found to be too slow for mean time at Greenwich, by 3’ 31” 89; and by its rate of going, it lost, on mean time, 1”, 209 per day.

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Another time-keeper, and the same number and sort of instruments for making observations, were put on board the Discovery, under the care of Mr William Bayly; who, having already given satisfactory proofs of his skill and diligence as an observator, while employed in Captain Furneaux’s ship, during the late voyage, was engaged a second time, in that capacity, to embark with Captain Clerke.

Mr Anderson, my surgeon, who, to skill in his immediate profession, added great proficiency in natural history, was as willing as he was well qualified, to describe every thing in that branch of science which should occur worthy of notice.  As he had already visited the South Sea islands in the same ship, and been of singular service, by enabling me to enrich my relation of that voyage with various useful remarks on men and things,[67] I reasonably expected to derive considerable assistance from him, in recording our new proceedings.

[Footnote 67:  The very copious vocabulary of the language of Otaheite, and the comparative specimen of the languages of the several other islands visited during the former voyage, and published in Captain Cook’s account of it, were furnished by Mr Anderson.—­D.]

I had several young men amongst my sea-officers, who, under my direction, could be usefully employed in constructing charts, in taking views of the coasts and headlands near which we should pass, and in drawing plans of the bays and harbours in which we should anchor.  A constant attention to this I knew to be highly requisite, if we would render our discoveries profitable to future navigators.

And that we might go out with every help that could serve to make the result of our voyage entertaining to the generality of readers, as well as instructive to the sailor and scholar, Mr Webber was pitched upon, and engaged to embark with me, for the express purpose of supplying the unavoidable imperfections of written accounts, by enabling us to preserve, and to bring home, such drawings of the most memorable scenes of our transactions, as could only be executed by a professed and skilful artist.

Every preparation being now completed, I received an order to proceed to Plymouth, and to take the Discovery under my command.  I accordingly gave Captain Clerke two orders, one to put himself under my command, and the other, to carry his ship round to Plymouth.

On the 15th the Resolution sailed from Long Reach, with the Discovery in company, and the same evening they anchored at the Nore.  Next day the Discovery proceeded, in obedience to my order; but the Resolution was ordered to remain at the Nore till I should join her, being at this time in London.

As we were to touch at Otaheite and the Society Islands in our way to the intended scene of our fresh operations, it had been determined not to omit this opportunity (the only one ever likely to happen) of carrying Omai back to his native country.  Accordingly, every thing being ready for our departure, he and I set out together from London on the 24th, at six o’clock in the morning.  We reached Chatham, between ten and eleven o’clock; and, after dining with Commissioner Proby, he very obligingly ordered his yacht to carry us to Sheerness, where my boat was waiting to take us on board.

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Omai left London with a mixture of regret and satisfaction.  When we talked about England, and about those who, during his stay, had honoured him with their protection or friendship, I could observe that his spirits were sensibly affected, and that it was with difficulty he could refrain from tears.  But the instant the conversation turned to his own islands, his eyes began to sparkle with joy.  He was deeply impressed with a sense of the good treatment he had met with in England, and entertained the highest ideas of the country and of the people; but the pleasing prospect he now had before him of returning home, loaded with what he well knew would be esteemed invaluable treasures there, and the flattering hope which the possession of these gave him, of attaining to a distinguished superiority amongst his countrymen, were considerations which operated, by degrees, to suppress every uneasy sensation; and he seemed to be quite happy when he got on board the ship.

He was furnished by his majesty with an ample provision of every article which, during our intercourse with his country, we had observed to be in any estimation there, either as useful or as ornamental.  He had, besides, received many presents of the same nature from Lord Sandwich, Sir Joseph Banks, and several other gentlemen and ladies of his acquaintance.  In short, every method had been employed, both during his abode in England, and at his departure, to make him the instrument of conveying to the inhabitants of the islands of the Pacific Ocean, the most exalted opinion of the greatness and generosity of the British nation.

While the Resolution lay at the Nore, Mr King made several observations for finding the longitude by the watch.  The mean of them all gave 0 deg. 44’ 0” for the longitude of the ship.  This, reduced to Sheerness, by the bearing and estimated distance, will make that place to be 0 deg. 37’ 0” E. of Greenwich, which is more by seven miles than Mr Lyons made it by the watch which Lord Mulgrave had with him, on his voyage toward the North Pole.  Whoever knows any thing of the distance between Sheerness and Greenwich, will be a judge which of these two observations is nearest the truth.

The variation of the needle here, by a mean of different sets, taken with different compasses, was 20 deg. 37’ W.

On the 25th, about noon, we weighed anchor, and made sail for the Downs through the Queen’s Channel, with a gentle breeze at N.W. by W. At nine in the evening we anchored, with the North Foreland bearing S. by E. and Margate Point S.W. by S.

Next morning, at two o’clock, we weighed and stood round the Foreland; and when it bore north by the compass, the watch gave 1 deg. 24’ E. longitude, which, reduced to the Foreland, will be 1 deg. 21’ E. Lunar observations made the preceding evening, fixed it at 1 deg. 20’ E. At eight o’clock the same morning we anchored in the Downs.  Two boats had been built for us at Deal, and I immediately sent on shore for them.  I was told that many people had assembled there to see Omai, but, to their great disappointment, he did not land.

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Having received the boats on board, and a light breeze at S.S.E. springing up, we got under sail the next day at two o’clock in the afternoon; but the breeze soon died away, and we were obliged to anchor again till ten o’clock at night.  We then weighed with the wind at E. and proceeded down the Channel.

On the 30th, at three o’clock in the afternoon, we anchored in Plymouth Sound, where the Discovery had arrived only three days before.  I saluted Admiral Amherst, whose flag was flying on board the Ocean, with thirteen guns, and he returned the compliment with eleven.

It was the first object of our care on arriving at Plymouth, to replace the water and provisions that we had expended, and to receive on board a supply of port wine.  This was the employment which occupied us on the 1st and 2d of July.

During our stay here, the crews were served with fresh beef every day.  And I should not do justice to Mr Ommanney, the agent victualler, if I did not take this opportunity to mention, that he shewed a very obliging readiness to furnish me with the best of every thing that lay within his department.  I had been under the like obligations to him on my setting out upon my last voyage.  Commissioner Ourry, with equal zeal for the service, gave us every assistance that we wanted from the naval yard.

It could not but occur to us as a singular and affecting circumstance, that at the very instant of our departure upon a voyage, the object of which was to benefit Europe by making fresh discoveries in North America, there should be the unhappy necessity of employing others of his majesty’s ships, and of conveying numerous bodies of land forces to secure the obedience of those parts of that continent which had been discovered and settled by our countrymen in the last century.  On the 6th his majesty’s ships Diamond, Ambuscade, and Unicorn, with a fleet of transports, consisting of sixty-two sail, bound to America, with the last division of the Hessian troops, and some horse, were forced into the Sound by a strong N.W. wind.

On the 8th I received, by express, my instructions for the voyage, and an order to proceed to the Cape of Good Hope with the Resolution.  I was also directed to leave an order for Captain Clerke to follow us as soon as he should join his ship, he being at this time detained in London.

Our first discoverers of the New World, and navigators of the Indian and Pacific Oceans, were justly thought to have exerted such uncommon abilities, and to have accomplished such perilous enterprises, that their names have been handed down to posterity as so many Argonauts.  Nay, even the hulks of the ships that carried them, though not converted into constellations in the heavens, used to be honoured and visited as sacred relics upon earth.  We, in the present age of improved navigation, who have been instructed by their labours, and have followed them as our guides, have no such claim to fame.  Some merit, however, being still, in the public opinion, considered as due to those who sail to unexplored quarters of the globe; in conformity to this favourable judgment, I prefixed to the account of my last voyage the names of the officers of both my ships, and a table of the number of their respective crews.  The like information will be expected from me at present.

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The Resolution was fitted out with the same complement of officers and men as she had before; and the Discovery’s establishment varied from that of the Adventure, in the single instance of her having no marine officer on board.  This arrangement was to be finally completed at Plymouth; and on the 9th we received the party of marines allotted for our voyage.  Colonel Bell, who commanded the division at this port, gave me such men for the detachment as I had reason to be satisfied with.  And the supernumerary seamen, occasioned by this reinforcement, being turned over into the Ocean man-of-war, our several complements remained fixed, as represented in the following table:—­


Officers and Men.  No.  Officers No.  Officers
Names Names

Captains, 1 James Cook. 1 Charles Clerke. 
Lieutenants, 3 John Gore. 2 James Burney. 
James King.  John Rickman. 
John Williamson. 
Master, 1 William Bligh. 1 Thomas Edgar. 
Boatswain, 1 William Ewin. 1 Aneas Atkins. 
Carpenter, 1 James Clevely. 1 Peter Reynolds. 
Gunner, 1 Robert Anderson. 1 William Peckover. 
Surgeon, 1 William Anderson. 1 John Law. 
Master’s Mates, 3 2
Midshipmen, 6 4
Surgeon’s Mates, 2 2
Captain’s Clerk, 1 1
Master at Arms, 1
Corporal, 1
Armourer, 1 1
Ditto Mate, 1 1
Sail Maker, 1 1
Ditto Mate, 1 1
Boatswain’s Mates, 3 2
Carpenter’s Ditto, 3 2
Gunner’s Ditto, 2 1
Carpenter’s Crew, 4 4
Cook, 1 1
Ditto Mate, 1
Quarter Masters, 6 4
Able Seamen, 45 33
Lieutenants, 1 Molesworth Philips. 
Serjeant, 1 1
Corporals, 2 1
Drummer, 1 1
Privates, 15 8

Total, 112 80

On the 10th, the commissioner and pay clerks came on board, and paid the officers and crew up to the 30th of last month.  The petty officers and seamen had, besides, two months wages in advance.  Such indulgence to the latter is no more than what is customary in the navy.  But the payment of what was due to the superior officers was humanely ordered by the Admiralty, in consideration of our peculiar situation, that we might be better able to defray the very great expence of furnishing ourselves with a stock of necessaries for a voyage which, probably, would be of unusual duration, and to regions where no supply could be expected.

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Nothing now obstructing my departure but a contrary wind, which blew strong at S.W., in the morning of the 11th, I delivered into the hands of Mr Burney, first lieutenant of the Discovery, Captain Clerke’s sailing orders; a copy of which I also left with the officer commanding his majesty’s ships at Plymouth, to be delivered to the captain immediately on his arrival.  In the afternoon, the wind moderating, we weighed with the ebb, and got farther out, beyond all the shipping in the sound; where, after making an unsuccessful attempt to get to sea, we were detained most of the following day, which was employed in receiving on board a supply of water; and, by the same vessel that brought it, all the empty casks were returned.

As I did not imagine my stay at Plymouth would have been so long as it proved, we did not get our instruments on shore to make the necessary observations for ascertaining the longitude by the watch.  For the same reason, Mr Bayly did not set about this, till he found that the Discovery would probably be detained some days after us.  He then placed his quadrant upon Drake’s Island; and had time, before the Resolution sailed, to make observations sufficient for the purpose we had in view.  Our watch made the island to lie 4 deg. 14’, and his, 4 deg. 13 1/2’, west of Greenwich.  Its latitude, as found by Messrs Wales and Bayly, on the last voyage, is 50 deg. 21’ 30” N.

We weighed again at eight in the evening, and stood out of the sound, with a gentle breeze at N.W. by W.


Passage of the Resolution to Teneriffe.—­Reception there.—­Description of Santa Cruz Road.—­Refreshment to be met with.—­Observations for fixing the Longitude of Teneriffe.—­Some Account of the Island.—­Botanical Observations.—­Cities of Santa Cruz and Loguna.—­Agriculture.—­Air and Climate.—­Commerce.—­Inhabitants.

We had not been long out of Plymouth Sound, before the wind came more westerly, and blew fresh, so that we were obliged to ply down the Channel; and it was not till the 14th, at eight in the evening, that we were off the Lizard.

On the 16th, at noon, St Agnes’s light-house on the isles of Scilly bore N.W. by W., distant seven or eight miles.  Our latitude was now 49 deg. 53’ 30” N., and our longitude, by the watch, 6 deg. 11’ W. Hence, I reckon that St Agnes’s light-house is in 49 deg. 57’ 30” N. latitude, and in 6 deg. 20’ of W. longitude.

On the 17th[68] and 18th we were off Ushant, and found the longitude of the island to be, by the watch, 5 deg. 18’ 37” W. The variation was 23 deg. 0’ 50”, in the same direction.

[Footnote 68:  It appears from Captain Cook’s log-book, that he began his judicious operations for preserving the health of his crew, very early in the voyage.  On the 17th, the ship was smoked between decks with gunpowder.  The spare sails also were then well aired.—­D.]

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With a strong gale at S., on the 19th, we stood to the westward, till eight o’clock in the morning; when the wind shifting to the W. and N.W., we tacked and stretched to the southward.  At this time, we saw nine sail of large ships, which we judged to be French men-of-war.  They took no particular notice of us, nor we of them.

At ten o’clock in the morning of the 22d, we saw Cape Ortegal; which at noon bore S.E. 1/2 S., about four leagues distant.  At this time we were in the latitude of 44 deg. 6’ N.; and our longitude, by the watch, was 8 deg. 23” W.

After two days of calm weather, we passed Cape Finisterre on the afternoon of the 24th, with a fine gale at N.N.E.  The longitude of this cape, by the watch, is 9 deg. 29’ W.; and, by the mean of forty-one lunar observations, made before and after we passed it, and reduced to it by the watch, the result was 9 deg. 19’ 12”.

On the 30th, at six minutes and thirty-eight seconds past ten o’clock at night, apparent time, I observed, with a night telescope, the moon totally eclipsed.  By the ephemeris, the same happened at Greenwich at nine minutes past eleven o’clock; the difference being one hour, two minutes, and twenty-two seconds, or 15 deg. 35’ 30” of longitude.  The watch, for the same time, gave 15 deg. 26’ 45’ longitude W.; and the latitude was 31 deg. 10’ N. No other observation could be made on this eclipse, as the moon was hid behind the clouds the greater part of the time; and, in particular, when the beginning and end of total darkness, and the end of the eclipse, happened.

Finding that we had not hay and corn sufficient for the subsistence of the stock of animals on board, till our arrival at the Cape of Good Hope, I determined to touch at Teneriffe, to get a supply of these, and of the usual refreshments for ourselves; thinking that island, for such purposes, better adapted than Madeira.  At four in the afternoon of the 31st, we saw Teneriffe, and steered for the eastern part.  At nine, being near it, we hauled up, and stood off and on during the night.

At day-light, on the morning of the 1st of August, we sailed round the east point of the island; and, about eight o’clock, anchored on the S.E. side of it, in the road of Santa Cruz, in twenty-three fathoms water; the bottom, sand and ooze.  Punta de Nago, the east point of the road, bore N. 64 deg.  E.; St Francis’s church, remarkable for its high steeple, W.S.W.; the Pic, S. 65 deg.  W.; and the S.W. point of the road, on which stands a fort or castle, S. 39 deg.  W. In this situation, we moored N.E. and S.W. with a cable each way, being near half a mile from the shore.

We found, riding in this road, La Boussole, a French frigate, commanded by the Chevalier de Borda; two brigantines of the same nation; an English brigantine from London, bound to Senegal; and fourteen sail of Spanish vessels.

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No sooner had we anchored, than we were visited by the master of the port, who satisfied himself with asking the ship’s name.  Upon his leaving us, I sent an officer ashore, to present my respects to the governor; and to ask his leave to take in water, and to purchase such articles as we were in want of.  All this he granted with the greatest politeness; and, soon after, sent an officer on board, to compliment me on my arrival.  In the afternoon, I waited upon him in person, accompanied by some of my officers; and, before I returned to my ship, bespoke some corn and straw for the live stock; ordered a quantity of wine from Mr McCarrick, the contractor, and made an agreement with the master of a Spanish boat to supply us with water, as I found that we could not do it ourselves.

The road of Santa Cruz is situated before the town of the same name, on the S.E. side of the island.  It is, as I am told, the principal road of Teneriffe, for shelter, capacity, and the goodness of its bottom.  It lies entirely open to the S.E. and S. winds.  But these winds are never of long continuance; and, they say, there is not an instance of a ship driving from her anchors on shore.[69] This may, in part, be owing to the great care they take in mooring them; for I observed, that all the ships we met with, there, had four anchors out; two to the N.E., and two to the S.W.; and their cables buoyed up with casks.  Ours suffered a little by not observing this last precaution.

[Footnote 69:  Though no such instance was known to those from whom Captain Cook had this information, we learn from Glas, that some years before he was at Teneriffe, almost all the shipping in the road were driven on shore.  See Glas’s History of the Canary Islands, p. 235.  We may well suppose the precautions now used, have prevented any more such accidents happening.  This will sufficiently justify Captain Cook’s account.—–­ D.]

At the S.W. part of the road, a stone pier runs out into the sea from the town, for the convenience of loading and landing of goods.  To this pier, the water that supplies the shipping is conveyed.  This, as also what the inhabitants of Santa Cruz use, is derived from a rivulet that runs from the hills, the greatest part of which comes into the town in wooden spouts or troughs, that are supported by slender posts, and the remainder doth not reach the sea; though it is evident, from the size of the channel, that sometimes large torrents rush down.  At this time these troughs were repairing, so that fresh water, which is very good here, was scarce.

Were we to judge from the appearance of the country in the neighbourhood of Santa Cruz, it might be concluded that Teneriffe is a barren spot, insufficient to maintain even its own inhabitants.  The ample supplies, however, which we received, convinced as that they had enough to spare for visitors.  Besides wine, which is the chief produce of the island, beef may be had at a moderate price.  The oxen are small

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and bony, and weigh about ninety pounds a quarter.  The meat is but lean, and was, at present, sold for half a bit (three-pence sterling) a pound.  I, unadvisedly, bought the bullocks alive, and paid considerably more.  Hogs, sheep, goats, and poultry, are likewise to be bought at the same moderate rate; and fruits are in great plenty.  At this time we had grapes, figs, pears, mulberries, plantains, and musk-melons.  There is a variety of other fruits produced here, though not in season at this time.  Their pumpkins, onions, and potatoes, are exceedingly good of their kind; and keep better at sea than any I ever before met with.

The Indian corn, which is also their produce, cost me about three shillings and sixpence a bushel; and the fruits and roots were, in general, very cheap.  They have not any plentiful supply of fish from the adjoining sea; but a very considerable fishery is carried on by their vessels upon the coast of Barbary:  and the produce of it sells at a reasonable price.  Upon the whole, I found Teneriffe to be a more eligible place than Madeira, for ships bound on long voyages to touch at; though the wine of the latter, according to my taste, is as much superior to that of the former, as strong beer is to small.  To compensate for this, the difference of prices is considerable; for the best Teneriffe wine was now sold for twelve pounds a pipe; whereas a pipe of the best Madeira would have cost considerably more than double that sum.[70]

[Footnote 70:  Formerly, there was made at Teneriffe a great quantity of Canary sack, which the French call Vin de Malvesie; and we, corruptly after them, name Malmsey (from Malvesia, a town in the Morea, famous for such luscious wine).  In the last century, and still later, much of this was imported into England; but little wine is now made there, but of the sort described by Captain Cook.  Not more than fifty pipes of the rich Canary were annually made in Glas’s time; and he says, they now gather the grapes when green, and make a dry hard wine of them, fit for hot climates, p. 262.—­D.]

The Chevalier De Borda, commander of the French frigate now lying in Santa Cruz road, was employed, in conjunction with Mr Varila, a Spanish gentleman, in making astronomical observations for ascertaining the going of two time-keepers which they had on board their ship.  For this purpose, they had a tent pitched on the pier head, where they made their observations, and compared their watches, every day at noon, with the clock on shore, by signals.  These signals the chevalier very obligingly communicated to us; so that we could compare our watch at the same time.  But our stay was too short, to profit much by his kindness.

The three days comparisons which we made, assured us that the watch had not materially, if at all, altered her rate of going; and gave us the same longitude, within a very few seconds, that was obtained by finding the time from observations of the sun’s altitude from the horizon of the sea.  The watch, from a mean of these observations, on the 1st, 2d, and 3d of August, made the longitude 16 deg. 31’ W.; and, in like manner, the latitude was found to be 28 deg. 30’ 11” N.

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Mr Varila informed us, that the true longitude was 18 deg. 35’ 30”, from Paris, which is only 16 deg. 16’ 30” from Greenwich; less than what our watch gave by 14’ 30”.  But, far from looking upon this as an error in the watch, I rather think it a confirmation of its having gone well; and that the longitude by it may be nearer the truth than any other.  It is farther confirmed by the lunar observations that we made in the road, which gave 16 deg. 37’ 10”.  Those made before we arrived, and reduced to the road by the watch, gave 16 deg. 33’ 30”; and those made after we left it, and reduced back in the same manner, gave 16 deg. 28’.  The mean of the three is 16 deg. 30’ 40”.

To reduce these several longitudes, and the latitude, to the Pic of Teneriffe, one of the most noted points of land with geographers, (to obtain the true situation of which, I have entered into this particular discussion,) I had recourse to the bearing, and a few hours of the ship’s run after leaving Santa Cruz road; and found it to be 12’ 11” S. of the road, and 29’ 30” of longitude W. of it.  As the base, which helped to determine this, was partly estimated, it is liable to some error; but I think I cannot be much mistaken.  Dr Maskelyne, in his British Mariner’s Guide, places the Pic in the latitude of 28 deg. 12’ 54”.  This, with the bearing from the road, will give the difference of longitude 43’, which considerably exceeds the distance they reckon the Pic to be from Santa Cruz.  I made the latitude of the Pic to be 28 deg. 18’ N. Upon that supposition, its longitude will be as follows: 

       {The time-keeper, 17 deg. 0’ 30” }
   By {Lunar observations, 16 deg. 30’ 20”} W. 
       {Mr Varila, 16 deg. 46’ 0” }

But if the latitude of it is 28 deg. 12’ 54”, as in the British Mariner’s Guide, its longitude will be 13 deg. 30’ more westerly.

The variation, when we were at anchor in the road, by the mean of all our compasses, was found to be 14 deg. 41’ 20” W. The dip of the N. end of the needle was 61 deg. 52’ 30”.

Some of Mr Anderson’s remarks on the natural appearances of Teneriffe, and its productions, and what he observed himself, or learnt by information, about the general state of the island, will be of use, particularly in marking what changes may have happened there since Mr Glas visited it.  They here follow in his own words: 

“While we were standing in for the land, the weather being perfectly clear, we had an opportunity of seeing the celebrated Pic of Teneriffe.  But, I own, I was much disappointed in my expectation with respect to its appearance.  It is, certainly, far from equalling the noble figure of Pico, one of the western isles which I have seen; though its perpendicular height may be greater.  This circumstance, perhaps, arises from its being surrounded by other very high hills; whereas Pico stands without a rival.”

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“Behind the city of Santa Cruz, the country rises gradually, and is of a moderate height.  Beyond this, to the south-westward, it becomes higher, and continues to rise toward the Pic, which, from the road, appears but little higher than the surrounding hills.  From thence it seems to decrease, though not suddenly, as far as the eye can reach.  From a supposition that we should not stay above one day, I was obliged to contract my excursions into the country; otherwise, I had proposed to visit the top of this famous mountain."[71]

[Footnote 71:  See an account of a journey to the top of the Pic of Teneriffe, in Sprat’s History of the Royal Society, p.200, &c.  Glas also went to the top of it.—­History of the Canary Islands, p. 252 to 259.  In the Philosophical Transactions, vol. xlvii. p. 353-356, we have observations made, in going up the Pic of Teneriffe, by Dr T. Heberden.  The doctor makes its height, above the level of the sea, to be 2566 fathoms, or 15,396 English feet; and says, that this was confirmed by two subsequent observations by himself, and another made by Mr Crosse, the consul.  And yet I find that the Chevalier de Borda, who measured the height of this mountain in August 1776, makes it to be only 1931 French toises, or 12,340 English feet.  See Dr Forster’s Observations during a Voyage round the World, p. 32.—­D.]

“To the eastward of Santa Cruz, the island appears perfectly barren.  Ridges of hills run toward the sea; between which ridges are deep valleys, terminating at mountains or hills that ran across, and are higher than the former.  Those that run toward the sea, are marked by impressions on their sides, which make them appear as a succession of conic hills, with their tops very rugged.  The higher ones that run across, are more uniform in their appearance.”

“In the forenoon of the 1st of August, after we had anchored in the road, I went on shore to one of these valleys, with an intention to reach the top of the remoter hills, which seemed covered with wood; but time would not allow me to get farther than their foot.  After walking about three miles, I found no alteration in the appearance of the lower hills, which produce great quantities of the euphorbia Canariensis.  It is surprising that this large succulent plant should thrive on so burnt-up a soil.  When broken which is easily done, the quantity of juice is very great; and it might be supposed that, when dried, it would shrivel to nothing; yet it is a pretty tough, though soft and light wood.  The people here believe its juice to be so caustic as to erode the skin;[72] but I convinced them, though with much difficulty, to the contrary, by thrusting my finger into the plant full of it, without afterward wiping it off.  They break down the bushes of euphorbia, and, suffering them to dry, carry them home for fuel.  I met with nothing else growing there, but two or three small shrubs, and a few fig-trees near the bottom of the valley.”

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[Footnote 72:  Glas, p. 231, speaking of this plant, says, “that he cannot imagine why the natives of the Canaries do not extract the juice, and use it instead of pitch, for the bottoms of their boats.”  We now learn from Mr Anderson their reason for not using it,—­D].

“The basis of the hills is a heavy, compact, bluish stone, mixed with some shining particles; and, on the surface, large masses of red friable earth, or stone, are scattered about.  I also often found the same substance disposed in thick strata; and the little earth, strewed here and there, was a blackish mould.  There were likewise some pieces of slag; one of which, from its weight and smooth surface, seemed almost wholly metalline.”

“The mouldering state of these hills is, doubtless, owing to the perpetual action of the sun, which calcines their surface.  This mouldered part being afterward washed away by the heavy rains, perhaps is the cause of their sides being so uneven.  For, as the different substances of which they are composed, are more or less easily affected by the sun’s heat, they will be carried away in the like proportions.  Hence, perhaps, the tops of the hills, being of the hardest rock, have stood, while the other parts on a declivity have been destroyed.  As I have usually observed, that the tops of most mountains that are covered with trees have a more uniform appearance, I am inclined to believe that this is owing to their being shaded.”

“The city of Santa Cruz, though not large, is tolerably well built.  The churches are not magnificent without; but within are decent, and indifferently ornamented.  They are inferior to some of the churches at Madeira; but I imagine this rather arises from the different disposition of the people, than from their inability to support them better.  For the private houses, and dress of the Spanish inhabitants of Santa Cruz, are far preferable to those of the Portuguese at Madeira; who, perhaps, are willing to strip themselves, that they may adorn their churches.”

“Almost facing the stone pier at the landing-place, is a handsome marble column lately put up, ornamented with some human figures, that do no discredit to the artist; with an inscription in Spanish, to commemorate the occasion of the erection, and the date.”

“In the afternoon of the 2d, four of us hired mules to ride to the city of Laguna,[73] so called from an adjoining lake, about four miles from Santa Cruz.  We arrived there between five and six in the evening; but found a sight of it very unable to compensate for our trouble, as the road was very bad, and the mules but indifferent.  The place is, indeed, pretty extensive, but scarcely deserves to be dignified with the name of city.  The disposition of its streets is very irregular; yet some of them are of a tolerable breadth, and have some good houses.  In general, however, Laguna is inferior in appearance to Santa Cruz, though the latter is but small, if compared with the former.  We are informed, likewise, that Laguna is declining fast; there being, at present, some vineyards where houses formerly stood; whereas Santa Cruz is increasing daily.”

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[Footnote 73:  Its extended name is St Christobal de la Laguna; and it used to be reckoned the capital of the island, the gentry and lawyers living there; though the governor-general of the Canary Islands resides at Santa Cruz, as being the centre of their trade, both with Europe and America.  See Glas’s History, p. 248.—­D.]

“The road leading from Santa Cruz to Laguna runs up a steep hill, which is very barren; but, lower down, we saw some fig-trees, and several corn fields.  These are but small, and not thrown into ridges, as is practised in England.  Nor does it appear that they can raise any corn here without great labour, as the ground is so encumbered with stones, that they are obliged to collect and lay them in broad rows, or walls, in small distances.  The large hills that run to the S.W., appeared to be pretty well furnished with trees.  Nothing else worth noticing presented itself during this excursion, except a few aloe plants in flower, near the side of the road, and the cheerfulness of our guides, who amused us with songs by the way.”

“Most of the laborious work in this island is performed by mules; horses being to appearance scarce, and chiefly reserved for the use of the officers.  They are of a small size, but well shaped and spirited.  Oxen are also employed to drag their casks along upon a large clumsy piece of wood; and they are yoked by the head, though it doth not seem that this has any peculiar advantage over our method of fixing the harness on the shoulders.  In my walks and excursions I saw some hawks, parrots which are natives of the island, the sea-swallow or tern, sea-gulls, partridges, wagtails, swallows, martins, blackbirds, and Canary-birds in large flocks.  There are also lizards of the common, and another sort; some insects, as locusts; and three or four sorts of dragon flies.”

“I had an opportunity of conversing with a sensible and well-informed gentleman residing here, and whose veracity I have not the least reason to doubt.  From him I learnt some particulars, which, during the short stay of three days, did not fall within my own observation.  He informed me, that a shrub is common here, agreeing exactly with the description given by Tournefort and Linnaeus, of the tea shrub, as growing in China and Japan.  It is reckoned a weed, and he roots out thousands of them every year from his vineyards.  The Spaniards, however, of the island, sometimes use it as tea, and ascribe to it all the qualities of that imported from China.  They also give it the name of tea; but what is remarkable, they say it was found here when the islands were first discovered.”

“Another botanical curiosity, mentioned by him, is what they call the impregnated lemon.[74] It is a perfect and distinct lemon, inclosed within another, differing from the outer one only in being a little more globular.  The leaves of the tree that produces this sort, are much longer than those of the common one; and it was represented to me as being crooked, and not equal in beauty.”

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[Footnote 74:  The writer of the Relation of Teneriffe, in Sprat’s History, p. 207, takes notice of this lemon as produced here, and calls it Pregnada.  Probably, emprennada, the Spanish word for impregnated, is the name it goes by.—­D.]

“From him I learnt also, that a certain sort of grape growing here, is reckoned an excellent remedy in phthisical complaints; and the air and climate, in general, are remarkably healthful, and particularly adapted to give relief in such diseases.  This he endeavoured to account for, by its being always in one’s power to procure a different temperature of the air, by residing at different heights in the island; and he expressed his surprise that the English physicians should never have thought of sending their consumptive patients to Teneriffe, instead of Nice or Lisbon.  How much the temperature of the air varies here, I myself could sensibly perceive, only in riding from Santa Cruz up to Laguna; and you may ascend till the cold becomes intolerable.  I was assured that no person can live comfortably within a mile of the perpendicular height of the Pic, after the month of August."[75]

[Footnote 75:  This agrees with Dr T. Heberden’s account, who says that the sugar-loaf part of the mountain, or la pericosa, (as it is called,) which is an eighth part of a league (or 1980 feet) to the top, is covered with snow the greatest part of the year.  See Philosophical Transactions, as quoted above.—­D.]

“Although some smoke constantly issues from near the top of the Pic, they have had no earthquake or eruption of a volcano since 1704, when the port of Garrachica, where much of their trade was formerly carried on, was destroyed."[76]

[Footnote 76:  This port was then filled up by the rivers of burning lava that flowed into it from a volcano; insomuch that houses are now built where ships formerly lay at anchor.  See Glas’s History, p. 244.—­D.]

“Their trade, indeed, must be considered as very considerable; for they reckon that forty thousand pipes of wine are annually made, the greatest part of which is either consumed in the island, or made into brandy, and sent to the Spanish West Indies.[77] About six thousand pipes were exported every year to North America, while the trade with it was uninterrupted; at present, they think not above half the quantity.  The corn they raise is, in general, insufficient to maintain the inhabitants; but the deficiency used to be supplied by importation from the North Americans, who took their wines in return.”

[Footnote 77:  Glas, p. 342, says, that they annually export no less than fifteen thousand pipes of wine and brandy.  In another place, p. 252, he tells us, that the number of the inhabitants of Teneriffe, when the last account was taken, was no less than 96,000.  We may reasonably suppose that there has been a considerable increase of population since Glas visited the island, which is above thirty years

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ago.  The quantity of wine annually consumed, as the common beverage of at least one hundred thousand persons, must amount to several thousand pipes.  There must be a vast expenditure of it, by conversion into brandy; to produce one pipe of which, five or six pipes of wine must be distilled.  An attention to these particulars will enable every one to judge, that the account given to Mr Anderson, of an annual produce of 40,000 pipes of wine, has a foundation in truth.—­D.]

“They make a little silk; but unless we reckon the filtering-stones, brought in great numbers from Grand Canary, the wine is the only considerable article of the foreign commerce of Teneriffe.’

“None of the race of inhabitants found here when the Spaniards discovered the Canaries, now remain a distinct people;[78] having intermarried with the Spanish settlers; but their descendants are known, from their being remarkably tall, large-boned, and strong.  The men are, in general, of a tawny colour, and the women have a pale complexion, entirely destitute of that bloom which distinguishes our northern beauties.  The Spanish custom of wearing black clothes continues amongst them; but the men seem more indifferent about this, and in some measure dress like the French.  In other respects, we found the inhabitants of Teneriffe to be a decent and very civil people, retaining that grave cast which distinguishes those of their country from other European nations.  Although we do not think that there is a great similarity between our manners and those of the Spaniards, it is worth observing, that Omai did not think there was much difference.  He only said, ’that they seemed not so friendly as the English; and that, in their persons, they approached those of his countrymen.’”

[Footnote 78:  It was otherwise in Glas’s time, when a few families of the Guanches (as they are called) remained still in Teneriffe, not blended with the Spaniards.  Glas, p. 240.—­D.]


Departure from Teneriffe.—­Danger of the Ship near Bonavista.—­Isle of Mayo.—­Port Praya.—­Precautions against the Rain and sultry Weather in the Neighbourhood of the Equator.—­Position of the Coast of Brazil.—­Arrival at the Cape of Good Hope.—­Transactions there.—­Junction of the Discovery.—­Mr Anderson’s Journey up the Country.—­Astronomical Observations,—­Nautical Remarks on the Passage from England to the Cape, with regard to the Currents and the Variation.

Having completed our water, and got on board every other thing we wanted at Teneriffe, we weighed anchor on the 4th of August, and proceeded on our voyage, with a fine gale at N.E.

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At nine o’clock in the evening on the 10th,[79] we saw the island of Bonavista bearing south, distant little more than a league; though, at this time, we thought ourselves much farther off:  But this proved a mistake.  For, after hauling to the eastward till twelve o’clock, to clear the sunken rocks that lie about a league from the S.E. point of the island, we found ourselves, at that time, close upon them, and did but just weather the breakers.  Our situation, for a few minutes, was very alarming.  I did not choose to sound, as that might have heightened the danger, without any possibility of lessening it.  I make the north end of the island of Bonavista to lie in the latitude of 16 deg. 17’ N., and in the longitude of 22 deg. 59’ W.

[Footnote 79:  As a proof of Captain Cook’s attention, both to the discipline and to the health of his ship’s company, it may be worth while to observe here, that it appears from his log-book, he exercised them at great guns and small arms, and cleaned and smoked the ship betwixt decks, twice in the interval between the 4th and the 10th of August.—­D.]

As soon as we were clear of the rocks, we steered S.S.W., till day-break next morning, and then hauled to the westward, to go between Bonavista and the isle of Mayo, intending to look into Port Praya for the Discovery, as I had told Captain Clerke that I should touch there, and did not know how soon he might sail after me.  At one in the afternoon, we saw the rocks that lie on the S.W. side of Bonavista, bearing S.E., distant three or four leagues.

Next morning, at six o’clock, the isle of Mayo bore S.S.E., distant about five leagues.  In this situation we sounded, and found ground at sixty fathoms.  At the same time the variation, by the mean of several azimuths taken with three different compasses, was 9 deg. 32 1/2’ W. At eleven o’clock, one extreme of Mayo bore E. by N., and the other S.E. by S. In this position, two roundish hills appeared near its N.E. part; farther on, a large and higher hill; and, at about two-thirds of its length, a single one that is peaked.  At the distance we now saw this island, which was three or four miles, there was not the least appearance of vegetation, nor any relief to the eye from that lifeless brown which prevails in countries under the Torrid Zone that are unwooded.

Here I cannot help remarking that Mr Nichelson, in his Preface to “Sundry Remarks and Observations made in a Voyage to the East Indies,"[80] tells us, that “with eight degrees west variation, or any thing above that, you may venture to sail by the Cape de Verde Islands night or day, being well assured, with that variation, that you are to the eastward of them.”  Such an assertion might prove of dangerous consequence, were there any that would implicitly trust to it.  We also tried the current, and found one setting S.W. by W., something more than half a mile an hour.  We had reason to expect this, from the differences between the longitude given by the watch and dead reckoning, which, since our leaving Teneriffe, amounted to one degree.

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[Footnote 80:  On board his majesty’s ship Elizabeth, from 1758 to 1764; by William Nichelson, master of the said ship.—­London, 1773.]

While we were amongst these islands, we had light breezes of wind, varying from the S.E. to E., and some calms.  This shews that the Cape de Verde islands are either extensive enough to break the current of the trade wind, or that they are situated just beyond its verge, in that space where the variable winds, found on getting near the Line, begin.  The first supposition, however, is the most probable, as Dampier found the wind westerly here in the month of February; at which time the trade wind is supposed to extend farthest toward the equinoctial.[81] The weather was hot and sultry, with some rain; and, for the most part, a dull whiteness prevailed in the sky, that seems a medium between fog and clouds.  In general, the tropical regions seldom enjoy that clear atmosphere observable where variable winds blow; nor does the sun shine with such brightness.  This circumtance, however, seems an advantage; for otherwise, perhaps, the rays of the sun, being uninterrupted, would render the heat quite unsupportable.  The nights are, nevertheless, often clear and serene.

[Footnote 81:  Dampier’s Voyages, vol. iii. p.10.—­Captain Krusenstern appears to be of the same opinion, as to the Cape de Verde islands being of sufficient magnitude to alter the direction of the trade winds, remarking that S.W. winds are frequently met with there, and that if they are not, the wind is always very moderate in their vicinity.  He recommends vessels, on their passage to the equator, to take their course to the westward of these islands, so as to cross the parallel of 17 deg., or that of the island of Antonio in 26-1/2 deg., or even that of 27 deg., and then to steer S.E. by S. directly to the equator.  He further advises, that, if possible, the passage of the Line be effected in 20 deg. or 21 deg., as then there is the advantage of a directly free wind as soon as the S.E. trade sets in, and of course the ship gets quicker to the southward.  But this can rarely be done.  He himself crossed the equator in 24 deg. 20’ W., after a passage of thirty days from Santa Cruz.  Ships, he informs us, when crossing in a more westerly direction than 25 deg. and 26 deg., have been driven by strong currents, and a too southerly trade wind, so near the coast of Brazil, as not to be able to clear Cape St Augustin.  The present opportunity is taken of mentioning, that this very cautious and intelligent navigator agrees, in general, with Cook, as to Nichelson’s rule.  “His instructions for crossing the Line, on the voyage to India, with 6 deg. 30’ and 7 deg. 00’ west variation, but in returning to Europe, with eight degrees, might have been of use forty years ago, when the method of finding the longitude at sea by distances of the sun and moon was known to very few navigators, and for a time no great error was committed by pursuing them; but at present a variation of seven degrees would hardly be found on the coast of Africa.”—­The reason is, as the scientific reader must know, that the variation has been on the western increase since the period alluded to.  Thus Nichelson found it at St Helena, in 1764, to be 11 deg. 38’, and Captain Krusenstern, in 1806, a space of forty-two years, 17 deg. 18’ 10".—­E.]

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At nine o’clock in the morning of the 13th, we arrived before Port Praya, in the island of St Jago, where we saw two Dutch East India ships, and a small brigantine, at anchor.  As the Discovery was not there, and we had expended but little water in our passage from Teneriffe, I did not think proper to go in, but stood to the southward.  Some altitudes of the sun were now taken, to ascertain the true time.  The longitude by the watch, deduced therefrom, was 23 deg. 48’ west; the little island in the bay bore W.N.W., distant near three miles, which will make its longitude 23 deg. 51’.  The same watch, on my late voyage, made the longitude to be 23 deg. 30’ W.; and we observed the latitude to be 14 deg. 53’ 30” N.

The day after we left the Cape de Verde islands, we lost the N.E. trade wind; but did not get that which blows from the S.E. till the 30th, when we were in the latitude of 2 deg. north, and in the twenty-fifth degree of west longitude.

During this interval,[82] the wind was mostly in the S.W. quarter.  Sometimes it blew fresh, and in squalls; but for the most part a gentle breeze.  The calms were few, and of short duration.  Between the latitude of 12 deg. and of 7 deg.  N., the weather was generally dark and gloomy, with frequent rains, which enabled us to save as much water as filled most of our empty casks.

[Footnote 82:  On the 18th, I sunk a bucket with a thermometer seventy fathoms below the surface of the sea, where it remained two minutes; and it took three minutes more to haul it up.  The mercury in the thermometer was at 66, which before, in the air, stood at 78, and in the surface of the sea at 79.  The water which came up in the bucket, contained, by Mr Cavendish’s table, 1/25, 7 part salt; and that at the surface of the sea 1/29, 4.  As this last was taken up after a smart shower of rain, it might be lighter on that account.—­Captain Cook’s log-book.]

These rains, and the close sultry weather accompanying them, too often bring on sickness in this passage.  Every bad consequence, at least, is to be apprehended from them; and commanders of ships cannot be too much upon their guard, by purifying the air between decks with fires and smoke, and by obliging the people to dry their clothes at every opportunity.  These precautions were constantly observed on board the Resolution[83] and Discovery; and we certainly profited by them, for we had now fewer sick than on either of my former voyages.  We had, however, the mortification to find our ship exceedingly leaky in all her upper works.  The hot and sultry weather we had just passed through, had opened her seams, which had been badly caulked at first, so wide, that they admitted the rain-water through as it fell.  There was hardly a man that could lie dry in his bed; and the officers in the gun-room were all driven out of their cabins, by the water that came through the sides.  The sails in the sail-room got wet; and before we had weather

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to dry them, many of them were much damaged, and a great expence of canvas and of time became necessary to make them in some degree serviceable.  Having experienced the same defect in our sail-rooms on my late voyage, it had been represented to the yard-officers, who undertook to remove it.  But it did not appear to me that any thing had been done to remedy the complaint.  To repair these defects the caulkers were set to work, as soon as we got into fair and settled weather, to caulk the decks and inside weather-works of the ship; for I would not trust them over the sides while we were at sea.

[Footnote 83:  The particulars are mentioned in his log-book.  On the 14th of August a fire was made in the well, to air the ship below.  On the 15th, the spare sails were aired upon deck, and a fire made to air the sail-room.  On the 17th, cleaned and smoked betwixt decks, and the bread-room aired with fires.  On the 21st, cleaned and smoked betwixt decks; and on the 22d, the men’s bedding was spread on deck to air.—­D.]

On the first of September[84] we crossed the equator, in the longitude of 27 deg. 38’ W., with a fine gale at S.E. by S.; and notwithstanding my apprehensions of falling in with the coast of Brazil in stretching to the S.W., I kept the ship a full point from the wind.  However, I found my fears were ill-grounded; for on drawing near that coast, we met with the wind more and more easterly; so that, by the time we were in the latitude of 10 deg.  S., we could make a south-easterly course good.

[Footnote 84:  The afternoon, as appears from Mr Anderson’s Journal, was spent in performing the old and ridiculous ceremony of ducking those who had not crossed the equator before.  Though Captain Cook did not suppress the custom, he thought it too trifling to deserve the least mention of it in his Journal, or even in his log-book.  Pernetty, the writer of Bougainville’s Voyage to the Falkland Islands, in 1763 and 1764, thought differently; for his account of the celebration of this childish festival on board his ship, is extended through seventeen pages, and makes the subject of an entire chapter, under the title of Bapteme de la Ligne.

It may be worth while to transcribe his introduction to the description of it.  “C’est un usage qui ne remonte pas plus haut que ce voyage celebre de Gama, qui a fourni au Camoens le sujet de la Lusiade.  L’idee qu’on ne scauroit etre un bon marin, sans avoir traverse l’Equateur, l’ennui inseparable d’une longue navigation, un certain esprit republicain qui regne dans toutes les petites societes, peut-etre toutes ces causes reunies, ont pu donner naissance a ces especes de saturnales.  Quoiqu’il en soi, elles furent adoptees, en un instant, dans toutes les nations, et les hommes les plus eclaires furent obliges de se soumettre a une coutume dont ils reconnoissoient l’absurdite.  Car, partout, des que le peuple parle, il faut que le sage se mette a l’unison.”—­Histoire d’un Voyage aux Isles Malouines, p. 107, 108.—­D.]

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On the 8th, we were in the latitude of 8 deg. 57’ S.; which is a little to the southward of Cape St Augustine, on the coast of Brazil.  Our longitude, deduced from a very great number of lunar observations, was 34 deg. 16’ W.; and by the watch, 34 deg. 47’.  The former is 1 deg. 43’, and the latter 2 deg. 14’ more westerly than the island of Fernando de Noronha, the situation of which was pretty well determined during my late voyage.  Hence I concluded that we could not now be farther from the continent than twenty or thirty leagues at most; and perhaps not much less, as we neither had soundings nor any other signs of land.  Dr Halley, however, in his voyage, published by Mr Dalrymple, tells us,[85] that “he made no more than one hundred and two miles, meridian distance, from the island [Fernando de Noronha] to the coast of Brazil;” and seems to think that “currents could not be the whole cause” of his making so little.  But I rather think that he was mistaken, and that the currents had hurried him far to the westward of his intended course.  This was, in some measure, confirmed by our own observations; for we had found, during three or four days preceding the 8th, that the currents set to the westward; and, during the last twenty-four hours, it had set strong to the northward, as we experienced a difference of twenty-nine miles between our observed latitude and that by dead reckoning.  Upon the whole, till some better astronomical observations are made on shore on the eastern coast of Brazil, I shall conclude that its longitude is thirty-five degrees and a half, or thirty-six degrees W., at most.

[Footnote 85:  Page 11.]

We proceeded on our voyage, without meeting with any thing of note, till the 6th of October.  Being then in the latitude of 35 deg. 15’ S., longitude 7 deg. 45’ W., we met with light airs and calms by turns, for three days successively.  We had, for some days before, seen albatrosses, pintadoes, and other petrels; and here we saw three penguins, which occasioned us to sound; but we found no ground with a line of one hundred and fifty fathoms.  We put a boat in the water, and shot a few birds; one of which was a black petrel, about the size of a crow, and, except as to the bill and feet, very like one.  It had a few white feathers under the throat; and the under-side of the quill-feathers were of an ash-colour.  All the other feathers were jet black, as also the bill and legs.

On the 8th, in the evening, one of those birds which sailors call noddies, settled on our rigging, and was caught.  It was something larger than an English black-bird, and nearly as black, except the upper part of the head, which was white, looking as if it were powdered; the whitest feathers growing out from the base of the upper bill, from which they gradually assumed a darker colour, to about the middle of the upper part of the neck, where the white shade was lost in the black, without being divided by any line.  It was web-footed; had black legs and a black bill,

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which was long, and not unlike that of a curlew.  It is said these birds never fly far from land.  We knew of none nearer the station we were in, than Gough’s or Richmond Island, from which our distance could not be less than one hundred leagues.  But it must be observed that the Atlantic Ocean, to the southward of this latitude, has been but little frequented; so that there may be more islands there than we are acquainted with.

We frequently, in the night, saw those luminous marine animals mentioned and described in my first voyage.  Some of them seemed to be considerably larger than any I had before met with; and sometimes they were so numerous, that hundreds were visible at the same moment.

This calm weather was succeeded by a fresh gale from the N.W., which lasted two days.  Then we had again variable light airs for about twenty-four hours; when the N.W. wind returned, and blew with such strength, that on the 17th we had sight of the Cape of Good Hope; and the next day anchored in Table Bay, in four fathoms water, with the church bearing S.W. 1/4 S., and Green Point N.W. 1/4 W.

As soon as we had received the usual visit from the master attendant and the surgeon, I sent an officer to wait on Baron Plettenberg, the governor; and, on his return, saluted the garrison with thirteen guns, which compliment was returned with the same number.

We found in the bay two French East India ships; the one outward, and the other homeward bound.  And two or three days before our arrival, another homeward-bound ship of the same nation had parted from her cable, and been driven on shore at the head of the bay, where she was lost.  The crew were saved; but the greatest part of the cargo shared the same fate with the ship, or (which amounted to the same) was plundered and stolen by the inhabitants, either out of the ship, or as it was driven or carried on shore.  This is the account the French officers gave to me; and the Dutch themselves could not deny the fact.  But, by way of excusing themselves from being guilty of a crime disgraceful to every civilized state, they endeavoured to lay the whole blame on the French captain, for not applying in time for a guard.

As soon as we had saluted, I went on shore, accompanied by some of my officers, and waited on the Governor, the Lieutenant-Governor, the Fiscal, and the Commander of the troops.  These gentlemen received me with the greatest civility; and the Governor, in particular, promised me every assistance that the place afforded.  At the same time I obtained his leave to set up our observatory on any spot I should think most convenient; to pitch tents for the sail-makers and coopers; and to bring the cattle on shore, to graze near our encampment.  Before I returned on board, I ordered soft bread, fresh meat, and greens, to be provided, every day, for the ship’s company.

On the 22d, we set up the tents and observatory, and began to send the several articles out of the ship which I wanted on shore.  This could not be done sooner, as the militia of the place were exercising on, or near, the ground which we were to occupy.

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The next day, we began to observe equal altitudes of the sun, in order to ascertain the rate of the watch, or, which is the same thing, to find whether it had altered its rate.  These observations were continued every day, whenever the weather would permit, till the time of our departure drew near.  But before this, the caulkers had been set to work to caulk the ship; and I had concerted measures with Messrs Brandt and Chiron, for supplying both ships with such provisions as I should want.  Bakers, likewise, had been ordered, immediately after our arrival, to bake such a quantity of bread as I thought would be requisite.  As fast as the several articles destined for the Resolution were got ready, they were carried on board.

On the 26th, the French ship sailed for Europe, and by her we sent letters to England.  The next day, the Hampshire East India ship, from Bencoolen, anchored in the bay, and saluted us with thirteen guns, which we returned with eleven.

Nothing remarkable happened till the evening of the 31st, when it came on to blow excessively hard at S.E., and continued for three days; during which time there was no communication between the ship and the shore.  The Resolution was the only ship in the bay that rode out the gale without dragging her anchors.  We felt its effects as sensibly on shore.  Our tents and observatory were torn to pieces; and our astronomical quadrant narrowly escaped irreparable damage.  On the 3d of November the storm ceased, and the next day we resumed our different employments.

On the 6th, the Hampshire India ship sailed for England.  In her I sent home an invalid, whom Captain Trimble was so obliging as to receive on board.  I was afterward sorry that I had not availed myself of this opportunity to part with two or three more of my crew, who were troubled with different complaints; but, at this time, there was some hope of their health being re-established.

In the morning of the 10th, the Discovery arrived in the bay.  Captain Clerke informed me that he had sailed from Plymouth on the 1st of August, and should have been with us here a week sooner, if the gale of wind had not blown him off the coast.  Upon the whole, he was seven days longer in his passage from England than we had been.  He had the misfortune to lose one of his marines, by falling overboard; but there had been no other mortality amongst his people, and they now arrived well and healthy.

Captain Clerke having represented to me that his ship was in want of caulking; that no time might be lost in repairing this defect, next day I sent all my workmen on board her, having already completed this service on board the Resolution.  I lent every other assistance to the captain to expedite his supply of provisions and water, having given him an order to receive on board as much of both articles as he could conveniently stow.  I now found that the bakers had failed in baking the bread I had ordered for the Discovery.  They pretended a want of flour; but the truth was, they were doubtful of her coming, and did not care to begin till they saw her at anchor in the bay.

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I have before made mention of our getting our cattle on shore.  The bull and two cows, with their calves, were sent to graze along with some other cattle; but I was advised to keep our sheep, sixteen in number, close to our tents, where they were penned up every night.  During the night preceding the 14th, some dogs having got in amongst them, forced them out of the pen, killing four, and dispersing the rest.  Six of them were recovered the next day; but the two rams, and two of the finest ewes in the whole flock, were amongst those missing.  Baron Plettenberg being now in the country, I applied to the Lieutenant-Governor, Mr Hemmy, and to the Fiscal.  Both these gentlemen promised to use their endeavours for the recovery of the lost sheep.  The Dutch, we know, boasted that the police at the Cape was so carefully executed, that it was hardly possible for a slave, with all his cunning and knowledge of the country, to effectuate his escape.  Yet my sheep evaded all the vigilance of the Fiscal’s officers and people.  However, after much trouble and expence, by employing some of the meanest and lowest scoundrels in the place (who, to use the phrase of the person who recommended this method to me, would, for a ducatoon, cut their master’s throat, burn the house over his head, and bury him and the whole family in the ashes), I recovered them all but the two ewes.  Of these I never could bear the least tidings; and I gave over all enquiry after them, when I was told that, since I had got the two rams, I might think myself very well off.  One of these, however, was so much hurt by the dogs, that there was reason to believe he would never recover.

Mr Hemmy very obligingly offered to make up this loss, by giving me a Spanish ram, out of some that he had sent for from Lisbon.  But I declined the offer, under a persuasion that it would answer my purpose full as well, to take with me some of the Cape rams:  the event proved that I was under a mistake.  This gentleman had taken some pains to introduce European sheep at the Cape; but his endeavours, as he told me, had been frustrated by the obstinacy of the country people, who held their own breed in greater estimation, on account of their large tails, of the fat of which, they sometimes made more money than of the whole carcase besides; and who thought that the wool of European sheep would, by no means, make up for their deficiency in this respect.[86] Indeed, I have heard some sensible men here make the same observation.  And there seems to be foundation for it.  For, admitting that European sheep were to produce wool of the same quality here as in Europe, which experience has shewn not to be the case, the Dutch had not hands, at the Cape of Good Hope, to spare for the manufacturing even their own clothing.  It is certain that, were it not for the continual importation of slaves, this settlement would have been thinner of people than any other inhabited part of the world.

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[Footnote 86:  “The most remarkable thing in the Cape sheep, is the length and thickness of their tails, which weigh from fifteen to twenty pounds.  The fat is not so tallowish as that of European mutton, and the poorer sort use it for butter.”—­Kolben’s Cape of Good Hope (English translation), vol. ii. p. 65.  De la Caille, who finds every thing wrong in Kolben, says, the weight of the tails of the Cape sheep is not above five or six pounds.—­Voyage de la Caille, p. 343.  If the information given to Captain Cook may be depended upon, it will prove, that, in this instance at least, Kolben is unjustly accused of exaggeration.—­D.

According to Mr Bingley and others, the tail of this sheep sometimes weighs nearly one-third of the whole carcase, and consists of a substance intermediate betwixt fat and marrow, which is often used instead of butter.  The fleeces are very fine, long and beautiful; and, in Thibet, where the breed is also found, are worked into shawls.  A similar breed is said to be found in other countries, as Barbary, Ethiopia, the vicinity of Aleppo, Persia, and Asiatic Russia.  Kolben’s account is conceived to be perfectly credible.—­E.]

While the ships were getting ready for the prosecution of our voyage, some of our officers made an excursion to take a view of the neighbouring country.  Mr Anderson, my surgeon, who was one of the party, gave me the following relation of their proceedings.[87]

[Footnote 87:  In the Philosophical Transactions, vol. lxvi. p. 268 to 319, is an Account of Three Journies from the Cape Town into the Southern Parts of Africa, in 1772, 1773, and 1774; by Mr Francis Masson, who had been sent from England for the discovery of new plants, towards the improvement of the Royal Botanical Garden at Kew.  Much curious information is contained in Mr Masson’s account of these journies.  M. de Pages, who was at the Cape in 1773, gives some remarks on the state of that settlement, and also the particulars of his journey from False Bay to the Cape Town.—­Voyage vers le Pole du Sud, p. 17 to 32.—­D.

It is unnecessary to apprise the reader, that our acquaintance with the Cape has been most materially increased since the date of this publication, and that several travellers have devoted their labours to the illustration of its natural history.—­E.]

“On the 16th, in the forenoon, I set out in a waggon, with five more, to take a view of some part of the country.  We crossed the large plain that lies to the eastward of the town, which is entirely a white sand, like that commonly found on beaches, and produces only heath, and other small plants of various sorts.  At five in the afternoon we passed a large farm-house, with some corn-fields, and pretty considerable vineyards, situated beyond the plain, near the foot of some low hills, where the soil becomes worth cultivating.  Between six and seven we arrived at Stellenbosh, the colony next to that of the Cape for its importance.

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“The village does not consist of more than thirty houses, and stands at the foot of the range of lofty mountains, above twenty miles to the eastward of the Cape Town.  The houses are neat; and, with the advantage of a rivulet which runs near, and the shelter of some large oaks, planted at its first settling, forms what may be called a rural prospect in this desert country.  There are some vineyards and orchards about the place, which, from their thriving appearance, seem to indicate an excellent soil; though, perhaps, they owe much to climate, as the air here has an uncommon serenity.

“I employed the next day in searching for plants and insects about Stellenbosh, but had little success.  Few plants are in flower here at this season, and insects but scarce.  I examined the soil in several places, and found it to consist of yellowish clay, mixed with a good deal of sand.  The sides of the low hills, which appear brown, seem to be constituted of a sort of stone marl.

“We left Stellenbosh next morning, and soon arrived at the house we had passed on Saturday; the owner of which, Mr Cloeder, had sent us an invitation the evening before to visit him.  This gentleman entertained us with the greatest hospitality, and in a manner very different from what we expected.  He received us with music, and a band also played while we were at dinner; which, considering the situation of the place, might be reckoned elegant.  He shewed us his wine-cellars, his orchards, and vineyards; all which, I must own, inspired me with a wish to know in what manner these industrious people could create such plenty, in a spot where, I believe, no other European nation would have attempted to settle.

“In the afternoon we crossed the country, and passed a few plantations, one of which seemed very considerable, and was laid out in a taste somewhat different from any other we saw.  In the evening we arrived at a farm-house, which is the first in the cultivated tract called the Pearl.  We had, at the same time, a view of Drakenstein, the third colony of this country, which lies along by the foot of the lofty hills already mentioned, and contains several farms or plantations, not very extensive.

“I went, on the 19th in the forenoon, in quest of plants and insects, which I found almost as scarce as at Stellenbosh; but I met with more shrubs or small trees, naturally produced, in the valleys, than in any part of the country I had hitherto seen.

“In the afternoon we went to see a stone of a remarkable size, called by the inhabitants the Tower of Babylon, or the Pearl Diamond.[88] It lies, or stands, upon the top of some low hills, at the foot of which our farm-house was situated; and though the road to it is neither very steep nor rugged, we were above an hour and a half in walking to it.  It is of an oblong shape, rounded on the top, and lies nearly S. and N. The E. and W. sides are steep, and almost perpendicular.  The S. end is likewise steep, and its greatest height is there; from whence it declines gently to the N. part, by which we ascended to its top, and had an extensive view of the whole country.

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[Footnote 88:  In the Philosophical Transactions, vol. lxviii, part i. p. 102, we have a letter from Mr Anderson to Sir John Pringle, describing this remarkable stone.  The account sent home from the Cape, and read before the Royal Society, is much the same with that now published, but rather fuller.  In particular, he tells Sir John, that he went to see it at Mr Masson’s desire, who probably had not had an opportunity of sufficiently examining it himself.  In the account of his journies above referred to, p. 270, he only says, “there are two large solid rocks on the Perel Berg, each of which (he believes) is more than a mile in circumference at the base, and upwards of 200 feet high.  Their surfaces are nearly smooth, without chink or fissures; and they are found to be a species of granite, different from that which composes the neighbouring mountains.”

Mr Anderson having, with his letter to Sir John Pringle, also sent home a specimen of the rock, it was examined by Sir William Hamilton, whose opinion is, that “this singular, immense fragment of granite, most probably has been raised by a volcanic explosion, or some such cause.”  See his Letter to Sir John Pringle, annexed to Mr Anderson’s, in the Philosophical Transactions.—­D.]

“Its circumference, I think, must be at least half a mile, as it took us above half an hour to walk round it, including every allowance for the bad road, and stopping a little.  At its highest part, which is the S. end, comparing it with a known object, it seems to equal the dome of St Paul’s church.  It is one uninterrupted mass of stone, if we except some fissures, or rather impressions, not above three or four feet deep, and a vein which runs across near its N. end.  It is of that sort of stone called, by mineralogists, Saxum conglutinatum, and consists chiefly of pieces of coarse quartz and glimmer, held together by a clayey cement.  But the vein which crosses it, though of the same materials, is much compacter.  This vein is not above a foot broad or thick; and its surface is cut into little squares or oblongs, disposed obliquely, which makes it look like the remains of some artificial work.  But I could not observe whether it penetrated far into the large rock, or was only superficial.  In descending, we found at its foot a very rich black mould; and on the sides of the hills some trees of a considerable size, natives of the place, which are a species of olea.[89]

[Footnote 89:  “It is strange that neither Kolben nor de la Caille should have thought the Tower of Babylon worthy of a particular description.  The former [vol. ii. p. 52, 53, English translation] only mentions it as a high mountain.  The latter contents himself with telling us, that it is a very low hillock, un tres bas monticule.  Voyage de la Caille, p. 341.  We are much obliged to Mr Anderson for his very accurate account of this remarkable rock, which agrees with Mr Sonnerat’s, who was at the Cape of Good Hope so late as 1781.  His words are, “La Montagne de la Perle, merite d’etre observee.  C’est un des plus hautes des environs du Cap.  Elle n’est composee que d’un seul bloc de granit crevasse dans plusieurs endroits.” Voyage aux Indes, tom. ii. p. 91.

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Mr Sonnerat tells us, that Mr Gordon, commander of the troops at the Cape, had lately made three journies up the country, from which, when he publishes his journal, we may expect much curious information.—­D.]

“In the morning of the 20th we set out from the Pearl; and going a different road from that by which we came, passed through a country wholly uncultivated, till we got to the Tiger hills, when some tolerable corn-fields appeared.  At noon we stopped in a hollow for refreshment, but, in walking about here, were plagued with a vast number of musquitoes or sand-flies, which were the first I saw in the country.  In the afternoon we set out again, and in the evening arrived at the Cape Town, tired with the jolting waggon.”

On the 23d we got on board the observatory, clock, &c.  By a mean of the several results of the equal altitudes of the sun, taken with the astronomical quadrant, the astronomical clock was found to lose on sidereal time, 1’ 8",368 each day.  The pendulum was kept at the same length as at Greenwich, where the daily loss of the clock on sidereal time was 4”.

The watch, by the mean of the results of fifteen days observations, was found to be losing 2",261, on mean time, each day, which is 1",052 more than at Greenwich; and on the 21st, at noon, she was too slow for mean time by 1’h 20’ 57",66.  From this 6’ 48",956 is to be subtracted, for what she was too slow on the 11th of June at Greenwich, and her daily rate since; and the remainder, viz. 1 deg. 14’ 8",704, or 18 deg. 32’ 10”, will be the longitude of the Cape Town by the watch.  Its true longitude, as found by Messrs Masson and Dixon, is 18 deg. 23’ 15”.  As our observations were made about half a mile to the E. of theirs, the error of the watch in longitude is no more than 8’ 25”.  Hence we have reason to conclude, that she had gone well all the way from England, and that the longitude, thus given, may be nearer the truth than any other.

If this be admitted, it will, in a great measure, enable me to find the direction and strength of the currents we met with on this passage from England.  For, by comparing the latitude and longitude by dead reckoning with those by observation and the watch, we shall, from time to time, have, very accurately, the error of the ship’s reckoning, be the cause what it will.  But as all imaginable care was taken in heaving, and keeping the log, and every necessary allowance made for lee-way, heave of the sea, and other such circumstances, I cannot attribute those errors that did happen to any other cause but currents; but more particularly when the error was constantly the same way for several days successively.

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On the contrary, if we find the ship a-head of the reckoning on one day, and a-stern of it on another, we have reason to believe that such errors are owing to accidental causes, and not to currents.  This seems to have been the case in our passage between England and Teneriffe.  But, from the time of our leaving that island, till the 15th of August, being then in the latitude of 12 deg.  N. and longitude 24 deg.  W. the ship was carried 1 deg. 20’ of longitude to the westward of her reckoning.  At this station the currents took a contrary direction, and set to E.S.E. at the rate of twelve or fourteen miles a day, or twenty-four hours, till we arrived into the latitude of 5 deg.  N. and longitude of 20 deg.  W.; which was our most easterly situation after leaving the Cape de Verde Islands till we got to the southward.  For in this situation the wind came southerly, and we tacked and stretched to the westward; and, for two or three days, could not find that our reckoning was affected by any current.  So that I judged we were between the current that generally, if not constantly, sets to the east upon the coast of Guinea, and that which sets to the west toward the coast of Brazil.  This westerly current was not considerable till we got into 2 deg.  N. and 25 deg.  W. From this station to 3 deg.  S. and 30 deg.  W. the ship, in the space of four days, was carried 115 miles in the direction of S.W. by W. beyond her reckoning; an error by far too great to have any other cause but a strong current running in the same direction.  Nor did its strength abate here; but its course was afterward more westerly, and to the N. of W., and off Cape Augustine N. as I have already mentioned.  But this northerly current did not exist at twenty or thirty leagues to the southward of that Cape, nor any other, that I could perceive, in the remaining part of the passage.  The little difference we afterward found between the reckoning and observations, might very well happen without the assistance of currents, as will appear by the table of Day’s Works.[90]

[Footnote 90:  The curious reader will find some interesting, though not decisive, remarks concerning the currents of the Atlantic Ocean in Clerke’s Prog. of Mar.  Disc. vol. i. p. 358.—­E.]

In the accounts of my last voyage, I remarked, that the currents one meets with in his passage generally balance each other.  It happened so then, because we crossed the Line about 20 deg. more to the eastward than we did now; so that we were, of consequence, longer under the influence of the easterly current, which made up for the westerly one.  And this, I apprehend, will generally be the case, if you cross the Line 10 deg. or 15 deg. to the E. of the meridian of St Jago.

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From these remarks I shall draw the following conclusion, that after passing the Cape de Verde Islands, if you do not make above 4 deg. or 5 deg. easting, and cross the Line in, or to the westward of, the meridian of St Jago, you may expect to find your ship 3 deg. or 4 deg. to the westward of her reckoning by the time you get into the latitude of 10 deg.  S. If, on the other hand, you keep well to the E. and cross the Line 15 deg. or 20 deg. to the E. of St Jago, you will be then as much to the E. of your reckoning; and the more you keep to the eastward, the greater will be your error, as has been experienced by some India ships, whose people have found themselves close upon the coast of Angola, when they thought its distance was above 200 leagues.

During the whole of our passage from England, no opportunity was omitted of observing, with all the attention and accuracy that circumstances would permit, the variation of the compass, which I have inserted in a table, with the latitude and longitude of the ship at the time of observation.  As the longitude may be depended upon, to a quarter or half a degree at most, this table will be of use to those navigators who correct their reckoning by the variation.  It will also enable Mr Dun to correct his new Variation Chart, a thing very much wanted.

It seems strange to me, that the advocates for the variation should not agree amongst themselves.  We find one[91] of them telling us, as I have already observed, “that with 8 deg.  W. variation, or any thing above that, you may venture to sail by the Cape de Verde Islands by night or day, being well assured, with that variation, that you are to the eastward of them.”  Another, in his chart,[92] lays down this variation ninety leagues to the westward of them.  Such a disagreement as this, is a strong proof of the uncertainty of both.  However, I have no doubt the former found here, as well as in other places, the variation he mentions.  But he should have considered, that at sea, nay even on land, the results of the most accurate observations will not always be the same.  Different compasses will give different variations; and even the same compass will differ from itself two degrees, without our being able to discover, much less to remove, the cause.

[Footnote 91:  Nichelson.]

[Footnote 92:  Mr Dun.]

Whoever imagines he can find the variation within a degree, will very often see himself much deceived.  For, besides the imperfection which may be in the construction of the instrument, or in the power of the needle, it is certain that the motion of the ship, or attraction of the iron-work, or some other cause not yet discovered, will frequently occasion far greater errors than this.  That the variation may be found, with a share of accuracy more than sufficient to determine the ship’s course, is allowed; but that it can be found so exactly as to fix the longitude within a degree, or sixty miles, I absolutely deny.[93]

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[Footnote 93:  Few readers, it is presumed, require to be informed, that the mode of endeavouring to ascertain the longitude by the variation of the compass is no longer in use.  In a work already referred to, Clerke’s Prog. of Mar.  Disc., a singular enough communication is inserted respecting the effect of tallow on the compass.  It is subscribed by Lieutenant Mason of the marines; but whether the experiments it relates have been repeated by others, or if the inference it maintains has been otherwise confirmed, the writer has yet to learn.  He thought it right, however, to notice it, as the more extensively hints are spread which concern the advancement of useful discovery, the greater chance we have of correcting errors, and perfecting science, The same reason justifies his remarking, that the most important observations respecting the variation of the compass made of late years, are those of Captain Flinders, as to the effect of the ship’s course upon it.  The reader will find them in the appendix to the account of his voyage lately published, 2d volume.  Similar observations have still more recently been made by an officer on board his majesty’s ship Sibyl, while in the North Sea protecting our Greenland fishery.  They form an appendix to the Account of a Voyage to Spitzbergen, by Mr John Laing, Surgeon, published at Edinburgh, 1815.  Of their importance and accuracy, notwithstanding the small scale on which they were made, and the meagre manner in which they have been communicated, it is impossible for a moment to doubt.  The concluding remark is entitled to considerable regard.—­“After a more enlarged series of observations shall have been taken, and after the attention of astronomers is directed to this fact, one may confidently expect a most important improvement in the science of navigation.”  The value of the discovery alluded to, will at once appear from what is said in the way of enquiry as to similar observations to those made in the North Sea applying to ships coming from the Baltic, viz. that if so, “they most effectually account for ships getting down on the coast of Holland, when they suppose themselves well over in Mid-channel; and therefore prove the loss of so many of our brave tars when coming from that sea.”—­P. 163.  As a paper, containing Captain Flinders’s observations on this subject, had been sent to the officer who makes this communication, by the Lords of the Admiralty, it is reasonable to expect that official agency is engaged to benefit the world by maturing he discovery.—­E.]


The two Ships leave the Cape of Good Hope.—­Two Islands, named Prince Edwards, seen, and their Appearance described.—­Kerguelen’s Land visited.—­Arrival in Christmas Harbour.—­Occurrences there.—­Description of it.

After the disaster which happened to our sheep, it may be well supposed that I did not trust those that remained long on shore, but got them and the other cattle on board as fast as possible.  I also added to my original stock by purchasing two young bulls, two heifers, two young stone-horses, two mares, two rams, several ewes and goats, and some rabbits and poultry.

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All of them were intended for New Zealand, Otaheite, and the neighbouring islands, or any other places in the course of our voyage, where there might be a prospect that the leaving any of them would be useful to posterity.

Toward the latter end of November the caulkers had finished their work on board the Discovery, and she had received all her provisions and water.  Of the former, both ships had a sufficient supply for two years and upward.  And every other article we could think of, necessary for such a voyage, that could be had at the Cape, was procured; neither knowing when, nor where, we might come to a place where we could furnish ourselves so well.

Having given Captain Clerke a copy of my instructions, and an order directing him how to proceed in case of separation, in the morning of the 30th we repaired on board.  At five in the afternoon a breeze sprung up at S.E. with which we weighed, and stood out of the bay.  At nine it fell calm, and we anchored between Penguin Island and the east shore, where we lay till three o’clock next morning.  We then weighed and put to sea, with a light breeze at S., but did not get clear of the land till the morning of the 3d, when, with a fresh gale at W.N.W. we stood to the S.E. to get more into the way of these winds.

On the 5th a sudden squall of wind carried away the Resolution’s mizen top-mast.  Having another to replace it, the loss was not felt, especially as it was a bad stick, and had often complained.  On the 6th, in the evening, being then in the latitude of 39 deg. 14’ S. and in the longitude of 25 deg. 56’ E., we passed through several small spots of water of a reddish colour.  Some of this was taken up, and it was found to abound with a small animal, which the microscope discovered to be like a cray-fish, of a reddish hue.

We continued our course to the S.E. with a very strong gale from the westward, followed by a mountainous sea, which made the ship roll and tumble exceedingly, and gave us a great deal of trouble to preserve the cattle we had on board.  Notwithstanding all our care, several goats, especially the males, died, and some sheep.  This misfortune was, in a great measure, owing to the cold, which we now began most sensibly to feel.

On the 12th, at noon, we saw land extending from S.E. by S. to S.E. by E. Upon a nearer approach we found it to be two islands.  That which lies most to the south, and is also the largest, I judged to be about fifteen leagues in circuit, and to be in the latitude of 46 deg. 53’ S. and in the longitude of 37 deg. 46’ E. The most northerly one is about nine leagues in circuit, and lies in the latitude of 46 deg. 40’ S. and in 38 deg. 8’ E. longitude.  The distance from the one to the other is about five leagues.

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We passed through this channel at equal distance from both islands; and could not discover, with the assistance of our best glasses, either tree or shrub on either of them.  They seemed to have a rocky and bold shore; and, excepting the S.E. parts, where the land is rather low and flat, a surface composed of barren mountains, which rise to a considerable height, and whose summits and sides were covered with snow, which in many places seemed to be of a considerable depth.  The S.E. parts had a much greater quantity on them than the rest, owing, probably, to the sun acting for a less space of time on these than on the N. and N.W. parts.  The ground, where it was not hid by the snow, from the various shades it exhibited, may be supposed to be covered with moss, or perhaps such a coarse grass as is found in some parts of Falkland’s Islands.  On the N. side of each of the islands is a detached rock; that near the S. island is shaped like a tower, and seemed to be at some distance from the shore.  As we passed along, a quantity of seaweed was seen, and the colour of the water indicated soundings.  But there was no appearance of an inlet, unless near the rock just mentioned; and that, from its smallness, did not promise a good anchoring-place.

These two islands, as also four others which lie from nine to twelve degrees of longitude more to the E. and nearly in the same latitude, were discovered, as I have mentioned in my late voyage,[94] by Captains Marion du Fresne and Crozet, French navigators, in January, 1772, on their passage in two ships from the Cape of Good Hope to the Philippine Islands.  As they have no names in the French chart of the southern hemisphere, which Captain Grozet communicated to me in 1775,[95] I shall distinguish the two we now saw by calling them Prince Edward’s Islands, after his majesty’s fourth son; and the other four, by the name of Marion’s and Crozet’s Islands, to commemorate their discoverers.

[Footnote 94:  Captain Cook’s second voyage.  These islands are said to be in the latitude of 48 deg.  S.; that is, 2 deg. farther S. than what here appears to be their real position.—­D.]

[Footnote 95:  See Cook’s voyage, as above.  Dr. Forster, in his Observations made during that Voyage, p. 30, gives us this description of the chart then communicated by Monsieur Crozet; that it was “published under the patronage of the Duke de Croye, by Robert de Vaugondy.”  Captain Cook tells us, lower in this chapter, that it was published in 1773.—­D.]

We had now, for the most part, strong gales between the N. and W., and but very indifferent weather; not better, indeed, than we generally have in England in the very depth of winter, though it was now the middle of summer in this hemisphere.  Not discouraged, however, by this, after leaving Prince Edward’s Islands, I shaped our course to pass to the southward of the others, that I might get into the latitude of the land discovered by Monsieur de Kerguelen.

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I had applied to the Chevalier de Borda whom, as I have mentioned, I found at Teneriffe, requesting, that if he knew any thing of the island discovered by Monsieur de Kerguelen, between the Cape of Good Hope and New Holland, he would be so obliging as to communicate it to me.  Accordingly, just before we sailed from Santa Cruz Bay, he sent me the following account of it, viz.  “That the pilot of the Boussole, who was in the voyage with Monsieur de Kerguelen, had given him the latitude and longitude of a little island, which Monsieur de Kerguelen called the Isle of Rendezvous, and which lies not far from the great island which he saw.  Latitude of the little isle, by seven observations, 48 deg. 26’ S.; longitude, by seven observations of the distance of the sun and moon, 64 deg. 57’ E. from Paris,” I was very sorry I had not sooner known that there was on board the frigate at Teneriffe, an officer who had been with Monsieur de Kerguelen, especially the pilot; because from him I might have obtained more interesting information about this land than the situation alone, of which I was not before entirely ignorant.[96]

[Footnote 96:  Captain Cook’s proceedings, as related in the remaining part of this chapter, and in the next, being upon a coast newly discovered by the French, it could not but be an object of his attention to trace the footsteps of the original explorers.  But no superiority of professional skill, nor diligence in exerting it, could possibly qualify him to do this successfully, without possessing, at the same time, full and authentic intelligence of all that had been performed here by his predecessors in the discovery.  But that he was not so fortunate as to be thus sufficiently instructed, will appear from the following facts, which the reader is requested to attend to, before he proceeds to the perusal of this part of the journal.

How very little was known, with any precision, about the operations of Kerguelen, when Captain Cook sailed in 1776, may be inferred from the following paragraph of his instructions:—­“You are to proceed in search of some islands said to have been lately seen by the French in the latitude of 48 deg.  S., and in the meridian of the Mauritius.”  This was, barely, the amount of the very indefinite and imperfect information, which Captain Cook himself had received from Baron Plettenberg at the Cape of Good Hope, in November 1772; in the beginning of which year Kerguelen’s first voyage had taken place.

The captain, on his return homeward, in March 1775, heard, a second time, something about this French discovery at the Cape, where he met with Monsieur Crozet, who very obligingly communicated to him a chart of the southern hemisphere, wherein were delineated not only his own discoveries, but also that of Captain Kerguelen.  But what little information that chart could convey, was still necessarily confined to the operations of the first voyage; the chart here referred to, having been published in France in 1773, that is, before any intelligence could possibly be conveyed from the southern hemisphere of the result of Kerguelen’s second visit to this new land, which, we now know, happened towards the close of the same year.

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Of these latter operations, the only account (if that can be called an account, which conveys no particular information) received by Captain Cook from Monsieur Crozet, was, that a later voyage had been undertaken by the French, under the command of Captain Kerguelen, which had ended much to the disgrace of that commander.

What Crozet had not communicated to our author, and what we are sure, from a variety of circumstances, he had never heard of from any other quarter, he missed an opportunity of learning at Teneriffe.  He expressed his being sorry, as we have just read, that he did not know sooner that there was on board the frigate an officer who had been with Kerguelen, as he might have obtained from him more interesting information about this land, than its situation.  And, indeed, if he had conversed with that officer, he might have obtained information more interesting than he was aware of; he might have learnt that Kerguelen had actually visited this southern land a second time, and that the little isle of which he then received the name and position from the Chevalier de Borda, was a discovery of this later voyage.  But the account conveyed to him, being, as the reader will observe, unaccompanied with any date, or other distinguishing circumstance, he left Teneriffe, and arrived on the coasts of Kerguelen’s Land, under a full persuasion that it had been visited only once before.  And, even with regard to the operations of that first voyage, he had nothing to guide him, but the very scanty materials afforded to him by Baron Plettenberg and Monsieur Crozet.

The truth is, the French seem, for some reason or other, not surely founded on the importance of Kerguelen’s discovery, to have been very shy of publishing a full and distinct account of it.  No such account had been published while Captain Cook lived.  Nay, even after the return of his ships in 1780, the gentleman who obligingly lent his assistance to give a view of the prior observations of the French, and to connect them on the same chart with those of our author, though his assiduity in procuring geographical information can be equalled only by his readiness in communicating it, had not, it should seem, been able to procure any materials for that purpose, but such as mark the operations of the first French voyage; and even for these, he was indebted to a MS. drawing.

But this veil of unnecessary secrecy is at length drawn aside.  Kerguelen himself has published the journal of his proceedings in two successive voyages, in the years 1772 and 1773; and has annexed to his narrative a chart of the coasts of this land, as far as he had explored them in both voyages.  Monsieur de Pages, also, much about the same time, favoured us with another account of the second voyage, in some respects fuller than Kerguelen’s own, on board whose ship he was then an officer.

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From these sources of authentic information, we are enabled to draw every necessary material to correct what is erroneous, and to illustrate what, otherwise, would have remained obscure, in this part of Captain Cook’s journal.  We shall take occasion to do this in separate notes on the passages as they occur, and conclude this tedious, but, it is hoped, not unnecessary, detail of facts, with one general remark, fully expressive of the disadvantages our author laboured under.  He never saw that part of the coast upon which the French had been in 1772; and he never knew that they had been upon another part of it in 1773, which was the very scene of his own operations.  Consequently, what he knew of the former voyage, as delineated upon Crozet’s chart, only served to perplex and mislead his judgment; and his total ignorance of the latter, put it out of his power to compare his own observations with those then made by Kerguelen; though we, who are better instructed, can do this, by tracing the plainest marks of coincidence and agreement.—­D.]

My instructions directing me to examine it, with a view to discover a good harbour, I proceeded in the search; and on the 16th, being then in the latitude of 48 deg. 45’, and in the longitude of 52 deg.  E., we saw penguins and divers, and rock-weed floating in the sea.  We continued to meet with more or less of these every day, as we proceeded to the eastward; and on the 21st, in the latitude of 48 deg. 27’ S., and in the longitude of 65 deg.  E., a very large seal was seen.  We had now much foggy weather, and as we expected to fall in with the land every hour, our navigation became both tedious and dangerous.

At length, on the 24th, at six o’clock in the morning, as we were steering to the eastward, the fog clearing away a little, we saw land,[97] bearing S.S.E., which, upon a nearer approach, we found to be an island of considerable height, and about three leagues in circuit.[98] Soon after, we saw another of the same magnitude, one league to the eastward;[99] and between these two, in the direction of S.E., some smaller ones.[100] In the direction of S. by E. 1/2 E., from the E. end of the first island, a third[101] high island was seen.  At times, as the fog broke away, we had the appearance of land over the small islands; and I had thoughts of steering for it, by running in between them.  But, on drawing nearer, I found this would be a dangerous attempt, while the weather continued foggy.  For if there should be no passage, or if we should meet with any sudden danger, it would have been impossible for us to get off; the wind being right a-stern, and a prodigious sea running, that broke on all the shores in a frightful surf.  At the same time, seeing another island in the N.E. direction, and not knowing but that their might be more, I judged it prudent to haul off, and wait for clearer weather, lest we should get entangled amongst unknown lands in a thick fog.

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[Footnote 97:  Captain Cook was not the original discoverer of these small islands which he now fell in with.  It is certain that they had been seen and named by Kerguelen, on his second voyage, in December 1773.  Their position, relatively to each other, and to the adjoining coasts of the greater land, bears a striking resemblance to Kerguelen’s delineation of them; whose chart, however, the public may be assured, was unknown in England till after that accompanying the account of this third voyage had been engraved.—­D.]

[Footnote 98:  This is the isle to which Kerguelen gave the name of Croy, or Crouy.  Besides delineating it upon his chart, he has added a particular view of it, exactly corresponding with Captain Cook’s account of its being of considerable height.—­D.]

[Footnote 99:  Kerguelen called this Isle Rolland, after the name of his own ship.  There is also a particular view of it on the French chart.—­D.]

[Footnote 100:  The observations of the French and English navigators agree exactly as to the position of these smaller isles.—­D.]

[Footnote 101:  The situation of Kerguelen’s Isle de Clugny, as marked on this chart, shews it to be the third high island seen by Captain Cook.—­D.]

We did but just weather the island last mentioned.  It is a high round rock, which was named Bligh’s Cap.  Perhaps this is the same that Monsieur de Kerguelen called the Isle of Rendezvous;[102] but I know nothing that can rendezvous at it, but fowls of the air; for it is certainly inaccessible to every other animal.

[Footnote 102:  This isle, or rock, was the single point about which Captain Cook had received the least information at Teneriffe; and we may observe how sagacious he was in tracing it.  What he could only speak of as probable, a comparison of his chart with that lately published by Kerguelen, proves to be certain; and if he had even read and copied what his predecessor in the discovery says of it, he could scarcely have varied his account of its shape.  Kerguelen’s words are, “Isle de Reunion, qui n’est qu’une Roche, nous servoit de Rendezvous, ou de point de ralliement; et ressemble a un coin de mire.”—­D.]

At eleven o’clock the weather began to clear up, and we immediately tacked, and steered in for the land.  At noon, we had a pretty good observation, which enabled us to determine the latitude of Bligh’s Cap, which is the northernmost island, to be 48 deg. 29’ S., and its longitude 68 deg. 40’ E.’[103] We passed it at three o’clock, standing to the S.S.E., with a fresh gale at W.

[Footnote 103:  The French and English agree very nearly (as might be expected) in their accounts of the latitude of this island; but the observations by which they fix its longitude vary considerably.  The pilot at Teneriffe made it only 64 deg. 57’ E. from Paris, which is about 67 deg. 16’ E. from London; or 1 deg. 24’ more westerly than Captain Cook’s observations fix it.  Monsieur de Pages says it is 66 deg. 47’ E. from Paris, that is, 69 deg. 6’ E. from London, or twenty-six miles more easterly than it is placed by Captain Cook.  Kerguelen himself only says that it is about 68 deg. of E. longitude, par 68 deg. de longitude.—­D.]

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Soon after we saw the land, of which we had a faint view in the morning; and at four o’clock it extended from S.E. 1/2 E., to S.W. by S., distant about four miles.  The left extreme, which I judged to be the northern point of this land, called, in the French chart of the southern hemisphere, Cape St Louis,[104] terminated in a perpendicular rock of a considerable height; and the right one (near which is a detached rock) in a high indented point.[105] From this point the coast seemed to turn short round to the southward, for we could see no land to the westward of the direction in which it now bore to us, but the islands we had observed in the morning; the most southerly[106] of them lying nearly W. from the point, about two or three leagues distant.

[Footnote 104:  Hitherto, we have only had occasion to supply defects, owing to Captain Cook’s entire ignorance of Kerguelen’s second voyage in 1773; we must now correct errors, owing to his very limited knowledge of the operations of the first voyage in 1772.  The chart of the southern hemisphere, his only guide, having given him, as he tells us, the name of Cape St Louis (or Cape Louis) as the most northerly promontory then seen by the French; and his own observations now satisfying him that no part of the main land stretched farther north than the left extreme now before him; from this supposed similarity of situation, he judged that his own perpendicular rock must be the Cape Louis of the first discoverers.  By looking upon the chart originally published with this voyage, we shall find Cape Louis lying upon a different part of the coast; and by comparing this chart with that published by Kerguelen, it will appear, in the clearest manner, that the northern point now described by Captain Cook, is the very same to which the French have given the name of Cape Francois—­D.]

[Footnote 105:  This right extreme of the coast, as it now shewed itself to Captain Cook, seems to be what is represented on Kerguelen’s chart under the name of Cape Aubert.  It may be proper to observe here, that all that extent of coast lying between Cape Louis and Cape Francois, of which the French saw very little during their first visit in 1772, and may be called the N.W. side of this land, they had it in their power to trace the position of in 1773, and have assigned names to some of its bays, rivers, and promontories, upon their chart.—­D.]

[Footnote 106:  Kerguelen’s Isle de Clugny.—­D.]

About the middle of the land there appeared to be an inlet, for which we steered; but, on approaching, found it was a bending in the coast, and therefore bore up, to go round Cape St Louis.[107] Soon after, land opened off the cape, in the direction of S. 53 deg.  E., and appeared to be a point at a considerable distance; for the trending of the coast from the cape was more southerly.  We also saw several rocks and islands to the eastward of the above directions, the most distant of which was about seven leagues

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from the cape, bearing S. 88 deg.  E.[108] We had no sooner got off the cape, than we observed the coast, to the southward, to be much indented by projecting points and bays; so that we now made sure of soon finding a good harbour.  Accordingly, we had not run a mile farther, before we discovered one behind the cape, into which we began to ply; but after making one board, it fell calm, and we anchored at the entrance in forty-five fathoms water, the bottom black sand; as did the Discovery soon after.  I immediately dispatched Mr Bligh, the master, in a boat to sound the harbour; who, on his return, reported it to be safe and commodious, with good anchorage in every part; and great plenty of fresh-water, seals, penguins, and other birds on the shore; but not a stick of wood.  While we lay at anchor, we observed that the flood tide came from the S.E., running two knots, at least, in an hour.

[Footnote 107:  Cape Francois, as already observed.—­D.]

[Footnote 108:  The observations of the French, round Cape Francois, remarkably coincide with Captain Cook’s in this paragraph; and the rocks and islands here mentioned by him, also appear upon their chart.—­D.]

At day-break, in the morning of the 25th, we weighed with a gentle breeze at W,; and having wrought into the harbour, to within a quarter of a mile of the sandy beach at its head, we anchored in eight fathoms water, the bottom a fine dark sand.  The Discovery did not get in till two o’clock in the afternoon, when Captain Clerke informed me, that he had narrowly escaped being driven on the S. point of the harbour, his anchor having started before they had time to shorten in the cable.  This obliged them to set sail, and drag the anchor after them, till they had room to heave it up, and then they found one of its palms was broken off.

As soon as we had anchored, I ordered all the boats to be hoisted out, the ship to be moored with a kedge-anchor, and the water-casks to be got ready to send on shore.  In the mean time I landed, to look for the most convenient spot where they might be filled, and to see what else the place afforded.

I found the shore, in a manner, covered with penguins and other birds, and seals.  These latter were not numerous, but so insensible of fear, (which plainly indicated that they were unaccustomed to such visitors,) that we killed as many as we chose, for the sake of their fat, or blubber, to make oil for our lamps, and other uses.  Fresh water was in no less plenty than were birds; for every gully afforded a large stream.  But not a single tree, or shrub, nor the least sign of any, was to be discovered, and but very little herbage of any sort.  The appearances, as we sailed into the harbour, had flattered us with the hope of meeting with something considerable growing here, as we observed the sides of many of the hills to be of a lively green.  But I now found that this was occasioned by a single plant, which, with the other

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natural productions, shall be described in another place.  Before I returned to my ship, I ascended the first ridge of rocks, which rise in a kind of amphitheatre above one another.  I was in hopes, by this means, of obtaining a view of the country; but before I reached the top, there came on so thick a fog, that I could hardly find my way down again.  In the evening, we hauled the seine at the head of the harbour, but caught only half a dozen small fish.  We had no better success next day, when we tried with hook and line.  So that our only resource here, for fresh provisions, were birds, of which there was an inexhaustible store.

The morning of the 26th proved foggy, with rain.  However, we went to work to fill water, and to cut grass for our cattle, which we found in small spots near the head of the harbour.  The rain which fell swelled all the rivulets to such a degree, that the sides of the hills, bounding the harbour, seemed to be covered with a sheet of water.  For the rain, as it fell, run into the fissures and crags of the rocks that composed the interior parts of the hills, and was precipitated down their sides in prodigious torrents.

The people having wrought hard the two preceding days, and nearly completed our water, which we filled from a brook at the left corner of the beach, I allowed them the 27th as a day of rest, to celebrate Christmas.  Upon this indulgence, many of them went on shore, and made excursions, in different directions, into the country, which they found barren and desolate in the highest degree.  In the evening, one of them brought to me a quart bottle which he had found, fastened with some wire to a projecting rock on the north side of the harbour.  This bottle contained a piece of parchment, on which was written the following inscription: 

Ludovico XV.  Galliarum rege, et d.[109] de Boynes regi a Secretis ad res maritimas annis 1772 et 1773.

[Footnote 109:  The (d.), no doubt, is a contraction of the word Domino_.  The French secretary of the marine was then Monsieur de Boynes.—­D.]

From this inscription, it is clear, that we were not the first Europeans who had been in this harbour.  I supposed it to be left by Monsieur de Boisguehenneu, who went on shore in a boat on the 13th of February, 1772, the same day that Monsieur de Kerguelen discovered this land, as appears by a note in the French chart of the southern hemisphere, published the following year.[110]

[Footnote 110:  On perusing this paragraph of the journal, it will be natural to ask, How could Monsieur de Boisguehenneu, in the beginning of 1772, leave an inscription, which, upon the very face of it, commemorates a transaction of the following year?  Captain Cook’s manner of expressing himself here, strongly marks, that he made this supposition, only for want of information to enable him to make any other.  He had no idea that the French had visited this land a second time; and, reduced to the necessity of trying to accommodate what he saw himself, to what little he had heard of their proceedings, he confounds a transaction which we, who have been better instructed, know, for a certainty, belongs to the second voyage, with a similar one, which his chart of the southern hemisphere has recorded, and which happened in a different year, and at a different place.

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The bay, indeed, in which Monsieur de Boisguehenneu landed, is upon the west side of this land, considerably to the south of Cape Louis, and not far from another more southerly promontory, called Cape Bourbon; a part of the coast which our ships were not upon.  Its situation is marked upon the chart constructed for this voyage; and a particular view of the bay du Lion Marin, (for so Boisguehenneu called it,) with the soundings, is preserved by Kerguelen.

But if the bottle and inscription found by Captain Cook’s people were not left here by Boisguehenneu, by whom and when were they left?  This we learn most satisfactorily, from the accounts of Kerguelen’s second voyage, as published by himself and Monsieur de Pages, which present us with the following particulars:—­“That they arrived on the west side of this land on the 14th of December, 1773; that steering to the N.E., they discovered, on the 16th, the Isle de Reunion, and the other small islands as mentioned above; that, on the 17th, they had before them the principal land, (which they were sure was connected with that seen by them on the 14th,) and a high point of that land, named by them Cape Francois; that beyond this cape, the coast took a south-easterly direction, and behind it they found a bay, called by them Baie de l’Oiseau, from the name of their frigate; that they then endeavoured to enter it, but were prevented by contrary winds and blowing weather, which drove them off the coast eastward; but that, at last, on the 6th of January, Monsieur de Rosnevet, captain of the Oiseau, was able to send his boat on shore into this bay, under the command of Monsieur de Rochegude, one of his officers, who took possession of that bay, and of all the country, in the name of the King of France, with all the requisite formalities.”

Here then we trace, by the most unexceptionable evidence, the history of the bottle and inscription; the leaving of which was, no doubt, one of the requisite formalities observed by Monsieur de Rochegude on this occasion.  And though he did not land till the 6th of January 1774, yet, as Kerguelen’s ships arrived upon the coast on the 14th of December 1773, and had discovered and looked into this very bay on the 17th of that month, it was with the strictest propriety and truth that 1773, and not 1774, was mentioned as the date of the discovery.

We need only look at Kerguelen’s and Cook’s charts, to judge that the Baie de l’Oiseau, and the harbour where the French inscription was found, is one and the same place.  But besides this agreement as to the general position, the same conclusion results more decisively still, from another circumstance worth mentioning:  The French, as well as the English visitors of this bay and harbour, have given us a particular plan of it; and whoever compares them, must be struck with a resemblance that could only be produced by copying one common original with fidelity.  Nay, even the soundings are the same upon the same spots in both plans, being forty-five fathoms between the two capes, before the entrance of the bay; sixteen fathoms farther in, where the shores begin to contract; and eight fathoms up, near the bottom of the harbour.

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To these particulars, which throw abundant light on this part of our author’s journal, I shall only add, that the distance of our harbour from that where Boisguehenneu landed in 1772, is forty leagues.  For this we have the authority of Kerguelen, in the following passage:—­“Monsieur de Boisguehenneu descendit le 13 de Fevrier 1772, dans un baie, qu’il nomme Baie du Lion Marin, & prit possession de cette terre au nom de Roi; il n’y vit aucune trace d’habitants.  Monsieur de Rochegude, en 1774, a descendu dans un autre baie, que nous avons nomme Baie de l’Oiseau, & cette seconde rade est a quarantes lieues de la premiere.  Il en a egalement pris possession, & il n’y trouva egalement aucune trace d’habitants.” Kerguelen, p. 92.—­D.]

As a memorial of our having been in this harbour, I wrote on the other side of the parchment,

Naves Resolution
et Discovery
de Rege Magnae Britanniae,

I then put it again into a bottle, together with a silver two-penny piece of 1772; and having covered the mouth of the bottle with a leaden cap, I placed it the next morning in a pile of stones erected for the purpose, upon a little eminence on the north shore of the harbour, and near to the place where it was first found, in which position it cannot escape the notice of any European, whom chance or design may bring into this port.  Here I displayed the British flag, and named the place Christmas Harbour, from our having arrived in it on that festival.

It is the first or northernmost inlet that we meet with on the S.E. side of the Cape St Louis,[111] which forms the N. side of the harbour, and is also the northern point of this land.  The situation alone is sufficient to distinguish it from any of the other inlets; and, to make it more remarkable, its S. point terminates in a high rock, which is perforated quite through, so as to appear like the arch of a bridge.  We saw none like this upon the whole coast.[112] The harbour has another distinguishing mark within, from a single stone or rock, of a vast size, which lies on the top of a hill on the S. side, near its bottom; and opposite this, on the N. side, there is another hill, much like it, but smaller.  There is a small beach at its bottom, where we commonly landed; and, behind it, some gently rising ground, on the top of which is a large pool of fresh-water.  The land on both sides of the inlet is high, and it runs in W., and W.N.W., about two miles.  Its breadth is one mile and a quarter, for more than half its length, above which it is only half a mile.  The depth of water, which is forty-five fathoms at the entrance, varies, as we proceed farther in, from thirty to five and four fathoms.  The shores are steep; and the bottom is every where a fine dark sand, except in some places close to the shore, where there are beds of sea-weed, which always grows on rocky ground.  The head of the harbour lies open only to two points of the compass; and even these are covered by islands in the offing, so that no sea can fall in to hurt a ship.  The appearances on shore confirmed this; for we found grass growing close to high-water mark, which is a sure sign of a pacific harbour.[113] It is high-water here, at the full and change days, about ten o’clock; and the tide rises and falls about four feet.

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[Footnote 111:  Cape Francois, for reasons already assigned.—­D.]

[Footnote 112:  If there could be the least doubt remaining, of the identity of the Baie de l’Oiseau and Christmas Harbour, the circumstance of the perforated rock, which divides it from another bay to the south, would amount to a strict demonstration.  For Monsieur de Pages had observed this discriminating mark before Captain Cook.  His words are as follows:—­“L’on vit que la cote de l’Est, voisine du Cap Francois, avoit deux baies; elles etoient separees par une pointe tres reconnoissable par sa forme, qui representoit une porte cochere, au travers de laquelle l’on voyoit le jour.”—­Voyages du M. de Pages, vol. ii. p. 67.  Every one knows how exactly the form of a porte cochere, or arched gateway, corresponds with that of the arch of a bridge.  It is very satisfactory to find the two navigators, neither of whom knew any thing of the other’s description, adopting the same idea; which both proves that they had the same uncommon object before their eyes, and that they made an accurate report.—­D.]

[Footnote 113:  In the last note, we saw how remarkably Monsieur de Pages and Captain Cook agree about the appearance of the south point of the harbour; I shall here subjoin another quotation from the former, containing his account of the harbour itself, in which the reader may trace the same distinguishing features observed by Captain Cook in the foregoing paragraph.

“Le 6, l’on mit a terre dans la premiere baie a l’Est du Cap Francois, & l’on prit possession de ces contrees.  Ce mouillage consiste en une petite rade, qui a environs quatres encablures, ou quatre cents toises de profondeur, sur un tiers en sus de largeur.  En dedans de cette rade est un petit port, dont l’entree, de quatres encablures de largeur, presente au Sud-Est.  La sonde de la petite rade est depuis quarante-cinq jusqu’a trente brasses; et celle du port depuis seize jusqu’a huit.  Le fond des deux est de sable noir et vaseux.  La cote des deux bords est haute, & par une pente tres rude; elle est couverte de verdure, & il y a une quantite prodigieuse d’Outardes.  Le fond du port est occupe par un monticule qui laisse entre lui, et la mer une plage de sable.  Une petite riviere, de tres bonne eau, coule a la mer dans cet endroit; & elle est fournie par un lac qui est un peu au loin, au dessus du monticule.  Il y avoit sur le plage beaucoup de pinguoins & de lions marins.  Ces deux especes d’animaux ne fuyoient pas, & l’on augura que le pays n’etoit point habite; la terre rapportoit de l’herbe large, noire, & bien nourrie, qui n’avoit cependant que cinque pouces ou plus de hauteur.  L’on ne vit aucun arbre, ni signe l’habitation.”—­Voyage du Monsieur de Pages, tom. ii. p. 69, 70.—­D.]

After I had finished this business of the inscription, I went in my boat round the harbour, and landed in several places, to examine what the shore afforded; and, particularly, to look for drift wood.  For, although the land here was totally destitute of trees, this might not be the case in other parts; and if there were any, the torrents would force some, or, at least, some branches, into the sea, which would afterward throw them upon the shores, as in all other countries where there is wood, and in many where there is none:  But throughout the whole extent of the harbour, I found not a single piece.

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In the afternoon, I went upon Cape St Louis,[114] accompanied by Mr King, my second lieutenant.  I was in hopes, from this elevation, to have had a view of the sea-coast, and of the islands lying off it.  But, when I got up, I found every distant object below me hid in a thick fog.  The land on the same plain, or of a greater height, was visible enough, and appeared naked and desolate in the highest degree, except some hills to the southward, which were covered with snow.

[Footnote 114:  Cape Francois.—­D.]

When I got on board, I found the launch hoisted in, the ships unmoored, and ready to put to sea; but our sailing was deferred till five o’clock the next morning, when we weighed anchor.[115]

[Footnote 115:  The reader is probably not a little wearied with Dr Douglas’s minute comparisons of Kerguelen’s and Cook’s accounts of the lands in question, which indeed seem unworthy of so much concern.  It was of consequence, however, to guard our navigator’s reputation; and some persons may relish the discussion, as exhibiting the acumen and good sense which the detector of the infamous Lauder, and the author of “The Criterion,” so eminently possessed.—­E.]


Departure from Christmas Harbour.—­Range along the Coast, to discover its Position and Extent.—­Several Promontories and Bays, and a Peninsula, described and named.—­Danger from Shoals.—­Another Harbour and a Sound.—­Mr Anderson’s Observations on the Natural Productions, Animals, Soil, &c. of.  Kerguelen’s Land.

As soon as the ships were out of Christmas Harbour, we steered S.E. 1/2 S., along the coast, with a fine breeze at N.N.W., and clear weather.  This we thought the more fortunate, as, for some time past, fogs had prevailed, more or less, every day; and the continuance of them would have defeated our plan of extending Kerguelen’s discovery.  We kept the lead constantly going; but seldom struck ground with a line of fifty or sixty fathoms.

About seven or eight o’clock, we were off a promontory, which I called Cape Cumberland.  It lies a league and a half from the south point of Christmas Harbour, in the direction of S.E. 1/2 S. Between them is a bay with two arms, both of which seemed to afford good shelter for shipping.  Off Cape Cumberland is a small but pretty high island, on the summit of which is a rock like a sentry-box, which occasioned our giving that name to the island.  Two miles farther to the eastward, lies a group of small islands and rocks, with broken ground about them:  We sailed between these and Sentry-Box Island, the channel being a full mile broad, and more than forty fathoms deep; for we found no bottom with that length of line.

Being through this channel, we discovered, on the south side of Cape Cumberland, a bay, running in three leagues to the westward.  It is formed by this Cape to the north, and by a promontory to the south, which I named Point Pringle, after my good friend Sir John Pringle, President of the Royal Society.  The bottom of this bay was called Cumberland Bay; and it seemed to be disjoined from the sea, which washes the N.W. coast of this country, by a narrow neck of land.  Appearances, at least, favoured such a conjecture.

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To the southward of Point Pringle, the coast is formed into a fifth bay; of which this point is the northern extreme; and from it to the southern extreme, is about four miles in the direction of S.S.E. 1/4 E. In this bay, which obtained the name of White Bay, on account of some white spots of land or rocks in the bottom of it, are several lesser bays or coves, which seemed to be sheltered from all winds.  Off the south point are several rocks which raise their heads above water; and, probably, many more than do that.

Thus far our course was in a direction parallel to the coast, and not more than two miles from it.  Thither our glasses were continually pointed; and we could easily see that, except the bottoms of the bays and coves, which, for the most part, terminated in sandy beaches, the shores were rocky, and, in many places, swarmed with birds; but the country had the same barren and naked appearance as in the neighbourhood of Christmas Harbour.

We had kept, on our larboard bow, the land which first opened off Cape St Louis,[116] in the direction of S. 53 deg.  E., thinking that it was an island, and that we should find a passage between it and the main.  We now discovered this to be a mistake; and found that it was a peninsula, joined to the rest of the coast by a low isthmus.  I called the bay, formed by this peninsula, Repulse Bay; and a branch of it seemed to run a good way inland towards the S.S.W.  Leaving this, we steered for the northern point of the peninsula, which we named Howe’s Foreland, in honour of Admiral Lord Howe.

[Footnote 116:  Cape Francois.]

As we drew near it, we perceived some rocks and breakers near the N.W. part; and two islands a league and a half to the eastward of it, which, at first, appeared as one.  I steered between them and the Foreland;[117] and was in the middle of the channel by noon.  At that time our latitude, by observation, was 48 deg. 51’ S.; and we had made twenty-six miles of east longitude from Cape St Louis.[118]

[Footnote 117:  Though Kerguelen’s ships, in 1773, did not venture to explore this part of the coast, Monsieur de Pages’s account of it answers well to Captain Cook’s.  “Du 17 au 23, l’on ne prit d’autre connoissance que celle de la figure de la cote, qui, courant d’abord au Sud-Est, & revenant ensuite au Nord-Est, formoit un grand golfe.  Il etoit occupe par des brisans & des rochers; il avoit aussi une isle basse, & assez etendue, & l’on usa d’une bien soigneuse precaution, pour ne pas s’affaler dans ce golfe.”—­Voyage du M. de Pages, tom. ii. p. 67.—­D.]

[Footnote 118:  Cape Francois.]

From this situation, the most advanced land to the southward bore S.E.; but the trending of the coast from the Foreland was more southerly.  The islands which lie off Christmas Harbour bore N.; and the north point of the Foreland N. 60 deg.  W., distant three miles.  The land of this Peninsula, or Foreland, is of a moderate height, and of a hilly and rocky substance.  The coast is low, with rocky points shooting out from it; between which points are little coves, with sandy beaches; and these, at this time, were mostly covered with sea birds.  We also saw upon them some seals.

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As soon as we were clear of the rocks and islands before mentioned, I gave orders to steer S.E. by S. along the coast.  But before these orders could be carried into execution, we discovered the whole sea before us to be chequered with large beds of rock-weed, which we knew to be fast to the bottom, and to grow on rocky shoals.  I had often found a great depth of water on such shoals; and I had, as often, found rocks that have raised their heads nearly to the surface of the water.  It is always dangerous, therefore, to sail over them before they are well examined; but more especially, when there is no surge of the sea to discover the danger.  This was the case at present, for the sea was as smooth as a mill-pond.  Consequently we endeavoured to avoid them, by steering through the winding channels by which they were separated.  We kept the lead continually going; but never struck ground with a line of sixty fathoms.  This circumstance increased the danger, as we could not anchor, whatever necessity there might be for it.  After running in this manner above an hour, we discovered a lurking rock, just even with the surface of the sea.  It bore N.E. 1/2 E., distant three or four miles, and lay in the middle of one of these large beds of weeds.  This was a sufficient warning to make us use every precaution to prevent our coming upon them.

We were now cross the mouth of a large bay, that lies about eight miles to the southward of Howe’s Foreland.  In and before the entrance of this bay are several low islands, rocks, and those beds of sea-weed.  But there seemed to be winding channels between them.  After continuing our course half an hour longer, we were so much embarrassed with these shoals, that I resolved to haul off to the eastward, as the likeliest means of extricating ourselves from the danger that threatened us.  But so far was this from answering the intended purpose, that it brought us into more.  I therefore found it absolutely necessary to secure the ships, if possible, in some place before night; especially as the weather had now become hazy, and a fog was apprehended.  And seeing some inlets to the S.W. of us, I ordered Captain Clerke, as the Discovery drew less water than the Resolution, to lead in for the shore; which was accordingly done.

In standing in, it was not possible to avoid running over the edges of some of the shoals, on which we found from ten to twenty fathoms water; and the moment we were over, had no ground at the depth of fifty fathoms.  After making a few boards to weather a spit that run out from an island on our lee, Captain Clerke made the signal for having discovered an harbour; in which, about five o’clock, we anchored in fifteen fathoms water, over a bottom of fine dark sand, about three quarters of a mile from the shore; the north point of the harbour bearing N. by E. 1/2 E., one mile distant; and the small islands in the entrance, within which we anchored, extending from E. to S.E.

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Scarcely were the ships secured, when it began to blow very strong; so that we thought it prudent to strike top-gallant yards.  The weather, however, continued fair; and the wind dispersing the fog that had settled on the hills, it was tolerably clear also.  The moment, therefore, we had anchored, I hoisted out two boats; in one of which I sent Mr Bligh, the master, to survey the upper part of the harbour, and look for wood; for not a shrub was to be seen from the ship.  I also desired Captain Clerke to send his master to sound the channel that is on the south side of the small isles, between them and a pretty large island which lies near the south point of the harbour.  Having given these directions, I went myself, in my other boat, accompanied by Mr Gore, my first lieutenant, and Mr Bayly, and landed on the north point, to see what I could discover from thence.

From the highest hill over the point, we had a pretty good view of the sea-coast, as far as Howe’s Foreland.  It is much indented, and several rocky points seemed to shoot out from it, with coves and inlets of unequal extent.  One of the latter, the end of which I could not see, was disjoined from that in which the ships were at anchor, by the point we then stood upon.  A great many small islands, rocks, and breakers, appeared scattered along the coast, as well to the southward as northward; and I saw no better channel to get out of the harbour, than by the one through which we had entered it.

While Mr Bayly and I were making the observations, Mr Gore encompassed the hill, and joined us by a different route, at the place where I had ordered the boat to wait for us.  Except the craggy precipices, we met with nothing to obstruct our walk.  For the country was, if possible, more barren and desolate than about Christmas Harbour.  And yet, if there be the least fertility in any part of this land, we ought to have found it in this, which is completely sheltered from the predominating bleak southerly and westerly winds.  I observed, with regret, that there was neither food nor covering for cattle of any sort; and that, if I left any, they must inevitably perish.  In the little cove where the boat waited for us (which I called Penguin Cove, as the beach was covered with these birds), is a fine rivulet of fresh water, that may be easily come at.  Here were also some large seals, shags, and a few ducks; and Mr Bayly had a transient sight of a very small land bird; but it flew amongst the rocks, and we lost it.  About nine o’clock we got on board.

Soon after, Mr Bligh returned, and reported, that he had been four miles up the harbour, and, as he judged, not far from the head of it.  He found that its direction was W.S.W.; and that its breadth, a little above the ships, did not exceed a mile; but grew narrower toward the head.  The soundings were very irregular, being from thirty-seven to ten fathoms; and, except under the beds of sea-weed, which in many places extended from the shore near half channel over, the bottom was a fine sand.  He landed on both shores, which he found barren and rocky, without the least signs of tree or shrub, and with very little verdure of any kind.  Penguins, and other oceanic birds and seals, occupied part of the coast, but not in such numbers as at Christinas Harbour.

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Finding no encouragement to continue our researches, and, the next morning, both wind and weather being favourable, I weighed anchor and put to sea.  To this harbour I gave the name of Port Palliser, in honour of my worthy friend Admiral Sir Hugh Palliser.  It is situated in the latitude of 49 deg. 3’ S., in the longitude of 69 deg. 37’ E., and five leagues from Howe’s Foreland, in the direction of S. 25 deg.  E. There are several islands, rocks, and breakers lying in and without the entrance.  We went in and out between them and the north head; but I have no doubt that there are other channels.

As we were standing out of Port Palliser, we discovered a round hill, like a sugar-loaf, in the direction of S. 72 deg.  E., about nine leagues distant.  It had the appearance of an island lying at some distance from the coast; but we afterward found it was upon the main land.  In getting out to sea, we had to steer through the winding channels amongst the shoals.  However, we ventured to run over some of them, on which we never found less than eighteen fathoms, and often did not strike ground with twenty-four; so that, had it not been for the sea-weed growing upon all of them, they would not have been discovered.

After we had got about three or four leagues from the coast, we found a clear sea, and then steered E. till nine o’clock, when the Sugar Loaf hill, above mentioned, which I named Mount Campbell, bore S.E., and a small island that lies to the northward of it, S.S.E., distant four leagues.  I now steered more southerly, in order to get in with the land.  At noon, the latitude by double altitudes was 49 deg. 8’ S.; and we had made eighty miles of east longitude from Cape St Louis.[119] Mount Campbell bore S. 47 deg.  W., distant about four leagues; a low point, beyond which no land was to be seen, bore S.S.E., at the distance of about twenty miles; and we were about two leagues from the shore.

[Footnote 119:  Cape Francois.]

The land here is low and level.[120] The mountains ending about five leagues from the low point, a great extent of low land is left, on which Mount Campbell is situated, about four miles from the foot of the mountains, and one from the sea coast.  These mountains have a considerable elevation, as also most of the inland ones.  They seemed to be composed of naked rocks, whose summits were capt with snow.  Nor did the valleys appear to greater advantage.  To whatever quarter we directed our glasses, nothing but sterility was to be seen.

[Footnote 120:  This part of the coast seems to be what the French saw on the 5th of January 1774.  Monsieur de Pages speaks of it thus:  “Nous reconnumes une nouvelle cote etendue de toute veu dans l’Est, & dans le Ouest.  Les terres de cette cote etoient moins elevees que celles que nous avions veues jusques ici; elles etoient aussi d’un aspect moins rude.”—­De Pages, tom. ii. p. 68.—­D.]

We had scarcely finished taking the bearings at noon, before we observed low land opening off the low point just mentioned, in the direction of S.S.E., and eight miles beyond it.  This new point proved to be the very eastern extremity of this land, and it was named Cape Digby.  It is situated in the latitude of 49 deg. 23’ S., and in the longitude of 70 deg. 34’ E.

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Between Howe’s Foreland and Cape Digby, the shore forms (besides the several lesser bays and harbours) one great bay that extends several leagues to the S.W., where it seemed to lose itself in various arms running in, between the mountains.  A prodigious quantity of sea-weed grows all over it, which seemed to be the same sort of weed that Sir Joseph Banks distinguished by the name of fucus giganteus.  Some of this weed is of a most enormous length, though the stem is not much thicker than a man’s thumb.  I have mentioned, that on some of the shoals upon which it grows, we did not strike ground with a line of twenty-four fathoms.  The depth of water, therefore, must have been greater.  And as this weed does not grow in a perpendicular direction, but makes a very acute angle with the bottom, and much of it afterward spreads many fathoms on the surface of the sea, I am well warranted to say, that some of it grows to the length of sixty fathoms and upward.

At one o’clock (having run two leagues upon a S.E. 1/2 E. course, from noon) we sounded, and found eighteen fathoms water, and a bottom of fine sand.  Seeing a small bending in the coast, on the north side of Cape Digby, I steered for it.  It was my intention to anchor there, if I should find it might be done with safety, and to land on the Cape, to examine what the low land within it produced.  After running in one league, we sounded again, and found thirteen fathoms; and immediately after, saw a shoal right before us, that seemed to extend off from the shore, from which we were distant about two miles.  This discovery obliged us to haul off, E. by S., one league, where our depth of water increased to twenty-five fathoms.  We then steered along shore, and continued in the same depth, over a bottom of fine sand, till Cape Digby bore W., two leagues distant, when we found twenty-six fathoms.

After this we did not strike ground, though we tried several times; but the ship having a good deal of way, ran the line out before the lead could reach the bottom, and being disappointed in my views both of anchoring and of landing, I would not shorten sail, but pushed forward, in order to see as much of the coast as possible before night.  From Cape Digby, it trends nearly S.W. by S. for about four or five leagues, or to a low point, to which, in honour of her majesty, I gave the name of Point Charlotte, and it is the southernmost on the low coast.

Six leagues from Cape Digby, in the direction of S.S.W. 1/2 W., is a pretty high projecting point, which was called Prince of Wales’s Foreland; and six leagues beyond that, in the same direction, and in the latitude of 49 deg. 54’ S., and the longitude of 70 13’ E., is the most southerly point of the whole coast, which I distinguished by the name of Cape George, in honour of his majesty.

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Between Point Charlotte and Prince of Wales’s Foreland, where the country to the S.W. began again to be hilly, is a deep inlet, which was called Royal Sound.  It runs in W. quite to the foot of the mountains which bound it on the S.W., as the low land before-mentioned does on the N. There are islands lying in the entrance, and others higher up, as far as we could distinguish.  As we advanced to the S. we observed, on the S.W. side of Prince of Wales’s Foreland, another inlet into Royal Sound; and it then appeared, that the foreland was the E. point of a large island lying in the mouth of it.  There are several small islands in this inlet; and one about a league to the southward of Prince of Wales’s Foreland.

All the land on the S.W. side of Royal Sound, quite to Cape George, is composed of elevated hills, that rise directly from the sea, one behind another, to a considerable height.  Most of the summits were capt with snow, and they appeared as naked and barren as any we had seen.  The smallest vestige of a tree or shrub was not discoverable, either inland or on the coast; and, I think, I may venture to pronounce that the country produces none.  The low land about Cape Digby, when examined through our glasses, resembled the rest of the low land we had before met with; that is, it appeared to be partly naked and partly covered with a green turf, a description of which shall be given in its proper place.  The shore is composed of sandy beaches, on which were many penguins, and other oceanic birds; and an immense number of shags kept perpetually flying about the ships as we sailed along.

Being desirous of getting the length of Cape George, to be assured whether or no it was the most southerly point of the whole land, I continued to stretch to the S. under all the sail we could carry, till half an hour past seven o’clock, when, seeing no likelihood of accomplishing my design, as the wind had by this time shifted to W.S.W., the very direction in which we wanted to go, I took the advantage of the shifting of the wind, and stood away from the coast.

At this time Cape George bore S. 53 deg.  W. distant about seven leagues.  A small island that lies off the pitch of the cape was the only land we could see to the south of it; and we were farther confirmed that there was no more in that quarter by a S.W. swell which we met as soon as we brought the cape to bear in this direction.

But we have still a stronger proof that no part of this land can extend much, if at all, to the southward of Cape George, and that is, Captain Furneaux’s track in February, 1773, after his separation from me during my late voyage.  His log-book is now lying before me; and I find from it, that he crossed the meridian of the land only about seventeen leagues to the southward of Cape George, a distance at which it may very well be seen in clear weather.  This seems to have been the case when Captain Furneaux passed it.  For his log-book makes no mention of fogs or hazy weather; on the contrary, it expressly tells us, that, when in this situation, they had it in their power to make observations, both for latitude and longitude, on board his ship; so that, if this land extends farther S. than Cape George, it would have been scarcely possible that he should have passed without seeing it.

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From these circumstances we are able to determine, within a very, few miles, the quantity of latitude that this land occupies, which does not much exceed one degree and a quarter.  As to its extent from E. to W. that still remains undecided.  We only know, that no part of it can reach so far to the W. as the meridian of 65 deg., because, in 1773, under that meridian, I searched for it in vain.[121]

[Footnote 121:  If the French observations, as marked upon Captain Cook’s chart, and still more authentically upon that published by their own discoverers, may be depended upon, this land doth not reach so far to the W. as the meridian of 63 deg.; Cape Louis, which is represented as its most westerly point, being laid down by them to the E. of that meridian.—­D.]

The French discoverers, with some reason, imagined Cape St Louis[122] to be the projecting point, of the southern continent.  The English have since proved that no such continent exists, and that the land in question is an island of no great extent;[123] which, from its sterility, I should, with great propriety, call the Island of Desolation, but that I would not rob Monsieur de Kerguelen of the honour of its bearring his name.[124]

[Footnote 122:  The idea of Cape Louis being this projecting point of a southern continent must have soon vanished, as Cape Francois, within a year after, was found, by the same discoverer, to lie above one third of a degree farther N. upon the same land.  But if Kerguelen entertained any such imagination at first, we are sure that afterwards he thought very differently.  This appears from the following explicit declaration of his sentiments, which deserves to be transcribed from his late publication, as it does equal honour to his candour, and Captain Cook’s abilities:—­“La terre que j’ai decouverte est certainement une Isle; puisque le celebre Capitaine Cook a passe au Sud, lors de son premiere voyage, sans rien rencontrer.  Je juge ineme, que cette isle n’est pas bien grande.  Il y a aussi apparence, d’apres le Voyage de Monsieur Cook, que toute cette etendue de Mers Meridionales, est semee d’lsles ou de rochers; mais qu’il n’y a ni continent ni grande terre.”  Kerguelen, p. 92.—­D.]

[Footnote 123:  Kerguelen, as we see in the last note, concurs with Captain Cook as to this.  However, he tells us, that he has reason to believe that it is about 200 leagues in circuit; and that he was acquainted with about fourscore leagues of its coast.  “J’en connois environs quatre-vingt lieues des cotes; et; j’ai lieu de croire, qu’elle a environ deux cents lieues de circuit.” Kerguelen, page32—­D.]

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[Footnote 124:  Some of Monsieur de Kerguelen’s own countrymen seem more desirous than we are to rob him of his honour.  It is very remarkable, that Monsieur de Pages never once mentions the name of his commander; and, though he takes occasion to enumerate the several French explorers of the southern hemisphere, from Gonneville down to Crozet, he affects to preserve an entire silence about Kerguelen, whose first voyage, in which the discovery of this considerable tract of land was made, is kept as much out of sight as if it never had taken place.  Nay, not satisfied with refusing to acknowledge the right of another, he almost assumes it to himself.  For, upon a map of the world annexed to his book, at the spot where the new land is delineated, we read this inscription, Isles nouvelles Australes vuees par Monsieur de Pages, en 1774.  He could scarcely have expressed himself in stronger terms, if he had meant to convey an idea that he was the conductor of the discovery.  And yet we know that he was only a lieutenant [Enseigne de vaisseau] on board of one of three ships commanded by Kerguelen; and that the discovery had been already made in a former voyage, undertaken while he was actually engaged in his singular journey round the world.

After all, it cannot but be remarked, that Kerguelen was peculiarly unfortunate in having done so little to complete what he had begun.  He discovered a new land indeed; but, in two expeditions to it, he could not once bring his ships to an anchor upon any part of its coasts.  Captain Cook, as we have seen in this, and in the foregoing chapter, had either fewer difficulties to struggle with, or was more successful in surmounting them.—­D.]

Mr Anderson, my surgeon, who, as I have already mentioned, had made natural history a part of his studies, lost no opportunity, during the short time we lay in Christmas Harbour, of searching the country in every direction.  He afterward communicated to me the observations he made on its natural productions; and I shall insert them here in his own words.

“Perhaps no place hitherto discovered in either hemisphere, under the same parallel of latitude, affords so scanty a field for the naturalist as this barren spot.  The verdure which appears, when at a little distance from the shore, would flatter one with the expectation of meeting with some herbage; but in this we were much deceived.  For on landing, we saw that this lively colour was occasioned only by one small plant, not much unlike some sorts of saxifrage, which grows in large spreading tufts to a considerable way up the hills.  It forms a surface of a pretty large texture, and grows on a kind of rotten turf, into which one sinks a foot or two at every step.  This turf, dried, might, in cases of necessity, serve for fuel, and is the only thing we met with here that could possibly be applied to this use.”

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“There is another plant, plentifully enough scattered about the boggy declivities, which grows to near the height of two feet, and not much unlike a small cabbage, when it has shot into seeds.  The leaves about the root are numerous, large, and rounded; narrower at the base, and ending in a small point.  Those on the stalks are much smaller, oblong, and pointed.  The stalks, which are often three or four, all rise separately from the root, and run into long cylindrical heads, composed of small flowers.  It has not only the appearance, but the watery acrid taste of the antiscorbutic plants, and yet differs materially from the whole tribe; so that we looked upon it as a production entirely peculiar to the place.  We ate it frequently raw, and found it almost like the New Zealand scurvy grass.  But it seemed to acquire a rank flavour by being boiled; which, however, some of our people did not perceive, and esteemed it good.  If it could be introduced into our kitchen gardens, it would, in all probability, improve so far by cultivation as to be an excellent pot-herb.  At this time none of its seeds were ripe enough to be preserved, and brought home, to try the experiment.”

“Two other small plants were found near the brooks and boggy places, which were eaten as sallad; the one almost like garden cresses, and very fiery, and the other very mild.  This last, though but small, is in itself a curiosity; having not only male and female, but what the botanists call androgynous plants.”

“A coarse grass, which we cut down for the cattle, grows pretty plentifully in a few small spots about the sides of the harbour, with a smaller sort, which is rarer; and upon the flat ground a sort of goose-grass, and another small plant much like it.  In short, the whole catalogue of plants does not exceed sixteen or eighteen, including some sorts of moss, and a beautiful species of lichen, which grows upon the rocks, higher up than the rest of the vegetable productions.  Nor is there even the least appearance of a shrub in the whole country.”

“Nature has rather been more bountiful in furnishing it with animals, though, strictly speaking, they are not inhabitants of the place, being all of the marine kind; and, in general, only using the land for breeding and for a resting-place.  The most considerable are seals, or (as we used to call them) sea-bears, being that sort called the ursine seal.  These come ashore to rest or breed; but they were not very numerous, which is not to be wondered at, as it is known that these animals rather frequent out-rocks, and little islands lying off coasts, than bays or inlets.  They were, at this time, shedding their hair, and so tame, that we killed what number we chose.”

“No other quadruped, either of the sea or of the land kind, was seen; but a great number of birds, viz. ducks, petrels, albatrosses, shags, gulls, and sea-swallows.”

“The ducks are about the size of a teal or widgeon, but somewhat different in colour from either.  They were in tolerable plenty about the sides of the hills, or even lower; and we killed a considerable number, which were good, and without the least fishy taste.  We met with some of the same sort at the island of Georgia in our late voyage.”

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“The cape petrel, or pintado bird; the small blue one, which is always seen at sea, and the small black one, or Mother Carey’s chicken, are not here in great numbers.  But we found a nest of the first with an egg in it, about the size of a pullet’s; and the second, though scarce, was met with in some holes like rabbit-burrows.”

“Another sort, which is the largest of all the petrels, and called by the seamen Mother Carey’s goose, is in greater numbers, and so tame, that at first we could kill them with a stick upon the beach.  They are not inferior in size to an albatross, and are carnivorous, feeding on the dead carcasses of seals or birds that were thrown into the sea.  Their colour is a sooty brown, with a greenish bill and feet; and, doubtless, they are the same that the Spaniards call quebrantahuessos, whose head is figured in Pernetty’s Voyage to Falkland Islands."[125]

[Footnote 125:  Fig. 3, plate viii.]

“Of the albatrosses, none were found on shore except the grey one, which is commonly met with at sea in the higher southern latitudes.  Once I saw one of these sitting in the cliff of a rock, but they were frequently flying about the harbour; and the common large sort, as well as the smaller with a black face, were seen farther out.”

“Penguins form, by far, the greatest number of birds here, and are of three sorts; the first, or largest, I have seen formerly at the island of Georgia.[126] It is also mentioned by Bougainville;[127] but it does not seem to be so solitary as he represents it, for we found considerable numbers flocking together.  The head is black, the upper part of the body a leaden grey, and the under part white, with black feet.  It has two broad stripes of fine yellow, that begin on the sides of the head, and, descending by each side of the neck, meet above its breast.  The bill is partly reddish, and longer than in the other sorts.”

[Footnote 126:  Pennant’s Patagonian penguin.  See his Genera of Birds, tab. 14, p. 66.]

[Footnote 127:  Voyage autour du Monde, p. 69.]

“The second sort of penguins scarcely exceeds half the size of the former.  The upper part of the body is a blackish grey, with a white spot on the upper part of the head, growing broader at each side.  The bill and feet are yellowish.  A very accurate figure and description, both of this and of the preceding, is given by Mr Sonnerat."[128]

[Footnote 128:  Voyage a la Nouvelle Guinee, p. 181, 182.  Tab. 113, 115.]

“The third sort of penguin met with here, had never been seen by any of us before.  Its length is twenty-four inches, and its breadth twenty.  The upper part of the body and throat are black, the rest white, except the upper part of the head, which has a fine yellow arch, looking backward, and ending on each side in long soft feathers, which it can erect as two crests.”

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“The two first sorts were found together on the beach; the large ones keeping by themselves, and walking in small flocks amongst the others, which were more numerous, and were sometimes seen a considerable way up the sides of the hills.  The third sort were only found by themselves, but in great numbers, on the outer shores of the harbour.  They were breeding at this time; and they lay on the bare stones only one white egg, larger than that of a duck.  All the three sorts of penguins were so tame, that we took as many as we pleased with our hands.”

“The shags of this place are of two sorts; the lesser cormorant or water-crow, and another, which is black above, with a white belly, the same that is found in New Zealand, Terra del Fuego, and the island of Georgia.”

“We also met with here the common sea-gull, sea-swallow, tern, and Port Egmont hen; the last of which were tame and numerous.”

“Another sort of white bird, flocks of which flew about the bay, is very singular, having the base of the bill covered with a horny crust.[129] It is larger than a pigeon, with the bill black and the feet white, made like those of a curlew.  Some of our people put it in competition with the duck as food.”

[Footnote 129:  The sheath-bill.  See Pennant’s Genera of Birds, p. 43.]

“The seine was hauled once, but we found only a few fish about the size of a small haddock, though quite different from any we knew.  The snout is lengthened, the head armed with some strong spines, the rays of the back-fin long, and very strong, the belly is large, and the body without scales.  The only shell-fish are a few limpets and muscles; and amongst the stones a few small star-fish and sea-anemonies were found.”

“The hills are of a moderate height; yet many of their tops were covered with snow at this time, though answering to our June.  Some of them have large quantities of stones, irregularly heaped together at their root, or on their sides.  The sides of others, which form steep cliffs toward the sea, are rent from the top downward, and seem ready to fall off, having stones of a considerable size lying in the fissures.  Some were of opinion that frost might be the cause of these fissures, which I shall not dispute; but how others of the appearances could be effected, but by earthquakes, or some such severe shocks, I cannot say.”

“It appears that rain must be almost constant here, not only from the marks of large torrents having rushed down, but from the disposition of the country, which, even on the hills, is almost an entire bog or swamp, the ground sinking at every step.”

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“The rocks, or foundations of the hills, are composed chiefly of a dark blue, and very hard, stone; intermixed with small particles of glimmer or quartz.  This seems to be one of the most universal productions of nature, as it constitutes whole mountains in Sweden, in Scotland, at the Canary Islands, the Cape of Good Hope, and at this place.  Another brownish brittle stone forms here some considerable rocks; and one which is blacker, and found in detached pieces, incloses bits of coarse quartz.  A red, a dull yellow, and a purplish sand-stone, are also found in small pieces; and pretty large lumps of semi-transparent quartz, disposed irregularly in polyedral pyramidal crystals of long shining fibres.  Some small pieces of the common sort are met with in the brooks, made round by attrition; but none hard enough to resist a file.  Nor were any of the other stones acted on by aquafortis, or attracted by the magnet.”

“Nothing, that had the least appearance of an ore or metal, was seen.”


Passage from Kerguelen’s to Van Diemen’s Land.—­Arrival in Adventure Bay.—­Incidents there.—­Interviews with the Natives.—­Their Persons and Dress described.—­Account of their Behaviour.—­Table of the Longitude, Latitude, and Variation.—­Mr Anderson’s Observations on the Natural Productions of the Country, on the Inhabitants, and their Language.

After leaving Kerguelen’s Land, I steered E. by N. intending, in obedience to my instructions, to touch next at New Zealand, to recruit our water, to take in wood, and to make hay for the cattle.  Their number, by this time, had been considerably diminished; two young bulls, one of the heifers, two rams, and several of the goats, having of late died, while we were employed in exploring this desolate coast.

The 31st in the morning, being the day after we stood out to sea, we had several observations of the sun and moon.  Their results gave the longitude 72 deg. 33’ 36” E. The timekeeper, in this situation, gave 72 deg. 38’ 15”.  These observations were the more useful, as we had not been able to get any for some time before, and they now served to assure us that no material error had crept into the time-keeper.

On the 1st of January, being then in the latitude of 48 deg. 41’ S. longitude 76 deg. 50’ E., the variation was 30 deg. 39’ W.; and in the next day, in the latitude of 48 deg. 22’ S. longitude 80 deg. 22’ E., it was 30 deg. 47’ 18” W. This was the greatest variation we found in this passage; for afterward it began to decrease, but so slowly, that on the 3d, in the evening, being then in the latitude of 48 deg. 16’ S. longitude 85 deg.  E., it was 29 deg. 38’ W.

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Thus far we had fresh gales from the W. and S.W., and tolerably clear weather.  But now the wind veered to the N. where it continued eight days, and was attended with a thick fog.  During this time we ran above 300 leagues in the dark.  Now and then the weather would clear up, and give us a sight of the sun; but this happened very seldom, and was always of short continuance.  On the 7th I hoisted out a boat, and sent an order to Captain Clerke, appointing Adventure Bay, in Van Diemen’s Land, as our place of rendezvous, in case of separation before we arrived in the meridian of that land.  But we were fortunate enough, amidst all this foggy weather, by frequently firing guns as signals, though we seldom saw each other, not to lose company.

On the 12th, being in the latitude of 48 deg. 40’ S. longitude 110 deg. 26’ E. the northerly winds ended in a calm; which, after a few hours, was succeeded by a wind from the southward.  This, with rain, continued for twenty-four hours, when it freshened, and veered to the W. and N.W., and brought on fair and clear weather.

We continued our course to the eastward, without meeting with any thing worthy of notice, till four o’clock in the morning of the 19th, when, in a sudden squall of wind, though the Discovery received no damage, our fore-top-mast went by the board, and carried the main-top-gallant-mast with it.  This occasioned some delay, as it took up the whole day to clear the wreck, and fit another top-mast.  The former was accomplished without losing any part of it, except a few fathoms of small rope.  Not having a spare main-top-gallant-mast on board, the fore-top-gallant-mast was converted into one for our immediate use.

The wind continued westerly, blew a fresh gale, and was attended with clear weather, so that scarcely a day passed without being able to get observations for fixing the longitude, and the variation of the compass.  The latter decreased in such a manner, that in the latitude of 44 deg. 18’ S. longitude 132 deg. 2’ E., it was no more than 5 deg. 34’ 18” W.; and on the 22d, being then in the latitude of 43 deg. 27’ S. longitude 141 deg. 50’ E., it was 1 deg. 24’ 15” E. So that we had crossed the Line where the compass has no variation.

On the 24th, at three o’clock in the morning, we discovered the coast of Van Diemen’s Land, bearing N. 1/2 W. At four o’clock the S.W. cape bore N.N.W. 1/2 W., and the Mewstone N.E. by E. three leagues distant.  There are several islands and high rocks lying scattered along this part of the coast, the southernmost of which is the Mewstone.  It is a round elevated rock, five or six leagues distant from the S.W. cape, in the direction of S. 55 deg.  E.

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At noon, our latitude was 43 deg. 47’ S. longitude 147 deg.  E., and the situation of the lands round us as follows:  An elevated round-topped hill bore N. 17 deg.  W.; the S.W. cape N. 74 deg.  W.; the Mewstone W. 1/2 N.; Swilly Isle, or Rock, S. 49 deg.  E.; and the S.E. of S. cape N. 40 deg.  E. distant near three leagues.  The land between the S.W. and S. capes is broken and hilly, the coast winding, with points shooting out from it; but we were too far off to be able to judge whether the bays formed by these points were sheltered from the sea-winds.  The bay which appeared to be the largest and deepest, lies to the westward of the peaked hill above mentioned.  The variation of the compass here was 5 deg. 15’ E.

At six o’clock in the afternoon we sounded, and found sixty fathoms water, over a bottom of broken coral and shells.  The S. cape then bore N. 75 deg.  W. two or three leagues distant; Tasman’s Head N.E.; and Swilly Rock S. by W 1/2 W. About a league to the eastward of Swilly is another elevated rock, that is not taken notice of by Captain Furneaux.  I called it the Eddystone, from its very great resemblance to that light-house.  Nature seems to have left these two rocks here for the same purpose that the Eddystone light-house was built by man, viz. to give navigators notice of the dangers around them; for they are the conspicuous summits of a ledge of rocks under water, on which the sea, in many places, breaks very high.  Their surface is white with the dung of sea-fowls; so that they may be seen at some distance even in the night.  On the N.E. side of Storm Bay, which lies between the S. cape and Tasman’s Head, there are some coves or creeks, that seemed to be sheltered from the sea-winds; and I am of opinion, that, were this coast examined, there would be found some good harbours.

Soon after we had sight of land the westerly winds left us, and were succeeded by variable light airs and alternate calms, till the 26th at noon.  At that time a breeze sprung up and freshened at S.E. which put it in my power to carry into execution the design I had, upon due consideration, formed, of carrying the ships into Adventure Bay, where I might expect to get a supply of wood and of grass for the cattle; of both which articles we should, as I now found, have been in great want if I had waited till our arrival in New Zealand.  We therefore stood for the bay, and anchored in it at four o’clock in the afternoon, at twelve fathoms water, over a bottom of sand and ooze.  Penguin Island, which lies close to the E. point of the bay, bore N. 84 deg.  E.; the southernmost point of Maria’s Islands bore N. 76 deg. 1/2 E.; and Cape Frederick Henry, or the N. point of the bay, bore N. 33 deg.  E. Our distance from the nearest shore was about three quarters of a mile.

As soon as we had anchored, I ordered the boats to be hoisted out.  In one of them I went myself to look for the most commodious place for furnishing ourselves with the necessary supplies; and Captain Clerke went in his boat upon the same service.  Wood and water we found in plenty, and in situations convenient enough, especially the first.  But grass, of which we stood most in need, was scarce, and also very coarse.  Necessity, however, obliged us to take such as we could get.

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Next morning early, I sent Lieutenant King to the E. side of the bay with two parties, one to cut wood, and the other to cut grass, under the protection of the marines, whom I judged it prudent to land as a guard.  For although, as yet, none of the natives had appeared, there could be no doubt that some were in our neighbourhood, as we had seen columns of smoke from the time of our approaching the coast, and some now was observed at no great distance up in the woods, I also sent the launch for water; and afterward visited all the parties myself.  In the evening, we drew the seine at the head of the bay, and, at one haul, caught a great quantity of fish.  We should have got many more, had not the net broken in drawing it ashore.  Most of them were of that sort known to seamen by the name of elephant fish.  After this, every one repaired on board with what wood and grass we had cut, that we might be ready to sail whenever the wind should serve.

This not happening next morning, the people were sent on shore again on the same duty as the day before.  I also employed the carpenter, with part of his crew, to cut some spars for the use of the ship; and dispatched Mr Roberts, one of the mates, in a small boat to survey the bay.

In the afternoon, we were agreeably surprised, at the place where we were cutting wood, with a visit from some of the natives, eight men and a boy.  They approached as from the woods, without betraying any marks of fear, or rather with the greatest confidence imaginable; for none of them, had any weapons, except one who held in his hand a stick about two feet long, and pointed at one end.

They were quite naked, and wore no ornaments, unless we consider as such, and as a proof of their love of finery, some small punctures or ridges raised on different parts of their bodies, some in straight, and others in curved lines.

They were of the common stature, but rather slender.  Their skin was black, and also their hair, which was as woolly as that of any native of Guinea; but they were not distinguished by remarkably thick lips, nor flat noses.  On the contrary, their features were far from being disagreeable.  They had pretty good eyes; and their teeth were tolerably even, but very dirty.  Most of them had their hair and beards smeared with a red ointment; and some had their faces also painted with the same composition.

They received every present we made to them without the least appearance of satisfaction.  When some bread was given, as soon as they understood that it was to be eaten, they either returned it, or threw it away, without even tasting it.  They also refused some elephant fish, both raw and dressed, which we offered to them.  But upon giving some birds to them, they did not return these, and easily made us comprehend that they were fond of such food.  I had brought two pigs ashore, with a view to leave them in the woods.  The instant these came within their reach, they seized them, as a dog would have done, by the ears, and were for carrying them off immediately, with no other intention, as we could perceive, but to kill them.

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Being desirous of knowing the use of the stick which one of our visitors carried in his hand, I made signs to them to shew me; and so far succeeded, that one of them set up a piece of wood as a mark, and threw at it at the distance of about twenty yards.  But we had little reason to commend his dexterity; for, after repeated trials, he was still very wide from the object.  Omai, to shew them how much superior our weapons were to theirs, then fired his musquet at it, which alarmed them so much, that notwithstanding all we could do or say, they ran instantly into the woods.  One of them was so frightened, that he let drop an axe and two knives that had been given to him.  From us, however, they went to the place where some of the Discovery’s people were employed in taking water into their boat.  The officer of that party, not knowing that they had paid us so friendly a visit, nor what their intent might be, fired a musquet in the air, which sent them off with the greatest precipitation.

Thus ended our first interview with the natives.  Immediately after their final retreat, judging that their fears would prevent their remaining near enough to observe what was passing, I ordered the two pigs, being a boar and sow, to be carried about a mile within the woods at the head of the bay.  I saw them left there, by the side of a fresh-water brook.  A young bull and a cow, and some sheep and goats, were also, at first, intended to have been left by me, as an additional present to Van Diemen’s Land.  But I soon laid aside all thought of this, from a persuasion that the natives, incapable of entering into my views of improving their country, would destroy them.  If ever they should meet with the pigs, I have no doubt this will be their fate.  But as that race of animals soon becomes wild, and is fond of the thickest cover of the woods, there is great probability of their being preserved.  An open place must have been chosen for the accommodation of the other cattle; and, in such a situation, they could not possibly have remained concealed many days.

The morning of the 29th was ushered in with a dead calm, which continued all day, and effectually prevented our sailing.  I therefore sent a party over to the E. point of the bay to cut grass, having been informed that some of a superior quality grew there.  Another party, to cut wood, was ordered to go to the usual place, and I accompanied them myself.  We had observed several of the natives this morning sauntering along the shore, which assured us, that though their consternation had made them leave us so abruptly the day before, they were convinced that we intended them no mischief, and were desirous of renewing the intercourse.  It was natural that I should wish to be present on the occasion.

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We had not been long landed, before about twenty of them, men and boys, joined us, without expressing the least sign of fear or distrust.  There was one of this company conspicuously deformed, and who was not more distinguishable by the hump upon his back, than by the drollery of his gestures, and the seeming humour of his speeches, which he was very fond of exhibiting, as we supposed, for our entertainment.  But, unfortunately, we could not understand him; the language spoken here being wholly unintelligible to us.  It appeared to me to be different from that spoken by the inhabitants of the more northern parts of this country, whom I met with in my first voyage; which is not extraordinary, since those we now saw, and those we then visited, differ in many other respects.[130] Nor did they seem to be such miserable wretches as the natives whom Dampier mentions to have seen on its western coast.[131]

[Footnote 130:  The most striking difference seems to be with regard to the texture of the hair.  The natives whom Captain Cook met with at Endeavour River in 1769, are said, by him, to have “naturally long and black hair, though it be universally cropped short.  In general it is straight, but sometimes it has a slight curl.  We saw none that was not matted and filthy.  Their beards were of the same colour with the hair, and bushy and thick.”

It may be necessary to mention here, on the authority of Captain King, that Captain Cook was very unwilling to allow that the hair of the natives now met with in Adventure Bay was woolly, fancying that his people, who first observed this, had been deceived, from its being clotted with grease and red ochre.  But Captain King prevailed upon him afterward to examine carefully the hair of the boys, which was generally, as well as that of the women, free from this dirt; and then he owned himself satisfied that it was naturally woolly.  Perhaps we may suppose it possible, that he himself had been deceived when he was in Endeavour River, from this very circumstance, as he expressly says, that “they saw none that was not matted and filthy.”—­D.]

[Footnote 131:  And yet Dampier’s New Hollanders, on the western coast, bear a striking resemblance to Captain Cook’s at Van Diemen’s Land, in many remarkable instances:—­

1st, As to their becoming familiar with the strangers.

2dly, As to their persons; being straight-bodied and thin, their skin black, and black, short, curled hair, like the negroes of Guinea, with wide mouths.

3dly, As to their wretched condition, having no houses, no garment, no canoes, no instrument to catch large fish; feeding on broiled muscles, cockles, and periwinkles; having no fruits of the earth; their weapons a straight pole, sharpened and hardened at the end, &c. &c.

The chief peculiarities of Dampier’s miserable wretches are, 1st, Their eye-lids being always half closed, to keep the flies out, which were excessively troublesome there; and, 2dly, Their wanting the two fore-teeth of the upper jaw, and their having no beards.  See Dampier’s Voyages, vol. i. p. 464, &c.  There seems to be no reason for supposing that Dampier was mistaken in the above account of what he saw.—­D.]

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Some of our present group wore, loose, round their necks, three or four folds of small cord, made of the fur of some animal; and others of them had a narrow slip of the kangooroo skin tied round their ankles.  I gave to each of them a string of beads and a medal, which I thought they received with some satisfaction.  They seemed to set no value on iron, or on iron tools.  They were even ignorant of the use of fish-hooks, if we might judge from their manner of looking at some of ours which we shewed to them.

We cannot, however, suppose it to be possible that a people who inhabit a sea-coast, and who seem to derive no part of their sustenance from the productions of the ground, should not be acquainted with some mode of catching fish, though we did not happen to see any of them thus employed, nor observe any canoe, or vessel, in which they could go upon the water.  Though they absolutely rejected the sort of fish that we offered to them, it was evident that shell-fish, at least, made a part of their food, from the many heaps of muscle-shells we saw in different parts near the shore, and about some deserted habitations near the head of the bay.  These were little sheds, or hovels, built of sticks, and covered with bark.  We could also perceive evident signs of their sometimes taking up their abode in the trunks of large trees, which had been hollowed out by fire, most probably for this very purpose.  In or near all these habitations, and wherever there was a heap of shells, there remained the marks of fire, an indubitable proof that they do not eat their food raw.

After staying about an hour with the wooding party and the natives, as I could now be pretty confident that the latter were not likely to give the former any disturbance, I left them, and went over to the grass-cutters on the east point of the bay, and found that they had met with a fine patch.  Having seen the boats loaded, I left that party, and returned on board to dinner; where, some time after, Lieutenant King arrived.

From him I learnt, that I had but just left the shore, when several women and children made their appearance, and were introduced to him by some of the men who attended them.  He gave presents to all of them, of such trifles as he had about him.  These females wore a kangooroo skin (in the same shape as it came from the animal) tied over the shoulders, and round the waist.  But its only use seemed to be to support their children when carried on their backs, for it did not cover those parts which most nations conceal; being, in all other respects, as naked as the men, and as black, and their bodies marked with scars in the same manner.  But in this they differed from the men, that though their hair was of the same colour and texture, some of them had their heads completely shorn or shaved; in others this operation had been performed only on one side, while the rest of them had all the upper part of the head shorn close, leaving a circle of hair all round, somewhat like the tonsure

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of the Romish ecclesiastics.[132] Many of the children had fine features, and were thought pretty; but of the persons of the women, especially those advanced in years, a less favourable report was made.  However, some of the gentlemen belonging to the Discovery, I was told, paid their addresses, and made liberal offers of presents, which were rejected with great disdain; whether from a sense of virtue, or the fear of displeasing their men, I shall not pretend to determine.  That this gallantry was not very agreeable to the latter, is certain; for an elderly man, as soon as he observed it, ordered all the women and children to retire, which they obeyed, though some of them shewed a little reluctance.

[Footnote 132:  Captain Cook’s account of the natives of Van Diemen’s Land, in this chapter, no doubt proves that they differ, in many respects, as he says, from the inhabitants of the more northerly parts of the east coast of New Holland, whom he met with in his first voyage.  It seems very remarkable, however, that the only woman any of his people came close to, in Botany Bay, should have her hair cropped short, while the man who was with her, is said to have had the hair of his head bushy, and his beard long and rough.  Could the natives of Van Diemen’s Land be more accurately described, than by saying that the hair of the men’s heads is bushy, and their beards long and rough, and that the women’s hair is cropped short?  So far north, therefore, as Botany Bay, the natives of the east coast of New Holland seem to resemble those of Van Diemen’s Land, in this circumstance.—­D.]

This conduct of Europeans amongst savages, to their women, is highly blameable; as it creates a jealousy in their men, that may be attended with consequences fatal to the success of the common enterprise, and to the whole body of adventurers, without advancing the private purpose of the individual, or enabling him to gain the object of his wishes.  I believe it has been generally found among uncivilized people, that where the women are easy of access, the men are the first to offer them to strangers; and that, where this is not the case, neither the allurement of presents, nor the opportunity of privacy, will be likely to have the desired effect.  This observation, I am sure, will hold good, throughout all the parts of the South Sea where I have been.  Why then should men act so absurd a part, as to risk their own safety, and that of all their companions, in pursuit of a gratification which they have no probability of obtaining?[133]

[Footnote 133:  In uncivilized nations, the women are completely subservient to the power and desires of the men, without seeming to possess, or to be allowed, a will or thought of their own.  Amongst them, therefore, the primitive mode of temptation must be reversed, and the husband is first to be gained over.  When this is done, all that follows, is understood and intended by him, as a sort of temporary barter;

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and the favours of his wife, or daughter, are valued by him just in the proportion they are sought for by those with whom he is dealing.  But where his animal necessities can scarcely be supplied, it cannot be imagined that he will be very sensible to the force of toys and trinkets as objects of temptation.  These, on the other hand, will carry most persuasion, where, through the greater bounty of nature, an avenue has been opened for the display of vanity and the love of ornament.  Any opposition on the female part in either case, is of no avail as a barrier against strangers, as he who is most concerned to protect it, finds his account in its sacrifice.  We have instances of both in Captain Cook’s voyages.—­E.]

In the afternoon I went again to the grass-cutters, to forward their work.  I found them then upon Penguin Island, where they had met with a plentiful crop of excellent grass.  We laboured hard till sun-set, and then repaired on board, satisfied with the quantity we had collected, and which I judged sufficient to last till our arrival in New Zealand.

During our whole stay, we had either calms or light airs from the eastward.  Little or no time, therefore, was lost by my putting in at this place.  For if I had kept the sea, we should not have been twenty leagues advanced farther on our voyage.  And, short as our continuance was here, it has enabled me to add somewhat to the imperfect acquaintance that hath hitherto been acquired, with this part of the globe.

Van Diemen’s Land has been twice visited before.  It was so named by Tasman, who discovered it in November 1642.  From that time it had escaped all farther notice by European navigators, till Captain Furneaux touched at it in March 1773.[134] I hardly need say, that it is the southern point of New Holland, which, if it doth not deserve the name of a continent, is by far the largest island in the world.

[Footnote 134:  This is a mistake, though unintentional, no doubt, and ignorantly on the part of Cook.  Captain Marion, a French navigator, and mentioned occasionally in these voyages, visited Van Diemen’s Land about a twelve-month before Captain Furneaux.  The account of his voyage was published at Paris in 1783, but is little known in England; for which reason, and because of its possessing a considerable degree of interest, Captain Flinders has given an abridgment of that portion of its contents which respects the land in question.  This the reader will find in his introduction, p. 83, or he may content himself with being informed, that the description it gives of the natives, &c, generally coincides with what is furnished in the text.  Subsequent to this voyage, it may be remarked, Captain Bligh put into Adventure Bay with his majesty’s ship Bounty, viz. in 1788:  and afterwards, viz. in 1792, the coast of Van Diemen’s Land was visited by the French Rear-Admiral D’Entrecasteaux.—­E.]

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The land is, for the most part, of a good height, diversified with hills and valleys, and every where of a greenish hue.  It is well wooded; and, if one may judge from appearances, and from what we met with in Adventure Bay, is not ill supplied with water.  We found plenty of it in three or four places in this bay.  The best, or what is most convenient for ships that touch here, is a rivulet, which is one of several that fall into a pond, that lies behind the beach at the head of the bay.  It there mixes with the sea-water, so that it must be taken up above this pond, which may be done without any great trouble.  Fire-wood is to be got, with great ease, in several places.

The only wind to which this bay is exposed, is the N.E.  But as this wind blows from Maria’s Islands, it can bring no very great sea along with it; and therefore, upon the whole, this may be accounted a very safe road.  The bottom is clean, good holding ground; and the depth of water from twelve to five and four fathoms.

Captain Furneaux’s sketch of Van Diemen’s Land, published with the narrative of my last voyage, appears to me to be without any material error, except with regard to Maria’s Islands, which have a different situation from what is there represented.[135] The longitude was determined by a great number of lunar observations, which we had before we made the land, while we were in sight of it, and after we had left it; and reduced to Adventure Bay, and the several principal points, by the time-keeper.  The following table will exhibit both the longitude and latitude at one view: 

Latitude South.    Longitude East: 
Adventure Bay,              43 deg.  21’  20”      147 deg.  29’  0”
Tasman’s Head,              43   33    0       147   28   0
South Cape,                 43   42    0       146   56   0
South-west Cape,            43   37    0       146    7   0
Swilly Isle,                43   55    0       147    6   0
Adventure          {  Variation of the compass 5 deg. 15’ E.
Bay,         {  Dip of the south end of the needle 70 deg. 15 1/2’.

We had high-water on the 29th, being two days before the last quarter of the moon, at nine in the morning.  The perpendicular rise then was eighteen inches, and there was no appearance of its ever having exceeded two feet and a half.  These are all the memorials useful to navigation, which my short stay has enabled me to preserve, with respect to Van Diemen’s Land.

[Footnote 135:  But Captain Flinders has pointed out some other mistakes, especially as to the Storm and Frederik Hendrik’s Bays of Tasman, in which, says he, “He has been followed by all the succeeding navigators, of the same nation, which has created not a little confusion in the geography of this part of the world.”  Let us prevent the perpetuity of errors, by quoting another passage from the same most accurate and skilful navigator.  “The bay supposed to have been Storm Bay, has no name in

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Tasman’s chart; though the particular plan shews that he noticed it, as did Marion, more distinctly.  The rocks marked at the east point of this bay, and called the Friars, are the Boreal’s Eylanden of Tasman; the true Storm Bay is the deep inlet, of which Adventure Bay is a cove.  Frederik Hendrik’s Bay is not within this inlet, but lies to the north-eastward, on the outer side of the land which Captain Furneaux, in consequence of his first mistake, took to be Maria’s Island, but which, in fact, is a part of the main land.”  A copy of Tasman’s charts is given in the atlas to D’Entrecasteaux’s voyage; it is taken from Valantyn, and is conformable to the manuscript charts in the Dutch journal.  But according to Flinders, it has an error of one degree too much east, in the scale of longitude.  Besides, he informs us, “In the plan of Frederik Hendrik’s Bay, the name is placed within the inner bay, instead of being written, as in the original, on the point of land between the inner and outer bays.”  He imagines the name was intended to comprise both, and refers to vol. iii. of Captain Burney’s History of Discoveries in the South Sea, for a copy of Tasman’s charts as they stand in the original.—­E.]

Mr Anderson, my surgeon, with his usual diligence, spent the few days we remained in Adventure Bay, in examining the country.  His account of its natural productions, with which he favoured me, will more than compensate for my silence about them:  Some of his remarks on the inhabitants will supply what I may have omitted, or represented imperfectly; and his specimen of their language, however short, will be thought worth attending to, by those who wish to collect materials for tracing the origin of nations.  I shall only premise, that the tall strait forest trees, which Mr Anderson describes in the following account, are of a different sort from those which are found in the more northern parts of this coast.  The wood is very long and close-grained, extremely tough, fit for spars, oars, and many other uses; and would, on occasion, make good masts, (perhaps none better,) if a method could be found to lighten it.

“At the bottom of Adventure Bay is a beautiful sandy beach, which seems to be wholly formed by the particles washed by the sea from a very fine white sand-stone, that in many places bounds the shore, and of which Fluted Cape, in the neighbourhood, from its appearance, seems to be composed.  This beach is about two miles long, and is excellently adapted for hauling a seine, which both ships did repeatedly with success.  Behind this is a plain or flat, with a salt, or rather brackish lake (running in length parallel with the beach), out of which we caught, with angling rods, many whitish bream, and some small trout.  The other parts of the country adjoining the bay are quite hilly; and both those and the flat are an entire forest of very tall trees, rendered almost impassable by shrubs, brakes of fern, and fallen trees; except on the sides of some of the hills, where the trees are but thin, and a coarse grass is the only interruption.”

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“To the northward of the bay there is low land, stretching farther than the eye can reach, which is only covered with wood in certain spots; but we had no opportunity to examine in what respects it differed from the hilly country.  The soil on the flat land is either sandy, or consists of a yellowish mould, and, in some places, of a reddish clay.  The same is found on the lower part of the hills; but farther up, especially where there are few trees, it is of a grey tough cast, to appearance very poor.”

“In the valleys between the hills, the water drains down from their sides; and at last, in some places, forms small brooks; such, indeed, as were sufficient to supply us with water, but by no means of that size we might expect in so extensive a country, especially as it is both hilly and well wooded.  Upon the whole, it has many marks of being naturally a very dry country; and perhaps might (independent of its wood) be compared to Africa, about the Cape of Good Hope, though that lies ten degrees farther northward, rather than to New Zealand, on its other side, in the same latitude, where we find every valley, however small, furnished with a considerable stream of water.  The heat, too, appears to be great, as the thermometer stood at 64, 70, and once at 74.  And it was remarked, that birds were seldom killed an hour or two, before they were almost covered with small maggots, which I would rather attribute merely to the heat; as we had not any reason to suppose there is a peculiar disposition in the climate to render substances soon putrid.”

“No mineral bodies, nor indeed stones of any other sort but the white sand one already mentioned, were observed.

“Amongst the vegetable productions, there is not one, that we could find, which afforded the smallest subsistence for man.”

“The forest trees are all of one sort, growing to a great height, and in general quite straight, branching but little, till toward the top.  The bark is white, which makes them appear, at a distance, as if they had been peeled; it is also thick; and within it are sometimes collected, pieces of a reddish transparent gum or rosin, which has an astringent taste.  The leaves of this tree are long, narrow, and pointed; and it bears clusters of small white flowers, whose cups were, at this time, plentifully scattered about the ground, with another sort resembling them somewhat in shape, but much larger; which makes it probable that there are two species of this tree.  The bark of the smaller branches, fruit, and leaves, have an agreeable pungent taste, and aromatic smell, not unlike peppermint; and in its nature, it has some affinity to the myrtus of botanists.”

“The most common tree, next to this, is a small one about ten feet high, branching pretty much, with narrow leaves, and a large, yellow, cylindrical flower, consisting only of a vast number of filaments; which, being shed, leave a fruit like a pine-top.  Both the above-mentioned trees are unknown in Europe.”

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“The underwood consists chiefly of a shrub somewhat resembling a myrtle, and which seems to be the leptospermum scoparium, mentioned in Dr Foster’s Char.  Gen. Plant.; and, in some places, of another, rather smaller, which is a new species of the melaleuca of Linnaeus.”

“Of other plants, which are by no means numerous, there is a species of gladiolus, rush, bell-flower, samphire, a small sort of wood-sorrel, milk-wort, cudweed, and Job’s tears; with a few others, peculiar to the place.  There are several kinds of fern, as polypody, spleenwort, female fern, and some mosses; but the species are either common, or at least found in some other countries, especially New Zealand.”

“The only animal of the quadruped kind we got, was a sort of opossum, about twice the size of a large rat; and is, most probably, the male of that species found at Endeavour river, as mentioned in Cook’s first voyage.  It is of a dusky colour above, tinged with a brown or rusty cast, and whitish below.  About a third of the tail, towards its tip, is white, and bare underneath; by which it probably hangs on the branches of trees, as it climbs these, and lives on berries.  The kangooroo, another animal found farther northward in New Holland, as described in the same voyage, without all doubt also inhabits here, as the natives we met with had some pieces of their skins; and we several times saw animals, though indistinctly, run from the thickets when we walked in the woods, which, from the size, could be no other.  It should seem also, that they are in considerable numbers, from the dung we saw almost every where, and from the narrow tracks or paths they have made amongst the shrubbery.”

“There are several sorts of birds, but all so scarce and shy, that they are evidently harrassed by the natives, who, perhaps, draw much of their subsistence from them.  In the woods, the principal sorts are large brown hawks or eagles; crows, nearly the same as ours in England; yellowish paroquets; and large pigeons.  There are also three or four small birds, one of which is of the thrush kind; and another small one, with a pretty long tail, has part of the head and neck of a most beautiful azure colour; from whence we named it motacilla cyanea.  On the shore were several common and sea gulls; a few black oyster-catchers, or sea-pies; and a pretty plover of a stone colour, with a black hood.  About the pond or lake behind the beach, a few wild-ducks were seen; and some shags used to perch upon the high leafless trees near the shore.”

“Some pretty large blackish snakes were seen in the woods; and we killed a large, hitherto unknown, lizard, fifteen inches long, and six round, elegantly clouded with black and yellow; besides a small sort, of a brown gilded colour above, and rusty below.”

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“The sea affords a much greater plenty, and at least as great a variety, as the land.  Of these the elephant fish, or pejegallo, mentioned in Frezier’s voyage,[136] are the most numerous; and though inferior to many other fish, were very palatable food.  Several large rays, nurses, and small leather-jackets, were caught; with some small white bream, which were firmer and better than those caught in the lake.  We likewise got a few soles and flounders; two sorts of gurnards, one of them a new species; some small spotted mullet; and, very unexpectedly, the small fish with a silver band on its side, called atherina hipsetus by Hasseiquist."[137]

[Footnote 136:  Tom. ii. p. 211. 12mo.  Planche XVII.]

[Footnote 137:  Iter Palastinum.]

“But that next in number, and superior in goodness, to the elephant fish, was a sort none of us recollected to have seen before.  It partakes of the nature both of a round and of a flat fish, having the eyes placed very near each other; the fore-part of the body much flattened or depressed, and the rest rounded.  It is of a brownish sandy colour, with rusty spots on the upper part, and whitish below.  From the quantity of slime it was always covered with, it seems to live after the manner of flat fish, at the bottom.”

“Upon the rocks are plenty of muscles, and some other small shell-fish.  There are also great numbers of sea-stars; some small limpets; and large quantities of sponge; one sort of which, that is thrown on shore by the sea, but not very common, has a most delicate texture; and another, is the spongia dichotoma.”

“Many pretty Medusa’s heads were found upon the beach; and the stinking laplysia or sea-hare, which, as mentioned by some authors, has the property of taking off the hair by the acrimony of its juice; but this sort was deficient in this respect.”

“Insects, though not numerous, are here in considerable variety.  Amongst them are grasshoppers, butterflies, and several sorts of small moths, finely variegated.  There are two sorts of dragon-flies, gad-flies, camel-flies; several sorts of spiders; and some scorpions; but the last are rather rare.  The most troublesome, though not very numerous tribe of insects, are the musquitoes; and a large black ant, the pain of whose bite is almost intolerable, during the short time it lasts.  The musquitoes, also, make up the deficiency of their number, by the severity of their venomous proboscis.”

“The inhabitants whom we met with here, had little of that fierce or wild appearance common to people in their situation; but, on the contrary, seemed mild and cheerful, without reserve or jealousy of strangers.  This, however, may arise from their having little to lose or care for.”

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“With respect to personal activity or genius, we can say but little of either.  They do not seem to possess the first in any remarkable degree; and as for the last, they have, to appearance, less than even the half-animated inhabitants of Terra del Fuego, who have not invention sufficient to make clothing for defending themselves from the rigour of their climate, though furnished with the materials.  The small stick, rudely pointed, which one of them carried in his hand, was the only thing we saw that required any mechanical exertion, if we except the fixing on the feet of some of them pieces of kangooroo skin, tied with thongs; though it could not be learnt whether these were in use as shoes, or only to defend some sore.  It must be owned, however, they are masters of some contrivance in the manner of cutting their arms and bodies in lines of different lengths and directions, which are raised considerably above the surface of the skin, so that it is difficult to guess the method they use in executing this embroidery of their persons.  Their not expressing that surprise which one might have expected from their seeing men so much unlike themselves, and things, to which, we were well assured, they had been hitherto utter strangers; their indifference for our presents; and their general inattention; were sufficient proofs of their not possessing any acuteness of understanding.”

“Their colour is a dull black, and not quite so deep as that of the African negroes.  It should seem also, that they sometimes heightened their black colour, by smutting their bodies; as a mark was left behind on any clean substance, such as white paper, when they handled it.  Their hair, however, is perfectly woolly, and it is clotted or divided into small parcels, like that of the Hottentots, with the use of some sort of grease, mixed with a red paint or ochre, which they smear in great abundance over their heads.  This practice, as some might imagine, has not the effect of changing their hair into the frizzling texture we observed; for, on examining the head of a boy, which appeared never to have been smeared, I found the hair to be of the same kind.  Their noses, though not flat, are broad and full.  The lower part of the face projects a good deal, as is the case of more Indians I have seen; so that a line let fall from the forehead would cut off a much larger portion, than it would in Europeans.  Their eyes are of a middling size, with the white less clear than in us; and though not remarkably quick or piercing, such as give a frank cheerful cast to the whole countenance.  Their teeth are broad, but not equal, nor well set; and, either from nature or from dirt, not of so true a white as is usual among people of a black colour.  Their mouths are rather wide; but this appearance seems heightened by wearing their beards long, and clotted with paint, in the same manner as the hair on their heads.  In other respects, they are well-proportioned; though the belly seems rather projecting.  This may be owing to the want of compression there, which few nations do not use, more or less.  The posture of which they seem fondest, is to stand with one side forward, or the upper part of the body gently reclined, and one hand grasping (across the back) the opposite arm, which hangs down by the projecting side.”

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“What the ancient poets tell us of Fauns and Satyrs living in hollow trees, is here realized.  Some wretched constructions of sticks, covered with bark, which do not even deserve the name of huts, were indeed found near the shore in the bay; but these seemed only to have been erected for temporary purposes; and many of their largest trees were converted into more comfortable habitations.  These had their trunks hollowed out by fire, to the height of six or seven feet; and that they take up their abode in them sometimes, was evident from the hearths, made of clay, to contain the fire in the middle, leaving room for four or five persons to sit round it.[138] At the same time, these places of shelter are durable; for they take care to leave one side of the tree sound, which is sufficient to keep it growing as luxuriantly as those which remain untouched.”

[Footnote 138:  Tasman, when in the bay of Frederick Henry, adjoining to Adventure Bay, found two trees, one of which was two fathoms, and the other two fathoms and a half in girth, and sixty or sixty-five feet high, from the root to the branches.—­See his Voyage, in Harris’s Collection, Campbell’s Edition, vol. i. p. 326.—­D.]

“The inhabitants of this place are, doubtless, from the same stock with those of the northern parts of New Holland.  Though some of the circumstances mentioned by Dampier, relative to those he met with on the western coast of this country, such as their defective sight, and want of fore-teeth, are not found here; and though Hawkesworth’s account of those met with by Captain Cook on the east side, shews also that they differ in many respects; yet still, upon the whole, I am persuaded that distance of place, entire separation, diversity of climate, and length of time, all concurring to operate, will account for greater differences, both as to their persons and as to their customs, than really exist between our Van Diemen’s Land natives, and those described by Dampier, and in Captain Cook’s first voyage.  This is certain, that the figure of one of those seen in Endeavour River, and represented in Sidney Parkinson’s Journal of that voyage, very much resembles our visitors in Adventure Bay.  That there is not the like resemblance in their language, is a circumstance that need not create any difficulty.  For though the agreement of the languages of people living distant from each other, may be assumed as a strong argument for their having sprung from one common source, disagreement of language is by no means a proof of the contrary."[139]

[Footnote 139:  The ingenious author of Recherches sur les Americains illustrates the grounds of this assertion in the following satisfactory manner:  “C’est quelque chose de surprenant, que la foule des idiomes, tous varies entr’eux, que parlent les naturels de l’Amerique Septentrionale.  Qu’on reduise ces idiomes a des racines qu’on les simplifie, qu’on en separe les dialectes et les jargons derives, il en resulte toujours cinq

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ou six languesmeres, respectivement incomprehensibles.  On a observe la meme singularite dans la Siberie et la Tartarie, ou le nombre des idiomes, et les dialectes, est egalement multiplie; et rien n’est plus commun, que d’y voir deux hordes voisines qui ne se comprennent point.  On retrouve cette meme multiplicite de jargons dans toutes les Provinces de l’Amerique Meridionale.” [He might also have included Africa.] “Il y a beaucoup d’apparence que la vie sauvage, en dispersant les hommes par petites troupes isolees dans des bois epais, occasione necessairement cette grande diversite des langues, dont le nombre diminue a mesure que la societe, en rassemblant les barbares vagabonds, en forme un corps de nation.  Alors l’idiome le plus riche, ou le moins panvre en mots, devient dominant, et absorbe les autres.”  Tom. i. p. 159, 160.—­D.]

“However, we must have a far more intimate acquaintance with the languages spoken here, and in the more northern parts of New Holland, before we can be warranted to pronounce that they are totally different.  Nay, we have good grounds for the opposite opinion; for we found that the animal called kangooroo at Endeavour river, was known under the same name here; and I need not observe, that it is scarcely possible to suppose that this was not transmitted from one another, but accidentally adopted by two nations, differing in language and extraction.  Besides, as it seems very improbable that the Van Diemen’s Land inhabitants should have ever lost the use of canoes or sailing vessels, if they had been originally conveyed thither by sea, we must necessarily admit that they, as well as the kangooroo itself, have been stragglers by land from the more northern parts of the country.  And if there be any force in this observation, while it traces the origin of the people, it will, at the same time, serve to fix another point, if Captain Cook and Captain Furneaux have not already decided it, that New Holland is no where totally divided by the sea into islands, as some have imagined."[140]

[Footnote 140:  The reader is aware of the erroneous opinion generally entertained at this time, of Van Diemen’s Land being connected with the continent of New Holland.  He will therefore modify the remark above given, as to its inhabitants being stragglers by land from the more northern parts of the country.  It is of some consequence also to inform him, that in the visit of D’Entrecasteaux, it was found that the people who inhabited the shores of the channel were in possession of bark canoes.—­E.]

“As the New Hollanders seem all to be of the same extraction, so neither do I think there is any thing peculiar in them.  On the contrary, they much resemble many of the inhabitants whom I have seen at the islands Tanna and Mallicolla.  Nay, there is even some foundation for hazarding a supposition, that they may have originally come from the same place with all the inhabitants of the South Sea.  For, of only about ten words which we could get from them, that which expresses cold, differs little from that of New Zealand and Otaheite; the first being Mallareede, the second Makkareede, and the third Mareede.  The rest of our very scanty Van Diemen’s Land Vocabulary is as follows: 

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Quadne,               A woman.
Everai,               The eye.
Muidje,               The nose.
Kamy,                 The teeth, mouth, or tongue. 
Laerenne,             A small bird, a native of the woods here. 
Koygee,               The ear. 
Noonga,               Elevated scars on the body. 
Teegera,              To eat. 
Togarago,             I must begone, or, I will go.

“Their pronunciation is not disagreeable; but rather quick; though not more so than is that of other nations of the South Sea; and, if we may depend upon the affinity of languages as a clue to guide us in discovering the origin of nations, I have no doubt but we shall find, on a diligent enquiry, and when opportunities offer to collect accurately a sufficient number of these words, and to compare them, that all the people from New Holland, eastward to Easter Island, have been derived from the same common root."[141]

[Footnote 141:  We find Mr Anderson’s notions on this subject conformable to those of Mr Marsden, who has remarked, “that one general language prevailed (however mutilated and changed in the course of time) throughout all this portion of the world, from Madagascar to the most distant discoveries eastward; of which the Malay is a dialect, much corrupted or refined by a mixture of other tongues.  This very extensive similarity of language indicates a common origin of the inhabitants; but the circumstances and progress of their separation are wrapped in the darkest veil of obscurity.”—­History of Sumatra, p. 35.

See also his very curious paper, read before the Society of Antiquaries, and published in their Archaeologia, vol. vi, p. 155; where his sentiments on this subject are explained more at large, and illustrated by two Tables of corresponding Words.—­D.]


The Passage from Van Diemen’s Land to New Zealand.—­Employments in Queen Charlotte’s Sound.—­Transactions with the Natives there.—­Intelligence about the Massacre of the Adventure’s Boat’s Crew.—­Account of the Chief who headed the Party on that occasion.—­Of the two young Men who embark to attend Omai.—­Various Remarks on the Inhabitants.—­Astronomical and Nautical Observations.

At eight o’clock in the morning of the 30th of January, a light breeze springing up at W., we weighed anchor, and put to sea from Adventure Bay.  Soon after, the wind veered to the southward, and increased to a perfect storm.  Its fury abated in the evening, when it veered to the E, and N.E.

This gale was indicated by the barometer, for the wind no sooner began to blow, than the mercury in the tube began to fall.  Another remarkable thing attended the coming on of this wind, which was very faint at first.  It brought with it a degree of heat that was almost intolerable.  The mercury in the thermometer rose, as it were instantaneously, from about 70 deg. to near 90 deg..  This heat was of so short a continuance, that it seemed to be wafted away before the breeze that brought it; so that some on board did not perceive it.

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We pursued our course to the eastward, without meeting with any thing worthy of note, till the night between the 6th and 7th of February, when a marine belonging to the Discovery fell over-board, and was never seen afterward.  This was the second misfortune of the kind that had happened to Captain Clerke since he left England.

On the 10th, at four in the afternoon, we discovered the land of New Zealand.  The part we saw proved to be Rock’s Point, and bore S.E. by S., about eight or nine leagues distant.  During this run from Van Diemen’s Land, the wind, for the first four or five days, was at N.E., N., and N.N.W., and blew, for the most part, a gentle breeze.  It afterward veered to S.E., where it remained twenty-four hours.  It then came to W. and S.W.; in which points it continued, with very little deviation, till we reached New Zealand.

After making the land, I steered for Cape Farewell, which at day-break the next morning bore S. by W., distant about four leagues.  At eight o’clock, it bore S.W. by S., about five leagues distant; and, in this situation, we had forty-five fathoms water over a sandy bottom.  In rounding the Cape we had fifty fathoms, and the same sort of bottom.

I now steered for Stephens’s Island, which we came up with at nine o’clock at night; and at ten, next morning, anchored in our old station, in Queen Charlotte’s Sound.  Unwilling to lose any time, our operations commenced that very afternoon, when we landed a number of empty water-casks, and began to clear a place where we might set up the two observatories, and tents for the reception of a guard, and of such of our people whose business might make it necessary for them to remain on shore.

We had not been long at anchor before several canoes, filled-with natives, came along-side of the ships; but very few of them would venture on board; which appeared the more extraordinary, as I was well known to them all.  There w as one man in particular amongst them, whom I had treated with remarkable kindness, during the whole of my stay when I was last here.  Yet now, neither professions of friendship, nor presents, could prevail upon him to come into the ship.  This shyness was to be accounted for only upon this supposition, that they were apprehensive we had revisited their country, in order to revenge the death of Captain Furneaux’s people.  Seeing Omai on board my ship now, whom they must have remembered to have seen on board the Adventure when the melancholy affair happened, and whose first conversation with them, as they approached, generally turned on that subject, they must be well assured that I was no longer a stranger to it.  I thought it necessary, therefore, to use every endeavour to assure them of the continuance of my friendship, and that I should not disturb them on that account.  I do not know whether this had any weight with them; but certain it is, that they very soon laid aside all manner of restraint and distrust.

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On the 13th we set up two tents, one from each ship, on the same spot where we had pitched them formerly.  The observatories were at the same time erected; and Messrs King and Bayly began their operations immediately, to find the rate of the time-keeper, and to make other observations.  The remainder of the empty water-casks were also sent on shore, with the cooper to trim, and a sufficient number of sailors to fill them.  Two men were appointed to brew spruce beer; and the carpenter and his crew were ordered to cut wood.  A boat, with a party of men, under the direction of one of the mates, was sent to collect grass for our cattle; and the people that remained on board were employed in refitting the ship, and arranging the provisions.  In this manner we were all profitably busied during our stay.  For the protection of the party on shore, I appointed a guard of ten marines, and ordered arms for all the workmen; and Mr King, and two or three petty officers, constantly remained with them.  A boat was never sent to any considerable distance from the ships without being armed, and under direction of such officers as I could depend upon, and who were well acquainted with the natives.  During my former visits to this country, I had never taken some of these precautions; nor were they, I firmly believe, more necessary now than they had been formerly.  But after the tragical fate of the Adventure’s boat’s crew in this sound, and of Captain Marion du Fresne, and of some of his people, in the Bay of Islands (in 1772), it was impossible totally to divest ourselves of all apprehension of experiencing a similar calamity.

If the natives entertained any suspicion of our revenging these acts of barbarity, they very soon laid it aside.  For, during the course of this day, a great number of families came from different parts or the coast, and took up their residence close to us; so that there was not a spot in the cove where a hut could be put up, that was not occupied by them, except the place where we had fixed our little encampment.  This they left us in quiet possession of; but they came and took away the ruins of some old huts that were there, as materials for their new erections.

It is curious to observe with what facility they build these occasional places of abode.  I have seen above twenty of them erected on a spot of ground, that, not an hour before, was covered with shrubs and plants.  They generally bring some part of the materials with them; the rest they find upon the premises.  I was present when a number of people landed, and built one of these villages.  The moment the canoes reached the shore, the men leaped out, and at once took possession of a piece of ground, by tearing up the plants and shrubs, or sticking up some part of the framing of a hut.  They then returned to their canoes, and secured their weapons, by setting them up against a tree, or placing them in such a position, that they could be laid hold of in an instant. 

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I took particular notice that no one neglected this precaution.  While the men were employed in raising the huts, the women were not idle.  Some were stationed to take care of the canoes; others to secure the provisions, and the few utensils in their possession; and the rest went to gather dry sticks, that a fire might be prepared for dressing their victuals.  As to the children, I kept them, as also some of the more aged, sufficiently occupied in scrambling for beads, till I had emptied my pockets, and then I left them.

These temporary habitations are abundantly sufficient to afford shelter from the wind and rain, which is the only purpose they are meant to answer.  I observed that, generally, if not always, the same tribe or family, though it were ever so large, associated and built together; so that we frequently saw a village, as well as their larger towns, divided into different districts, by low pallisades, or some similar mode of separation.

The advantage we received from the natives coming to live with us, was not inconsiderable.  For, every day, when the weather would permit, some of them went out to catch fish; and we generally got, by exchanges, a good share of the produce of their labours.  This supply, and what our own nets and lines afforded us, was so ample, that we seldom were in want of fish.  Nor was there any deficiency of other refreshments.  Celery, scurvy-grass, and portable soup were boiled with the pease and wheat, for both ships’ companies, every day daring our whole stay; and they had spruce-beer for their drink.  So that, if any of our people had contracted the seeds of the scurvy, such a regimen soon removed them.  But the truth is, when we arrived here, there were only two invalids (and these on board the Resolution) upon the sick lists in both ships.

Besides the natives who took up their abode close to us, we were occasionally visited by others of them, whose residence was not far off; and by some who lived more remote.  Their articles of commerce were, curiosities, fish, and women.  The two first always came to a good market, which the latter did not.  The seamen had taken a kind of dislike to these people, and were either unwilling, or afraid, to associate with them; which produced this good effect, that I knew no instance of a man’s quitting his station, to go to their habitations.

A connection with women I allow, because I cannot prevent it; but never encourage, because I always dread its consequences.  I know, indeed, that many men are of opinion, that such an intercourse is one of our greatest securities amongst savages; and perhaps they who, either from necessity or choice, are to remain and settle with them, may find it so.  But with travellers and transient visitors, such as we were, it is generally otherwise; and, in our situation, a connection with their women betrays more men than it saves.  What else can be reasonably expected, since all their views are selfish, without the least mixture of regard or attachment?  My own experience, at least, which hath been pretty extensive, hath not pointed out to me one instance to the contrary.[142]

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[Footnote 142:  We ought to distinguish betwixt the affection of the sexes, and those gross physical principles which lead to their temporary intercourse.  The latter exist, in some degree or other, wherever the difference of sex is found; but the former is the result of refinement in feeling, and a habit of reflection on objects of common interest, which civilization alone can produce.  This is with respect to members of the same community; much more does the rule hold where strangers are concerned.  It is positively absurd for them to expect affection, where the lawful and accustomed possessors of the she-savage have never yet been fortunate enough to elicit its display.  Well, therefore, has Captain Cook remarked, that the motives which lead to their occasional connexion are selfish, by which must be understood, the mercenary nature of the principle which actuates the female.—­E.]

Amongst our occasional visitors was a chief named Kahoora, who, as I was informed, headed the party that cut off Captain Furneaux’s people, and himself killed Mr Howe, the officer who commanded.  To judge of the character of Kahoora, by what I heard from many of his countrymen, he seemed to be more feared than beloved amongst them.  Not satisfied with telling me that he was a very bad man, some of them even importuned me to kill him; and, I believe, they were not a little surprised that I did not listen to them; for, according to their ideas of equity, this ought to have been done.  But if I had followed the advice of all our pretended friends, I might have extirpated the whole race; for the people of each hamlet, or village, by turns, applied to me to destroy the other.  One would have almost thought it impossible, that so striking a proof of the divided state in which this miserable people live, could have been assigned.  And yet I was sure that I did not misconceive the meaning of those who made these strange applications to me; for Omai, whose language was a dialect of their own, and perfectly understood all that they said, was our interpreter.

On the 15th, I made an excursion in my boat to look for grass, and visited the Hippah, or fortified village at the S.W. point of Motuara, and the places where our gardens had been planted on that island.  There were no people at the former; but the houses and pallisades had been rebuilt, and were now in a state of good repair; and there were other evident marks of its having been inhabited not long before.  It would be unnecessary, at present, to give a particular account of this Hippah, sufficient notice having been taken of it in the account of my first voyage.

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When the Adventure arrived first at Queen Charlotte’s Sound, in 1773, Mr Bayly fixed upon this place for making his observations; and he, and the people with him, at their leisure hours, planted several spots with English garden seeds.  Not the least vestige of these now remained.  It is probable that they had been all rooted out to make room for buildings, when the village was re-inhabited; for, at all the other gardens then planted by Captain Furneaux, although now wholly over-run with the weeds of the country, we found cabbages, onions, leeks, purslain, radishes, mustard, &c. and a few potatoes.  These potatoes, which were first brought from the Cape of Good Hope, had been greatly improved by change of soil; and, with proper cultivation, would be superior to those produced in most other countries.  Though the New Zealanders are fond of this root, it was evident that they had not taken the trouble to plant a single one (much less any other of the articles which we had introduced); and if it were not for the difficulty of clearing ground where potatoes had been once planted, there would not have been any now remaining.

On the 16th, at day-break, I set out with a party of men, in five boats, to collect food for our cattle.  Captain Clerke, and several of the officers, Omai, and two of the natives, accompanied me.  We proceeded about three leagues up the sound, and then landed on the east side, at a place where I had formerly been.  Here we cut as much grass as loaded the two launches.

As we returned down the sound, we visited Grass Cove, the memorable scene of the massacre of Captain Furneaux’s people.  Here I met with my old friend Pedro, who was almost continually with me the last time I was in this sound, and is mentioned in my History of that Voyage.  He, and another of his countrymen, received us on the beach, armed with the pa-too and spear.  Whether this form of reception was a mark of their courtesy or of their fear, I cannot say; but I thought they betrayed manifest signs of the latter.  However, if they had any apprehensions, a few presents soon removed them, and brought down to the beach two or three more of the family; but the greatest part of them remained out of sight.

Whilst we were at this place, our curiosity prompted us to enquire into the circumstances attending the melancholy fate of our countrymen; and Omai was made use of as our interpreter for this purpose.  Pedro, and the rest of the natives present, answered all the questions that were put to them on the subject, without reserve, and like men who are under no dread of punishment for a crime of which they are not guilty.  For we already knew that none of them had been concerned in the unhappy transaction.  They told us, that while our people were sitting at dinner, surrounded by several of the natives, some of the latter stole, or snatched from them, some bread and fish, for which they were beat.  This being resented, a quarrel ensued, and two New Zealanders were shot dead, by

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the only two musquets that were fired.  For before our people had time to discharge a third, or to load again those that had been fired, the natives rushed in upon them, overpowered them with their numbers, and put them all to death.  Pedro and his companions, besides relating the history of the massacre, made us acquainted with the very spot that was the scene of it.  It is at the corner of the cove on the right hand.  They pointed to the place of the sun, to mark to us at what hour of the day it happened; and, according to this, it must have been late in the afternoon.  They also shewed us the place where the boat lay; and it appeared to be about two hundred yards distant from that where the crew were seated.  One of their number, a black servant of Captain Furneaux, was left in the boat to take care of her.

We were afterward told that this black was the cause of the quarrel, which was said to have happened thus:  One of the natives stealing something out of the boat, the Negro gave him a severe blow with a stick.  The cries of the fellow being heard by his countrymen at a distance, they imagined he was killed, and immediately began the attack on our people; who, before they had time to reach the boat, or to arm themselves against the unexpected impending danger, fell a sacrifice to the fury of their savage assailants.

The first of these accounts was confirmed by the testimony of many of the natives whom we conversed with at different times, and who, I think, could have no interest in deceiving us.  The second manner of relating the transaction, rests upon the authority of the young New Zealander, who chose to abandon his country and go away with us, and who, consequently, could have no possible view in disguising the truth.  All agreeing that the quarrel happened when the boat’s crew were sitting at their meal, it is highly probable that both accounts are true, as they perfectly coincide.  For we may very naturally suppose, that while some of the natives were stealing from the man who had been left in the boat, others of them might take the same liberties with the property of our people who were on shore.

Be this as it will, all agree that the quarrel first took its rise from some thefts, in the commission of which the natives were detected.  All agree, also, that there was no premeditated plan of bloodshed, and that, if these thefts had not been unfortunately too hastily resented no mischief would have happened.  For Kahoora’s greatest enemies, those who solicited his destruction most earnestly, at the same time confessed that he had no intention to quarrel, much less to kill, till the fray had actually commenced.  It also appears that the unhappy victims were under no sort of apprehension of their fate, otherwise they never would have ventured to sit down to a repast at so considerable a distance from their boat, amongst people who were the next moment to be their murderers.  What became of the boat I never could learn.  Some said she was pulled to pieces and burnt, others told us that she was carried, they knew not whither, by a party of strangers.

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We stayed here till the evening, when, having loaded the rest of the boats with grass, celery, scurvy-grass, &c. we embarked to return to the ships.  We had prevailed upon Pedro to launch his canoe, and accompany us; but we had scarcely put off from the shore when the wind began to blow very hard at N.W., which obliged him to put back, We proceeded ourselves, but it was with a good deal of difficulty that we could reach the ships, where some of the boats did not arrive till one o’clock the next morning; and it was fortunate that they got on board then, for it afterward blew a perfect storm, with abundance of rain, so that no manner of work could go forward that day.  In the evening the gale ceased, and the wind, having veered to the E., brought with it fair weather.

The next day we resumed our works; the natives ventured out to catch fish; and Pedro, with all his family, came and took up his abode near us.  The chief’s proper name is Matahouah; the other being given him by some of my people during my last voyage, which I did not know till now.  He was, however, equally well known amongst his countrymen by both names.

On the 20th, in the forenoon, we had another storm from, the N.W.  Though this was not of so long continuance as the former, the gusts of wind from the hills were far more violent, insomuch that we were obliged to strike the yards and top-masts to the very utmost; and, even with all this precaution, it was with difficulty that we rode it out.  These storms are very frequent here, and sometimes violent and troublesome.  The neighbouring mountains, which at these times are always loaded with vapours, not only increase the force of the wind, but alter its direction in such a manner, that no two blasts follow each other from the same quarter; and the nearer the shore, the more their effects are felt.

The next day we were visited by a tribe or family, consisting of about thirty persons, men, women and children, who came from the upper part of the Sound.  I had never seen them before.  The name of their chief was Tomatongeauooranuc, a man of about forty-five years of age, with a cheerful open countenance; and, indeed, the rest of his tribe were, in general, the handsomest of the New Zealand race I had ever met with.

By this time more than two-thirds of the inhabitants, of the Sound had settled themselves about us.  Great numbers of them daily frequented the ships, and the encampment on shore; but the latter became, by far, the most favourite place of resort, while our people there were melting some seal blubber.  No Greenlander was ever fonder of train-oil than our friends here seemed to be.  They relished the very skimmings of the kettle, and dregs of the casks; but a little of the pure stinking oil was a delicious feast, so eagerly desired, that I suppose it is seldom enjoyed.

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Having got on board as much hay and grass as we judged sufficient to serve the cattle till our arrival at Otaheite, and having completed the wood and water of both ships, on the 23d we struck our tents, and carried every thing off from the shore, and next morning we weighed anchor, and stood out of the cove.  But the wind not being very fair, and finding that the tide of ebb would be spent before we could get out of the Sound, we cast anchor again a little without the island Motuara, to wait for a more favourable opportunity of putting into the strait.

While we were unmooring and getting under sail, Tomatongeauooranuc, Matahouah, and many more of the natives, came to take their leave of us, or rather to obtain, if they could, some additional presents from us before we left them.  These two chiefs became suitors to me for some goats and hogs.  Accordingly, I gave to Matahouah two goats, a male, and female with kid; and to Tomatongeauooranuc two pigs, a boar and a sow.  They made me a promise not to kill them; though, I must own, I put no great faith in this.  The animals which Captain Furneaux sent on shore here, and which soon after fell into the hands of the natives, I was now told were all dead; but I could get no intelligence about the fate of those I had left in West Bay, and in Cannibal Cove, when I was here in the course of my last voyage.  However, all the natives whom I conversed with, agreed, that poultry are now to be met with wild in the woods behind Ship Cove; and I was afterward informed, by the two youths who went away with us, that Tiratou, a popular chief amongst them, had a great many cocks and hens in his separate possession, and one of the sows.

On my present arrival at this place, I fully intended to have left not only goats and hogs, but sheep, and a young bull, with two heifers, if I could have found either a chief powerful enough to protect and keep them, or a place where there might be a probability of their being concealed from those who would ignorantly attempt to destroy them.  But neither the one nor the other presented itself to me.  Tiratou was now absent; and Tringoboohee, whom I had met with during my last voyage, and who seemed to be a person of much consequence at that time, had been killed five months ago, with about seventy persons of his tribe; and I could not learn that there now remained in our neighbourhood any tribe, whose numbers could secure to them a superiority of power over the rest of their countrymen.  To have given the animals to any of the natives who possessed no such power, would not have answered the intention; for in a country like this, where no man’s property is secure, they would soon have fallen a prey to different parties, and been either separated or killed, but most likely both.  This was so evident, from what we had observed since our arrival, that I had resolved to leave no kind of animal till Matahouah and the other chief solicited me for the hogs and goats.  As I could spare them, I let them go, to take their chance.  I have at different times, left in New Zealand not less than ten or a dozen hogs, besides those put on shore by Captain Furneaux.  It will be a little extraordinary, therefore, if this race should not increase and be preserved here, either in a wild or in a domestic state, or in both.

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We had not been long at anchor near Motuara, before three or four canoes, filled with natives, came off to us from the S.E. side of the sound; and a brisk trade was carried on with them for the curiosities of this place.  In one of these canoes was Kahoora, whom I have already mentioned as the leader of the party who cut off the crew of the Adventure’s boat.  This was the third time he had visited us, without betraying the smallest appearance of fear.  I was ashore when he now arrived, but had got on board just as he was going away.  Omai, who had returned with me, presently pointed him out, and solicited me to shoot him.  Not satisfied with this, he addressed himself to Kahoora, threatening to be his executioner if ever he presumed to visit us again.

The New Zealander paid so little regard to these threats, that he returned the next morning with his whole family, men, women, and children, to the number of twenty and upward.  Omai was the first who acquainted me with his being along-side the ship, and desired to know if he should ask him to come on board.  I told him he might; and accordingly he introduced the chief into the cabin, saying, “There is Kahoora, kill him!” But, as if he had forgot his former threats, or were afraid that I should call upon him to perform them, he immediately retired.  In a short time, however, he returned; and seeing the chief unhurt, he expostulated with me very earnestly, saying, “Why do you not kill him?  You tell me, if a man kills another in England that he is hanged for it.  This man has killed ten, and yet you will not kill him, though many of his countrymen desire it, and it would be very good.”  Omai’s arguments, though specious enough, having no weight with me, I desired him to ask the chief why he had killed Captain Furneaux’s people?  At this question, Kahoora folded his arms, hung down his head, and looked like one caught in a trap; and I firmly believe he expected instant death.  But no sooner was he assured of his safety, than he became cheerful.  He did not, however, seem willing to give me an answer to the question that had been put to him, till I had, again and again, repeated my promise that he should not be hurt.  Then he ventured to tell us, “That one of his countrymen having brought a stone hatchet to barter, the man, to whom it was offered, took it, and would neither return it, nor give any thing for it; on which the owner of it snatched up the bread as an equivalent, and then the quarrel began.”

The remainder of Kahoora’s account of this unhappy affair, differed very little from what we had before learnt from the rest of his countrymen.  He mentioned the narrow escape he had during the fray; a musquet being levelled at him, which he avoided by skulking behind the boat; and another man, who stood close to him, was shot dead.  As soon as the musquet was discharged, he instantly seized the opportunity to attack Mr Rowe, who commanded the party, and who defended himself with his hanger, (with which he wounded Kahoora in the arm,) till he was overpowered by numbers.

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Mr Burney, who was sent by Captain Furneaux the next day, with an armed party, to look for his missing people, upon discovering the horrid proofs of their shocking fate, had fired several vollies amongst the crowds of natives who still remained assembled on the spot, and were probably partaking of the detestable banquet.  It was natural to suppose that he had not fired in vain; and that, therefore, some of the murderers and devourers of our unhappy countrymen had suffered under our just resentment.  Upon enquiry, however, into this matter, not only from Kahoora, but from others who had opportunities of knowing, it appeared that our supposition was groundless, and that not one of the shot fired by Mr Burney’s people had taken effect, so as to kill, or even to hurt, a single person.[143]

[Footnote 143:  Mr Burney was not warranted in firing.  It was not possible for him, at the time, to know whether or not his comrades had been justly punished for aggressions on the savages.  He acted, therefore, from the impulse of blind revenge.  But such a motive, though natural enough it may be, must, nevertheless, be condemned by every law recognised among civilized nations.  Even his observing these people engaged in feasting on the victims of their fury, much indeed as it would necessarily augment his abhorrence, could not be allowed a sufficient plea for his attacking them; because the principles which ought to govern the conduct of a member of such a society as he belonged to, are indiscriminately imperative in their nature, and do not allow any latitude of dispensation to an individual.  The only thing that warrants the violation of them, is the necessity imposed by a still higher law,—­that of preserving his own existence.  But, in the present instance, it does not appear that he was in any danger.—­E.]

It was evident, that most of the natives we had met with since our arrival, as they knew I was fully acquainted with the history of the massacre, expected I should avenge it with the death of Kahoora.  And many of them seemed not only to wish it, but expressed their surprise at my forbearance.  As he could not be ignorant of this, it was a matter of wonder to me that he put himself so often in my power.  When he visited us while the ships lay in the cove, confiding in the number of his friends that accompanied him, he might think himself safe; but his two last visits had been made under such circumstances, that he could no longer rely upon this.  We were then at anchor in the entrance of the sound, and at some distance from any shore; so that he could not have any assistance from thence, nor flatter himself he could have the means of making his escape, had I determined to detain him.  And yet, after his first fears, on being interrogated, were over, he was so far from entertaining any uneasy sensations, that, on seeing a portrait of one of his countrymen hanging up in the cabin, he desired to have his own portrait drawn; and sat till

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Mr Webber had finished it, without marking the least impatience.  I must confess I admired his courage, and was not a little pleased to observe the extent of the confidence he put in me; for he placed his whole safety in the declarations I had uniformly made to those who solicited his death, That I had always been a friend to them all, and would continue so, unless they gave me cause to act otherwise; that as to their inhuman treatment of our people, I should think no more of it, the transaction having happened long ago, and when I was not present; but that, if ever they made a second attempt of that kind, they might rest assured of feeling the weight of my resentment.[144]

[Footnote 144:  Here Captain Cook acted wisely; and, indeed, throughout the whole transaction, his conduct merits the highest applause.  To resist the solicitations of envy and revenge, where acquiescence would have proved so availing to his reputation, and so secure in its display, implied a conscientious regard to an invisible authority, which must ever be allowed to constitute a feature of excellence in any man to whom power is committed.  His threatening is not to be considered as any exception to what is now said in his praise, being, in fact, a beneficial intimation calculated to secure subjection to a necessary law.  Here it may not be amiss to remark, that savages, little as some men think of them, are possessed of all the faculties of human nature; and that conscience, that principle, which, more than reason, characterizes our species, has as true and as efficient an existence in their breasts.  Now this always respects a superior power, and is the source of that indescribable dread of some opposing and awful agency, which never fails to visit the transgressor of its dictates.  We must not, however, ascribe to it every apprehension of danger with which the mind is occasionally disturbed.  There is a sort of fear of evil which seems common to us with the lower animals, and which cannot therefore be imagined to have any connection with moral delinquency.  This latter, it is probable, was all that Kahoora experienced in his first interview with Cook after the massacre; and hence his apprehensions would easily be subdued by the assurances which that gentleman made him.  In fact, from the facility of his confidence, we may almost certainly infer his consciousness of innocence, notwithstanding his share in the commission of the deed.  This implies no inconsistency, as every thinking person will at once perceive; for it must be remembered, that there is no evidence whatever as to any design or premeditated plan on the part of the savages.  Had his dread been of the former kind, it is scarcely conceivable that the utmost assurances of indemnity which Cook could give, would have produced so unaffected a manifestation of ease as is described.—­E.]

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For some time before we arrived at New Zealand, Omai had expressed a desire to take one of the natives with him to his own country.  We had not been there many days before he had an opportunity of being gratified in this; for a youth, about seventeen or eighteen years of age, named Taweiharooa, offered to accompany him, and took up his residence on board.  I paid little attention to this at first, imagining that he would leave us when we were about to depart, and after he had got what he could from Omai.  At length, finding that he was fixed in his resolution to go with us, and having learnt that he was the only son of a deceased chief, and that his mother, still living, was a woman much respected here, I was apprehensive that Omai had deceived him and his friends, by giving them hopes and assurances of his being sent back.  I therefore caused it to be made known to them all, that if the young man went away with us he would never return.  But this declaration seemed to make no sort of impression.  The afternoon before we left the cove, Tiratoutou, his mother, came on board, to receive her last present from Omai.  The same evening she and Taweiharooa parted, with all the marks of tender affection that might be expected between a parent and a child, who were never to meet again.  But she said she would cry no more; and, sure enough, she kept her word.  For when she returned the next morning, to take her last farewell of him, all the time she was on board she remained quite cheerful, and went away wholly unconcerned.

That Taweiharooa might be sent away in a manner becoming his birth, another youth was to have gone with him as his servant; and, with this view, as we supposed, he remained on board till we were about to sail, when his friends took him ashore.  However, his place was supplied next morning by another, a boy of about nine or ten years of age, named Kokoa.  He was presented to me by his own father, who, I believe, would have parted with his dog with far less indifference.  The very little clothing the boy had he stript him of, and left him as naked as he was born.  It was to no purpose that I endeavoured to convince these people of the improbability, or rather of the impossibility, of these youths ever returning home.  Not one, not even their nearest relations, seemed to trouble themselves about their future fate.  Since this was the case, and I was well satisfied that the boys would be no losers by exchange of place, I the more readily gave my consent to their going.

From my own observations, and from the information of Taweiharooa and others, it appears to me that the New Zealanders must live under perpetual apprehensions of being destroyed by each other; there being few of their tribes that have not, as they think, sustained wrongs from some other tribe, which they are continually upon the watch to revenge.  And, perhaps, the desire of a good meal may be no small incitement.  I am told that many years sometimes elapse before

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a favourable opportunity happens, and that the son never loses sight of an injury that has been done to his father.[145] Their method of executing their horrible designs, is by stealing upon the adverse party in the night; and if they find them unguarded, (which, however, I believe, is very seldom the case,) they kill every one indiscriminately; not even sparing the women and children.  When the massacre is completed, they either feast and gorge themselves on the spot, or carry off as many of the dead bodies as they can, and devour them at home, with acts of brutality too shocking to be described.  If they are discovered before they can execute their bloody purpose, they generally steal off again, and sometimes are pursued and attacked by the other party in their turn.  To give quarter, or to take prisoners, makes no part of their military law; so that the vanquished can only save their lives by flight.  This perpetual state of war, and destructive method of conducting it, operates so strongly in producing habitual circumspection, that one hardly ever finds a New Zealander off his guard either by night or by day.  Indeed, no other man can have such powerful motives to be vigilant, as the preservation both of body and of soul depends upon it; for, according to their system of belief, the soul of the man whose flesh is devoured by the enemy, is doomed to a perpetual fire, while the soul of the man whose body has been rescued from those who killed him, as well as the souls of all who die a natural death, ascend to the habitations of the gods.  I asked, Whether they eat the flesh of such of their friends as had been killed in war, but whose bodies were saved from falling into the enemy’s hands?  They seemed surprised at the question, which they answered in the negative, expressing some abhorrence at the very idea.  Their common method of disposing of their dead, is by depositing their bodies in the earth; but if they have more of their slaughtered enemies than they can eat, they throw them into the sea.

[Footnote 145:  Every reader almost will here recollect, that a similar disposition to perpetuate grievances has been found to operate in all barbarous nations, and indeed amongst many people who lay great claims to refinement in civilization.  It will be found, in truth, too strong an effort for most men’s charity, to regard with perfect impartiality either a person or a nation whom their fathers had pointed out as an enemy.  On the great scale of the world, we see it is the nearly inevitable consequence of war to generate malicious feelings.  In addition, then, to some contrariety of interest, to some real or imaginary aggression, or even a bare possibility of being injured, it is almost enough, at any time, for the commencement of a new struggle betwixt rival nations, that one, or both of them, remember they were formerly at variance.  Nor is it at all requisite for due rancour in such cases, that politicians explain the grounds of the quarrel, and aggravate the enormous

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injustice of the opponent, or prove his readiness to do mischief.  The animosity is already conceived, and waits only the removal of the gauze-like partition, to be able, with greater certainty of effect, to guide its instruments of destruction.  “Hear,” says Mr Ferguson, in his essay on this subject, “hear the peasants on different sides of the Alps, and the Pyrenees, the Rhyne, or the British channel, give vent to their prejudices and national passions; it is among them that we find the materials of war and dissension laid without the direction of government, and sparks ready to kindle into a flame, which the statesman is frequently disposed to extinguish.  The fire will not always catch where his reasons of state would direct, nor stop where the concurrence of interest has produced an alliance.  ‘My father,’ said a Spanish peasant, ’would rise from his grave if he could foresee a war with France.’  What interest had he, or the bones of his father, in the quarrels of princes?” The answer might easily be given by another anecdote.  During a parley betwixt the leaders of two rival Highland clans, which had for its object the peaceable termination of their differences, a subordinate officer, not relishing the unusual homily, went up to his chief in a rage, and upbraided him for delaying the combat.  “Don’t you see,” says he, brandishing his claymore, “that the sun is almost set?—­we’ll no hae half time to kill thae rascals!” The peasant naturally enough wished that his father might rise again to take his share in the delightful work of slaughter.  Pray, what childish scruples withhold persons of such keen appetites from occasionally taking a belly-full of their enemy’s flesh?—­E.]

They have no such thing as morais, or other places of public worship; nor do they ever assemble together with this view.  But they have priests, who alone address the gods in prayer for the prosperity of their temporal affairs, such as an enterprise against a hostile tribe, a fishing party, or the like.

Whatever the principles of their religion may be, of which we remain very ignorant, its instructions are very strongly inculcated into them from their very infancy.  Of this I saw a remarkable instance, in the youth who was first destined to accompany Taweiharooa.  He refrained from eating the greatest part of the day, on account of his hair being cut, though every method was tried to induce him to break his resolution, and he was tempted with the offer of such victuals as he was known to esteem the most.  He said, if he eat any thing that day the Eatooa would kill him.  However, toward evening, the cravings of nature got the better of the precepts of his religion, and he ate, though but sparingly.  I had often conjectured, before this, that they had some superstitious notions about their hair, having frequently observed quantities of it tied to the branches of trees near some of their habitations; but what these notions are I could never learn.

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Notwithstanding the divided and hostile state in which the New Zealanders live, travelling strangers, who come with no ill design, are well received and entertained during their stay; which, however, it is expected will be no longer than is requisite to transact the business they come upon.  Thus it is that a trade for poenammoo, or green talc, is carried on throughout the whole northern island.  For they tell us, that there is none of this stone to be found but at a place which bears its name, somewhere about the head of Queen Charlotte’s Sound, and not above one or two days journey, at most, from the station of our ships.  I regretted much that I could not spare time sufficient for paying a visit to the place; as we were told a hundred fabulous stories about this stone, not one of which carried with it the least probability of truth, though some of their most sensible men would have us believe them.  One of these stories is, that this stone is originally a fish, which they strike with a gig in the water, tie a rope to it, and drag it to the shore, to which they fasten it, and it afterwards becomes stone.  As they all agree that it is fished out of a large lake, or collection of waters, the most probable conjecture is, that it is brought from the mountains, and deposited in the water by the torrents.  This lake is called by the natives Tavai Poenammoo, that is, the Water of Green Talc; and it is only the adjoining part of the country, and not the whole southern island of New Zealand, that is known to them by the name which hath been given to it on my chart.

Polygamy is allowed amongst these people; and it is not uncommon for a man to have two or three wives.  The women are marriageable at a very early age; and it should seem, that one who is unmarried, is but in a forlorn state.  She can with difficulty get a subsistence; at least she is, in a great measure, without a protector, though in constant want of a powerful one.

The New Zealanders seem to be a people perfectly satisfied with the little knowledge they are masters of, without attempting, in the least, to improve it.  Nor are they remarkably curious, either in their observations or their enquiries.  New objects do not strike them with such a degree of surprise as one would naturally expect; nor do they even fix their attention for a moment.  Omai, indeed, who was a great favourite with them, would sometimes attract a circle about him; but they seemed to listen to his speeches like persons who neither understood, nor wished to understand, what they heard.

One day, on our enquiring of Taweiharooa, how many ships, such as ours, had ever arrived in Queen Charlotte’s Sound, or in any part of its neighbourhood? he began with giving an account of one absolutely unknown to us.  This, he said, had put into a port on the N.W. coast of Teerawitte, but a very few years before I arrived in the Sound in the Endeavour, which the New Zealanders distinguish by calling it Tupia’s

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ship.  At first, I thought he might have been mistaken as to the time and place; and that the ship in question might be either Monsieur Surville’s, who is said to have touched upon the N.E. coast of Eaheinomauwe, the same year I was there in the Endeavour; or else Monsieur Marion du Fresne’s, who was in the Bay of Islands, on the same coast, a few years after.  But he assured us that he was not mistaken, either as to the time, or as to the place of this ship’s arrival, and that it was well known to every body about Queen Charlotte’s Sound and Teerawitte.  He said, that the captain of her, during his stay here, cohabited with a woman of the country; and that she had a son by him still living, about the age of Kokoa, who, though not born then, seemed to be equally well acquainted with the story.  We were also informed by Taweiharooa, that this ship first introduced the venereal disease amongst the New Zealanders.  I wish that subsequent visitors from Europe may not have their share of guilt in leaving so dreadful a remembrance of them amongst this unhappy race.  The disorder now is but too common here, though they do not seem to regard it, saying, that its effects are not near so pernicious at present as they were at its first appearance.  The only method, as far as I ever heard, that they make use of as a remedy, is by giving the patient the use of a sort of hot bath, which they produce by the steam of certain green plants laid over hot stones.

I regretted much that we did not hear of this ship while we were in the sound; as, by means of Omai, we might have had full and correct information about her from eyewitnesses.  For Taweiharooa’s account was only from what he had been told, and therefore liable to many mistakes.  I have not the least doubt, however, that his testimony may so far be depended upon, as to induce us to believe that a ship really had been at Teerawitte prior to my arrival in the Endeavour, as it corresponds with what I had formerly heard.  For in the latter end of 1773, the second time I visited New Zealand, during my late voyage, when we were continually making enquiries about the Adventure, after our separation, some of the natives informed us of a ship’s having been in a port on the coast of Teerawitte.  But, at this time, we thought we must have misunderstood them, and took no notice of the intelligence.

The arrival of this unknown ship has been marked by the New Zealanders with more causes of remembrance than the unhappy one just mentioned.  Taweiharooa told us their country was indebted to her people for the present of an animal, which they left behind them.  But as he had not seen it himself, no sort of judgment could be formed from his description of what kind it was.

We had another piece of intelligence from him, more correctly given, though not confirmed by our own observations, that there are snakes and lizards there of an enormous size.  He described the latter as being eight feet in length, and as big round as a man’s body.  He said they sometimes seize and devour men; that they burrow in the ground; and that they are killed by making fires at the mouths of the holes.  We could not be mistaken as to the animal; for, with his own hand, he drew a very good representation of a lizard on a piece of paper, as also of a snake, in order to shew what he meant.[146]

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[Footnote 146:  There can be little doubt that the animal here called a lizard is an alligator.—­E.]

Though much has been said, in the narratives of my two former voyages, about this country and its inhabitants, Mr Anderson’s remarks, as serving either to confirm or to correct our former accounts, may not be superfluous.  He had been three times with me to Queen Charlotte’s Sound during my last voyage; and, after this fourth visit, what he thought proper to record, may be considered as the result of sufficient observation.  The reader will find it in the next section; and I have nothing farther to add, before I quit New Zealand, but to give some account of the astronomical and nautical observations made during our stay there.

   The longitude of the observatory in Ship
      Cove, by a mean of 103 sets of observations,
      each set consisting of six or
      more observed distances, was 174 deg. 25’ 15” E.

   By the time-keeper, at Greenwich rate, it
      was 175 26 30

   By ditto, at the Cape rate, it was 174 56 12

   Variation of the compass, being the mean
      of six needles, observed on board the
      ship 12 40 0 E.

   By the same needles on shore, it was 13 53 0

   The dip of the south end, observed on
      shore was 63 42 0

By a mean of the results of eleven days observations, the time-keeper was too slow for mean time on February 22, at noon, by 11h 50’ 37",396; and she was found to be losing on mean time at the rate of 2",913 per day.  From this rate the longitude will be computed, till some other opportunity offers to ascertain her rate anew.  The astronomical clock, with the same length of pendulum as at Greenwich, was found to be losing on sidereal time 40",239 per day.

It will not be amiss to mention, that the longitude, by lunar observations, as above, differs only 6’ 45” from what Mr Wales made it during my last voyage; his being so much more to the W. or 174 deg. 18’ 30”.

The latitude of Ship Cove is 41 deg. 6’ 0”, as found by Mr Wales.


Mr Anderson’s Remarks on the Country near Queen Charlotte’s Sound.—­The Soil.—&s
hy;Climate.—­Weather.—­Winds.—­Trees.—­Plants.—­Birds.—­Fish.—­Other Animals.—­Of the Inhabitants.—­Description of their Persons.—­Their Dress.—­Ornaments.—­Habitations.—­Boats.—­Food and Cookery,—­Arts.—­Weapons —­Cruelty to Prisoners.—­Various Customs.—­Specimen of their Language.

The land every where about Queen Charlotte’s Sound is uncommonly mountainous, rising immediately from the sea into large hills, with blunted tops.  At considerable distances are valleys, or rather impressions on the sides of the hills, which are not deep, each terminating toward the sea in a small cove, with a pebbly or sandy beach; behind which are small flats, where the natives generally build their huts, at the same time hauling their canoes upon the beaches.  This situation is the more convenient, as in every cove a brook of very fine water (in which are some small trout) empties itself into the sea.

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The bases of these mountains, at least toward the shore, are constituted of a brittle, yellowish sand-stone, which acquires a bluish cast where the sea washes it.  It runs, at some places, in horizontal, and, at other-places, in oblique strata, being frequently divided, at small distances, by thin veins of coarse quartz, which commonly follow the direction of the other, though they sometimes intersect it.  The mould, or soil, which covers this, is also of a yellowish cast, not unlike marl; and is commonly from a foot to two, or more, in thickness.

The quality of this soil is best indicated by the luxuriant growth of its productions.  For the hills (except a few toward the sea, which are covered with smaller bushes) are one continued forest of lofty trees, flourishing with a vigour almost superior to anything that imagination can conceive, and affording an august prospect to those who are delighted with the grand and beautiful works of nature.

The agreeable temperature of the climate, no doubt, contributes much to this uncommon strength in vegetation.  For, at this time, though answering to our month of August, the weather was never disagreeably warm, nor did it raise the thermometer higher than 60 deg..  The winter, also, seems equally mild with respect to cold; for in June, 1773, which corresponds to our December, the mercury never fell lower than 48 deg.; and the trees, at that time, retained their verdure, as if in the summer season; so that, I believe, their foliage is never shed, till pushed off by the succeeding leaves in spring.

The weather, in general, is good, but sometimes windy, with heavy rain, which, however, never lasts above a day; nor does it appear that it is ever excessive.  For there are no marks of torrents rushing down the hills, as in many countries; and the brooks, if we may judge from their channels, seem never to be greatly increased.  I have observed, in the four different times of my being here, that the winds from the south-eastward are commonly moderate, but attended with cloudy weather, or rain.  The S.W. winds blow very strong, and are also attended with rain, but they seldom last long.  The N.W. winds are the most prevailing; and though often pretty strong, are almost constantly connected with fine weather.  In short, the only obstacle to this being one of the finest countries upon earth, is its great hillyness; which, allowing the woods to be cleared away, would leave it less proper for pasturage than flat land, and still more improper for cultivation, which could never be effected here by the plough.

The large trees which cover the hills are chiefly of two sorts.  One of them, of the size of our largest firs, grows much after their manner, but the leaves, and small berries on their points, are much liker the yew.  It was this which supplied the place of spruce in making beer; which we did with a strong decoction of its leaves, fermented with treacle or sugar.  And this liquor, when well prepared, was acknowledged to be little inferior to the American spruce beer, by those who had experience of both.  The other sort of tree is not unlike a maple, and grows often to a great size; but it only served for fuel, as the wood, both of this and of the preceding, was found to be rather too heavy for masts, yards, and other similar repairs.

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There is a greater variety of trees on the small flat spots behind the beaches.  Amongst these are two that bear a kind of plum of the size of prunes, the one yellow, called karraca, and the other black, called maituo, but neither of them of a very agreeable taste, though the natives eat both, and our people did the same.  Those of the first sort grow on small trees, always facing the sea; but the others belong to larger trees that stand farther within the wood, and which we frequently cut down for fuel.

A species of philadelphus grows on the eminences which jut out into the sea; and also a tree bearing flowers almost like myrtle, with roundish spotted leaves of a disagreeable smell.  We drank the leaves of the philadelphus as tea, and found that they had a pleasant taste and smell, and might make an excellent substitute for the oriental sort.

Among other plants that were useful to us, may be reckoned wild celery, which grows plentifully in almost every cove, especially if the natives have ever resided there before; and one that we used to call scurvy-grass, though entirely different from the plant to which we give that name.  This, however, is far preferable to ours for common use, and may be known by its jagged leaves, and small clusters of white flowers on the top.  Both sorts were boiled every morning, with wheat ground in a mill, and with portable soup, for the people’s breakfast, and also amongst their pease-soup for dinner.  Sometimes they were used as sallad, or dressed as greens.  In all which ways they are good; and, together with the fish, with which we were constantly supplied, they formed a sort of refreshment, perhaps little inferior to what is to be met with in places most noted by navigators for plentiful supplies of animal and vegetable food.

Amongst the known kinds of plants met with here, are common and rough bindweed; night-shade and nettles, both which grow to the size of small trees; a shrubby speedwell, found near all the beaches, sow-thistles, virgin’s bower, vanelloe, French willow, euphorbia, and crane’s-bill; also cudweed, rushes, bull-rushes, flax, all-heal, American nightshade, knot-grass, brambles, eye-bright, and groundsel; but the species of each are different from any we have in Europe.  There is also polypody, spleenwort, and about twenty other different sort of ferns, entirely peculiar to the place, with several sorts of mosses, either rare, or produced only here; besides a great number of other plants, whose uses are not yet known, and subjects fit only for botanical books.

Of these, however, there is one which deserves particular notice here, as the natives make their garments of it, and it produces a fine silky flax, superior in appearance to any thing we have, and probably, at least, as strong.  It grows every where near the sea, and in some places a considerable way up the hills, in bunches or tufts, with sedge-like leaves, bearing, on a long stalk, yellowish flowers, which

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are succeeded by a long roundish pod, filled with very thin shining black seeds.  A species of long pepper is found in great plenty, but it has little of the aromatic flavour that makes spices valuable; and a tree, much like a palm at a distance, is pretty frequent in the woods, though the deceit appears as you come near it.  It is remarkable, that as the greatest part of the trees and plants had at this time lost their flowers, we perceived they were generally of the berry-bearing kind; of which, and other seeds, I brought away about thirty different sorts.  Of these, one in particular, which bears a red berry, is much like the supple-jack, and grows about the trees, stretching from one to another, in such a manner as to render the woods almost wholly impassable.

The birds, of which there is a tolerable stock, as well as the vegetable productions, are almost entirely peculiar to the place.  And though it be difficult to follow them, on account of the quantity of underwood, and the climbing plants, that render travelling, for pleasure alone, uncommonly fatiguing, yet a person, by remaining in one place, may shoot as many in a day as would serve six or eight others.  The principal sorts are large brown parrots, with white or greyish heads; green parroquets, with red foreheads; large wood pigeons, brown above, with white bellies, the rest green, and the bill and feet red; two sorts of cuckoos, one as large as our common sort, of a brown colour, variegated with black, the other not larger than a sparrow, of a splendid green cast above, and elegantly varied with waves of golden, green, brown, and white colours below.  Both these are scarce, but several others are in greater plenty; one of which, of a black colour, with a greenish cast, is remarkable for having a tuft of white curled feathers hanging under the throat, and was called the poy bird[147] by our people.  Another sort, rather smaller, is black, with a brown back and wings, and two small gills under the root of the bill.  This we called the small wattle bird, to distinguish it from another, which we called the large one, of the size of a common pigeon, with two large yellow and purple membranes also at the root of the bill.  It is black, or rather blue, and has no resemblance of the other but in name, for the bill is thick, short, and crooked, and has all together an uncommon appearance.  A gross-beak, about the size of a thrush, of a brown colour, with a reddish tail, is frequent; as is also a small greenish bird, which is almost the only musical one here, but is sufficient by itself to fill the woods with a melody that is not only sweet, but so varied, that one would imagine he was surrounded by a hundred different sorts of birds when the little warbler is near.  From these circumstances we named it the mocking bird.  There are likewise three or four sorts of smaller birds; one of which, in figure and lameness, exactly resembles our robin, but is black where that is brown, and white where that is red.  Another differs but little from this, except in being smaller; and a third sort has a long tail, which it expands as a fan on coming near, and makes a chirping noise when it perches.  King-fishers are seen, though rare, and are about the size of our English ones, but with an inferior plumage.

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[Footnote 147:  It had this name from its tuft of feathers, resembling the white flowers used as ornaments in the ears at Otaheite, and called there Poowa.—­D.]

About the rocks are seen black sea-pies with red bills; and crested shags of a leaden colour, with small black spots on the wings and shoulders, and the rest of the upper part of a velvet black tinged with green.  We frequently shot both these, and also a more common sort of shags, black above and white underneath, that build their nests upon trees, on which sometimes a dozen or more sit at once.  There are also, about the shore, a few sea-gulls, some blue herons, and sometimes, though very rarely, wild-ducks, a small sandy-coloured plover, and some sand-larks.  And small penguins, black above, with a white belly, as well as numbers of little black divers, swim often about the sound.  We likewise killed two or three rails, of a brown or yellowish colour, variegated with black, which feed about the small brooks, and are nearly as large as a common fowl.  No other sort of game was seen, except a single snipe, which was shot, and differs but little from that of Europe.

The principal fish we caught by the seine were mullets and elephant fish, with a few soles and flounders; but those that the natives mostly supplied us with were a sort of sea-bream, of a silver colour, with a black spot on the neck, large conger eels, and a fish in shape much like the bream, but so large as to weigh five, six, or seven pounds.  It is blackish with thick lips, and called Mogge by the natives.  With hook and line we caught chiefly a blackish fish of the size of a haddock, called cole-fish by the seamen, but differing much from that known by the same name in Europe; and another of the same size, of a reddish colour, with a little beard, which we called night-walkers, from the greatest number being caught in the night.  Sometimes we got a sort of small salmon, gurnards, skate, and nurses; and the natives now and then brought hake, paracutas, a small sort of mackerel, parrot-fish, and leather-jackets; besides another fish, which is very rare, shaped almost like a dolphin, of a black colour, with strong bony jaws, and the back fin, as well as those opposite to it, much lengthened at the end.  All these sorts, except the last, which we did not try, are excellent to eat; but the Mogge, small salmon, and cole-fish, are superior to the rest.

The rocks are abundantly furnished with great quantities of excellent muscles; one sort of which, that is not very common, measures above a foot in length.  There are also cockles buried in the sand of the small beaches; and in some places oysters, which, though very small, are well tasted.  Of other shell-fish there are ten or twelve sorts, such as periwinkles, wilks, limpets, and some very beautiful sea-ears, also another sort which stick to the weeds; with some other things, as sea-eggs, star-fish, &c. several of which are peculiar to the place.  The natives likewise sometimes brought us very fine cray-fish, equal to our largest lobsters, and cuttle-fish, which they eat themselves.

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Insects are very rare.  Of these we only saw two sorts of dragon-flies, some butterflies, small grasshoppers, several sorts of spiders, some small black ants, and vast numbers of scorpion-flies, with whose chirping the woods resound.  The only noxious one is the sand-fly, very numerous here, and almost as troublesome as the musquitoe; for we found no reptile here, except two or three sorts of small harmless lizards.[148]

[Footnote 148:  In a separate memorandum-book, Mr Anderson mentions the monstrous animal of the lizard kind, described by the two boys after they left the island.—­D.]

It is remarkable, that, in this extensive land, there should not even be the traces of any quadruped, only excepting a few rats, and a sort of fox-dog, which is a domestic animal with the natives.

Neither is there any mineral worth notice, but a green, jasper or serpent-stone, of which the New Zealanders make their tools and ornaments.  This is esteemed a precious article by them; and they have some superstitious notions about the method of its generation, which we could not perfectly understand.  It is plain, however, that wherever it may be found, (which, they say, is in the channel of a large river far to the southward,) it is disposed in the earth, in thin layers, or perhaps in detached pieces, like our flints; for the edges of those pieces, which have not been cut, are covered with a whitish crust like these.  A piece of this sort was purchased, about eighteen inches long, a foot broad, and near two inches thick, which yet seemed to be only the fragment of a larger piece.

The natives do not exceed the common stature of Europeans; and, in general, are not so well made, especially about the limbs.  This is, perhaps, the effect of sitting, for the most part, on their hams, and of being confined, by the hilly disposition of the country, from using that sort of exercise which contributes to render the body straight and well-proportioned.  There are, however, several exceptions to this; and some are remarkable for their large bones and muscles, but few that I have seen are corpulent.

Their colour is of different casts, from a pretty deep black to a yellowish or olive tinge, and their features also are various, some resembling Europeans.  But, in general, their faces are round, with their lips full, and also their noses toward the point; though the first are not uncommonly thick, nor the last flat.  I do not, however, recollect to have seen an instance of the true aquiline nose amongst them.  Their teeth are commonly broad, white, and well set; and their eyes large, with a very free motion, which seems the effect of habit.  Their hair is black, straight, and strong, commonly cut short on the hind part, with the rest tied on the crown of the head:  but some have it of a curling disposition, or of a brown colour.  In the young, the countenance is generally free or open; but in many of the men it has a serious cast, and sometimes a sullenness or reserve, especially if they are strangers.  The women are, in general, smaller than the men; but have few peculiar graces, either in form or features, to distinguish them.

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The dress of both sexes is alike; and consists of an oblong garment about five feet long, and four broad, made from the silky flax already mentioned.  This seems to be their most material and complex manufacture, which is executed by knotting; and their work is often ornamented with pieces of dog-skin, or chequered at the corners.  They bring two corners of this garment over the shoulders, and fasten it on the breast with the other part, which covers the body; and about the belly, it is again tied with a girdle made of mat.  Sometimes they cover it with large feathers of birds (which seem to be wrought into the piece of cloth when it is made), or with dog-skin; and that alone we have seen worn as a covering.  Over this garment many of them wear mats, which reach from the shoulders to near the heels.  But the most common outer-covering is a quantity of the above sedgy plant, badly dressed, which they fasten on a string to a considerable length, and, throwing it about the shoulders, let it fall down on all sides, as far as the middle of the thighs.  When they sit down with this upon them, either in their boats, or upon the shore, it would be difficult to distinguish them from large grey stones, if their black heads, projecting beyond their coverings, did not engage one to a stricter examination.

By way of ornament, they fix in their heads feathers, or combs of bone, or wood, adorned with pearl shell, or the thin inner skin of some leaf.  And in the ears, both of men and women, which are pierced, or rather slit, are hung small pieces of jasper, bits of cloth, or beads when they can get them.  A few also have the septum of the nose bored in its lower part; but no ornament was worn there that we saw; though one man passed a twig through it, to shew us that it was sometimes used for that purpose.  They wear long beards, but are fond of having them shaved.

Some are punctured or stained in the face with curious spiral and other figures, of a black or deep blue colour; but it is doubtful whether this be ornamental, or intended as a mark of particular distinction; and the women, who are marked so, have the puncture only on their lips, or a small spot on their chins.  Both sexes often besmear their faces and heads with a red paint, which seems to be a martial ochre mixed with grease; and the women sometimes wear necklaces of shark’s teeth, or bunches of long beads, which seem to be made of the leg-bones of small birds, or a particular shell.  A few also have small triangular aprons adorned with the feathers of parrots, or bits of pearl shells, furnished with a double or treble set of cords to fasten them, about the waist.  I have sometimes seen caps or bonnets made of the feathers of birds, which may be reckoned as ornaments; for it is not their custom to wear any covering on their heads.

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They live in the small coves formerly described, in companies of forty or fifty, or more; and sometimes in single families, building their huts contiguous to each other; which, in general, are miserable lodging-places.  The best I ever saw was about thirty feet long, fifteen broad, and six high, built exactly in the manner of one of our country barns.  The inside was both strong and regularly made of supporters at the sides, alternately large and small, well fastened by means of withes, and painted red and black.  The ridge pole was strong; and the large bull-rushes, which composed the inner part of the thatching, were laid with great exactness parallel to each other.  At one end was a small square hole, which served as a door to creep in at; and near, another much smaller, seemingly for letting out the smoke, as no other vent for it could be seen.  This, however, ought to be considered as one of the best, and the residence of some principal person; for the greatest part of them are not half the above size, and seldom exceed four feet in height; being, besides, indifferently built, though proof against wind and rain.

No other furniture is to be seen in them, than a few small baskets or bags, in which they put their fishing-hooks, and other trifles; and they sit down in the middle round a small fire, where they also probably sleep, without any other covering than what they wear in the day, or perhaps without that; as such confined places must be very warm, though inhabited but by a few persons.

They live chiefly by fishing, making use either of nets of different kinds, or of wooden fish-hooks pointed with bone; but so oddly made, that a stranger is at a loss to know how they can answer such a purpose.  It also appears, that they remove their habitations from one place to another when the fish grow scarce, or for some other reason; for we found houses now built in several parts, where there had been none when we were here during our last voyage, and even these have been already deserted.

Their boats are well built, of planks raised upon each other, and fastened with strong withes, which also bind a long narrow piece on the outside of the seams to prevent their leaking.  Some are fifty feet long, and so broad as to be able to sail without an outrigger; but the smaller sort commonly have one; and they often fasten two together by rafters, which we then call a double canoe.  They carry from five to thirty men or more; and have often a large head ingeniously carved, and painted with a figure at the point, which seems intended to represent a man, with his features distorted by rage.  Their paddles are about four or five feet long, narrow, and pointed; with which, when they keep time, the boat is pushed along pretty swiftly.  Their sail, which is seldom used, is made of a mat of a triangular shape, having the broadest part above.

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The only method of dressing their fish, is by roasting, or rather baking; for they are entirely ignorant of the art of boiling.  In the same manner they dress the root, and part of the stalk, of the large fern-tree, in a great hole dug for that purpose, which serves as an oven.  After which they split it, and find, within, a fine gelatinous substance, like boiled sago powder, but firmer.  They also use another smaller fern root, which seems to be their substitute for bread, as it is dried and carried about with them, together with dried fish in great quantities, when they remove their families, or go far from home.  This they beat with a stick till it becomes pretty soft, when they chew it sufficiently, and spit out the hard fibrous part, the other having a sweetish mealy taste, not at all disagreeable.

When they dare not venture to sea, or perhaps from choice, they supply the place of other fish with muscles and sea-ears; great quantities of the shells of which lie in heaps near their houses.  And they sometimes, though rarely, find means to kill rails, penguins, and shags, which help to vary their diet They also breed considerable numbers of the dogs, mentioned before, for food; but these cannot be considered as a principal article of diet.  From whence we we may conclude, that, as there is not the least sign of cultivation of land, they depend principally for their subsistence on the sea, which, indeed, is very bountiful in its supply.

Their method of feeding corresponds with the nastiness of their persons, which often smell disagreeably from the quantity of grease about them, and their clothes never being washed.  We have seen them eat the vermin, with which their heads are sufficiently stocked.

They also used to devour, with the greatest eagerness, large quantities of stinking train oil, and blubber of seals, which we were melting at the tent, and had kept near two months; and, on board the ships, they were not satisfied with emptying the lamps, but actually swallowed the cotton, and fragrant wick, with equal voracity.  It is worthy of notice, that though the inhabitants of Van Diemen’s Land appear to have but a scanty subsistence, they would not even taste our bread, though they saw us eat it; whereas these people devoured it greedily, when both mouldy and rotten.  But this must not be imputed to any defect in their sensations; for I have observed them throw away things which we eat, with evident disgust, after only smelling to them.

They shew as much ingenuity, both in invention and execution, as any uncivilized nations under similar circumstances.  For, without the use of any metal tools, they make every thing by which they procure their subsistence, clothing, and warlike weapons, with a degree of neatness, strength, and convenience for accomplishing their several purposes.  Their chief mechanical tool is formed exactly after the manner of our adzes; and is made, as are also the chisel and goudge, of the green serpent-stone or jasper,

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already mentioned; though sometimes they are composed of a black, smooth, and very solid stone.  But their masterpiece seems to be carving, which is found upon the most trifling things; and, in particular, the heads of their canoes are sometimes ornamented with it in such a manner, as not only shews much design, but is also an example of their great labour and patience in execution.  Their cordage for fishing-lines is equal, in strength and evenness, to that made by us; and their nets not at all inferior.  But what must cost them more labour than any other article, is the making the tools we have mentioned; for the stone is exceedingly hard, and the only method of fashioning it, we can guess at, is by rubbing one stone upon another, which can have but a slow effect.  Their substitute for a knife is a shell, a bit of flint, or jasper.  And, as an auger to bore holes, they fix a shark’s tooth in the end of a small piece of wood.  It is true, they have a small saw made of some jagged fishes teeth, fixed on the convex edge of a piece of wood nicely carved.  But this, they say, is only used to cut up the bodies of their enemies whom they kill in battle.

No people can have a quicker sense of an injury done to them, and none are more ready to resent it.  But, at the same time, they will take an opportunity of being insolent when they think there is no danger of punishment; which is so contrary to the spirit of genuine bravery, that, perhaps, their eagerness to resent injuries is to be looked upon rather as an effect of a furious disposition than of great courage.  They also appear to be of a suspicious or mistrustful temper (which, however, may rather be acquired than natural), for strangers never came to our ships immediately, but lay in their boats at a small distance, either to observe our motions, or consult whether or no they should risk their safety with us.  To this they join a great degree of dishonesty; for they steal every thing they can lay their hands on, if there be the least hope of not being detected; and, in trading, I have little doubt but they would take advantages, if they thought it could be done with safety; as they not only refuse to trust a thing in one’s hand for examination, but exult if they think they have tricked you in the bargain.

Such conduct, however, is, in some measure, to be expected where there appears to be but little subordination, and consequently few, if any, laws, to punish transgressions.  For no man’s authority seems to extend farther than his own family; and when, at any time, they join for mutual defence, or any other purpose, those amongst them who are eminent for courage or prudence, are directors.  How their private quarrels are terminated is uncertain; but, in the few we saw, which were of little consequence, the parties concerned were clamorous and disorderly.

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Their public contentions are frequent, or rather perpetual; for it appears, from their number of weapons, and dexterity in using them, that war is their principal profession.  These weapons are spears, patoos and halberts, or sometimes stones.  The first are made of hard wood pointed, of different lengths, from five, to twenty, or even thirty feet long.  The short ones are used for throwing as darts.  The patoo or emeete is of an elliptical shape, about eighteen inches long, with a handle made of wood, stone, the bone of some sea animal, or green jasper, and seems to be their principal dependence in battle.  The halbert, or long club, is about five or six feet long, tapering at one end with a carved head, and at the other, broad or flat, with sharp edges.

Before they begin the onset, they join in a war-song, to which they all keep the exactest time, and soon raise their passion to a degree of frantic fury, attended with the most horrid distortion of their eyes, mouths, and tongues, to strike terror into their enemies; which, to those who have not been accustomed to such a practice, makes them appear more like demons than men, and would almost chill the boldest with fear.  To this succeeds a circumstance, almost foretold in their fierce demeanour, horrid, cruel, and disgraceful to human nature; which is, cutting in pieces, even before being perfectly dead, the bodies of their enemies, and, after dressing them on a fire, devouring the flesh, not only without reluctance, but with peculiar satisfaction.

One might be apt to suppose, that people, capable of such excess of cruelty, must be destitute of every human feeling, even amongst their own party; and yet we find them lamenting the loss of their friends, with a violence of expression which argues the most tender remembrance of them.  For both men and women, upon the death of those connected with them, whether in battle or otherwise, bewail them with the most doleful cries; at the same time cutting their foreheads and cheeks, with shells or pieces of flint, in large gashes, until the blood flows plentifully and mixes with their tears.  They also carve pieces of their green stone, rudely shaped, as human figures, which they ornament with bright eyes of pearl-shell, and hang them about their necks, as memorials of those whom they held most dear; and their affections of this kind are so strong, that they even perform the ceremony of cutting, and lamenting for joy, at the return of any of their friends, who have been absent but for a short time.

The children are initiated, at a very early age, into all the practices, good or bad, of their fathers; so that you find a boy or girl, nine or ten years old, able to perform all the motions, and to imitate the frightful gestures, by which the more aged use to inspire their enemies with terror, keeping the strictest time in their song.  They likewise sing, with some degree of melody, the traditions of their forefathers, their actions in war, and other indifferent subjects; of all which they are immoderately fond, and spend much of their time, in these amusements, and in playing on a sort of flute.

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Their language is far from being harsh or disagreeable, though the pronunciation is frequently guttural; and whatever qualities are requisite in any other language to make it musical, certainly obtain to a considerable degree here, if we may judge from the melody of some sorts of their songs.  It is also sufficiently comprehensive, though, in many respects, deficient, if compared with our European languages, which owe their perfection to long improvement.  But a small specimen is here subjoined, from which some judgment may be formed.  I collected a great many of their words, both now and in the course of our former voyage; and being equally attentive, in my enquiries, about the languages of the other islands throughout the South Sea, I have the amplest proof of their wonderful agreement, or rather identity.  This general observation has, indeed, been already made in the accounts of the former voyages.  I shall be enabled, however, to confirm and strengthen it, by a fresh list of words, selected from a large vocabulary in my possession; and by placing, in the opposite column, the corresponding words as used at Otaheite, the curious reader will, at one view, be furnished with sufficient materials for judging by what subordinate changes the difference of dialect has been effected.

English New Zealand.  Otahaita. Water, Ewy, Evy. A tail of a dog, Wyeroo, Ero. Death, dead, Kaoo, matte, matte, roa. To fly, Ererre, Eraire. A house, Ewharre, Ewharre. To sleep, Moea, Moe. A fish-hook, Makoee, Matou. Shut, Opanee, Opanee. A bed, Moenga Moera. A butterfly, Epaipe, Pepe. To chew, or eat, Hekaee, Ey. Cold, Makkareede, Mareede. To-day, Agooanai, Aooanai. The hand, Reenga, Ereema. Large, Keeerahoi, Erahoi. Red, Whairo, Oora, oora. We, Taooa, Taooa. Where is it?  Kahaia, Tehaia. A stone, Powhy, Owhy. A man, Tangata, Taata. Black, Purra, purra, Ere, ere. White, Ema, Ooama. To reside, or dwell, Nohoanna, Nohonoa, Out, not within, Woho, Woho. Male kind (of any animal), Toa, Etoa. Female, Eoowha, Eooha. A

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, Mango, Mao. To understand, Geetaia, Eetea. Forgot, Warre, Ooaro. Yesterday, Taeninnahoi, Ninnahoi. One, Tahaee, Atahay. Two, Rooa, Erooa. Three, Toroo, Toroo. Four, Faa, Ahaa. Five, Reema, Ereema. Six, Ono, Aono. Seven, Heetoo, Aheitoo. Eight, Waroo, Awaroo. Nine, Eeva, Aeeva. Ten, Angahoora, Ahooroo.

The New Zealanders to these numerals prefix Ma; as,

English.                                New Zealand. 
Eleven,                                  Matahee. 
Twelve, &c &c.                            Marooa, &c. &c. 
Twenty,                                  Maogahoora.



* * * * *


Prosecution of the Voyage.—­Behaviour of the Two New Zealanders on board.—­Unfavourable Winds.—­An Island called Mangeea discovered.—­The Coast of it examined.—­Transactions with the Natives,—­An Account of their Persons, Dress, and Canoe.—­Description of the Island.—­A Specimen of the Language.—­Disposition of the Inhabitants.

On the 25th of February, at ten o’clock in the morning, a light breeze springing up at N.W. by W., we weighed, stood out of the Sound, and made sail through the strait, with the Discovery in company.  We had hardly got the length of Cape Teerawitte, when the wind took us aback at S.E.  It continued in this quarter till two o’clock the next morning, when we had a few hours calm.  After which we had a breeze at north; but here it fixed not long, before it veered to the east, and after that to the south.  At length on the 27th, at eight o’clock in the morning, we took our departure from Cape Palliser, which, at this time, bore W., seven or eight leagues distant.  We had a fine gale, and I steered E. by N.

We had no sooner lost sight of the land, than our two New Zealand adventurers, the sea sickness they now experienced giving a turn to their reflections, repented heartily of the step they had taken.  All the soothing encouragement we could think of availed but little.  They wept, both in public and in private, and made their lamentations in a kind of song, which, as far as we could comprehend the meaning of the words, was expressive of their praises of their country and people, from which they were to be separated for ever.  Thus they continued for many days, till their sea sickness wore off, and the tumult of their minds began to subside.  Then these fits of lamentation became less and less frequent, and at length entirely ceased.  Their native country and their friends were, by degrees, forgot, and they appeared to be as firmly attached to us, as if they had been born amongst us.

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The wind had not remained many hours at S., before it veered to S.E. and E.; and, with this, we stood to the N., till the 28th at noon.  Being then in the latitude of 41 deg. 17’, and in the longitude of 177 deg. 17’ E., we tacked and stood to the S.E., with a gentle breeze at E.N.E.  It afterward freshened, and came about to N.E.; in which quarter it continued two days, and sometimes blew a fresh gale with squalls, accompanied with showers of rain.

On the 2d of March at noon, being in the latitude of 42 deg. 35’ 30”, longitude 180 deg. 8’ E., the wind shifted to N.W.; afterward to S.W.; and between this point and north it continued to blow, sometimes a strong gale with hard squalls, and at other times very moderate.  With this wind we steered N.E. by E. and E., under all the sail we could carry, till the 11th at noon, at which time we were in the latitude of 39 deg. 29’, longitude 196 deg. 4’ E.

The wind now veered to N.E. and S.E., and I stood to the N., and to the N.E., as the wind would admit, till one o’clock in the morning on the 16th, when having a more favourable gale from the north, I tacked and stood to the east; the latitude being 33 deg. 40’, and the longitude 198 deg. 50’ E. We had light airs and calms by turns, till noon the next day, when the wind began to freshen at E.S.E., and I again stood to the N.E.  But as the wind often veered to E. and E.N.E., we frequently made no better than a northerly course; nay sometimes to the westward of north.  But the hopes of the wind coming more southerly, or of meeting with it from the westward, a little without the Tropic, as I had experienced in my former visits to this ocean, encouraged me to continue this course.  Indeed it was necessary that I should run all risks, as my proceeding to the north this year, in prosecution of the principal object of the voyage, depended entirely on my making a quick passage to Otaheite, or the Society Islands.

The wind continued invariably fixed at E.S.E., or seldom shifting above two points on either side.  It also blew very faint, so that it was the 27th before we crossed the Tropic, and then we were only in the longitude of 201 deg. 25’ E., which was nine degrees to the westward of our intended port.  In all this run we saw nothing, except now and then a Tropic bird, that could induce us to think that we had sailed near any land.  In the latitude of 34 deg. 20’, longitude 199 deg. we passed the trunk of a large tree, which was covered with barnacles; a sign that it had been long at sea.

On the 29th, at ten in the morning, as we were standing to the N.E., the Discovery made the signal of seeing land.  We saw it from the mast-head almost the same moment, bearing N.E. by E. by compass.  We soon discovered it to be an island of no great extent, and stood for it till sunset, when it bore N.N.E., distant about two or three leagues.

The night was spent in standing off and on, and at daybreak the next morning, I bore up for the lee or west side of the island, as neither anchorage nor landing appeared to be practicable on the south side, on account of a great surf,[149] which broke every where with violence against the shore, or against the reef that surrounded it.

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[Footnote 149:  A very ingenious and satisfactory account of the cause of the surf, is to be met with in Marsden’a History of Sumatra, p. 29-32.—­D.]

We presently found that the island was inhabited, and saw several people, on a point of the land we had passed, wading to the reef, where, as they found the ship leaving them quickly, they remained.  But others, who soon appeared in different parts, followed her course; and sometimes several of them collected into small bodies, who made a shouting noise all together, nearly after the manner of the inhabitants of New Zealand.

Between seven and eight o’clock, we were at the W.N.W. part of the island, and, being near the shore, we could perceive with our glasses, that several of the natives, who appeared upon a sandy beach, were all armed with long spears and clubs, which they brandished in the air with signs of threatening, or, as some on board interpreted their attitudes, with invitations to land.  Most of them appeared naked, except having a sort of girdle, which, being brought up between the thighs, covered that part of the body.  But some of them had pieces of cloth of different colours, white, striped, or chequered, which they wore as a garment, thrown about their shoulders.  And almost all of them had a white wrapper about their heads, not much unlike a turban; or, in some instances, like a high conical cap.  We could also perceive that they were of a tawny colour, and, in general, of a middling stature, but robust, and inclining to corpulence.

At this time, a small canoe was launched in a great hurry from the further end of the beach, and a man getting into it, put off, as with a view to reach the ship.  On perceiving this, I brought-to, that we might receive the visit; but the man’s resolution failing, he soon returned toward the beach, where, after some time, another man joined him in the canoe; and then they both paddled toward us.  They stopt short, however, as if afraid to approach, until Omai, who addressed them in the Otaheite language, in some measure quieted their apprehensions.  They then came near enough, to take some beads and nails, which were tied to a piece of wood, and thrown into the canoe.  They seemed afraid to touch these things, and put the piece of wood aside without untying them.  This, however, might arise from superstition; for Omai told us, that when they saw us offering them presents, they asked something for their Eatooa, or god.  He also, perhaps improperly, put the question to them, Whether, they ever ate human flesh? which they answered in the negative, with a mixture of indignation and abhorrence.  One of them, whose name was Mourooa, being asked how he came by a scar on his forehead, told us that it was the consequence of a wound he had got in fighting with the people of an island, which lies to the north-eastward, who, sometimes came to invade them.  They afterward took hold of a rope.  Still, however, they would not venture

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on board; but told Omai, who understood them pretty well, that their countrymen on shore had given them, this caution, at the same time directing them to enquire, from whence our ship came, and to learn the name of the captain.  On our part, we enquired the name of the island, which they called Mangya or Mangeea; and sometimes added to it Nooe, nai, naiwa.  The name of their chief, they said, was Orooaeeka.

Mourooa was lusty and well-made, but not very tall.  His features were agreeable, and his disposition seemingly no less so; for he made several droll gesticulations, which indicated both good-nature and a share of humour.  He also made others which seemed of a serious kind, and repeated some words with a devout air, before he ventured to lay hold of the rope at the ship’s stern; which was probably to recommend himself to the protection of some Divinity.  His colour was nearly of the same cast with that common to the most southern Europeans.  The other man was not so handsome.  Both of them had strong, straight hair, of a jet colour, tied together on the crown of the head with a bit of cloth.  They wore such girdles as we had perceived about those on shore, and we found they were a substance made from the Morus papyrifera, in the same manner as at the other islands of this ocean.  It was glazed like the sort used by the natives of the Friendly Islands; but the cloth, on their heads was white, like that which is found at Otaheite.  They had on a kind of sandals, made of a grassy substance interwoven, which we also observed were worn by those who stood upon the beach; and, as we supposed, intended to defend their feet against the rough coral rock.  Their beards were long; and the inside of their arms, from the shoulder to the elbow, and some other parts, were punctured or tatooed, after the manner of the inhabitants of almost all the other islands in the South Sea.  The lobe of their ears was pierced, or rather slit, and to such a length, that one of them stuck there a knife and some beads, which he had received from us; and the same person had two polished pearl-shells, and a bunch of human hair, loosely twisted, hanging about his neck, which was the only ornament we observed.  The canoe they came in (which was the only one we saw), was not above ten feet long, and very narrow; but both strong and neatly made.  The fore part had a flat board fastened over it, and projecting out, to prevent the sea getting in on plunging, like the small Evaas at Otaheite; but it had an upright stern, about five feet high, like some in New Zealand; and the upper end of this stern-post was forked.  The lower part of the canoe was of white wood, but the upper was black, and their paddles, made of wood of the same colour, not above three feet long, broad at one end, and blunted.  They paddled either end of the canoe forward indifferently; and only turned about their faces to paddle the contrary way.

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We now stood off and on; and as soon as the ships were in a proper station, about ten o’clock I ordered two boats, one of them from the Discovery, to sound the coast, and to endeavour to find a landing-place.  With this view, I went in one of them myself, taking with me such articles to give the natives, as I thought might serve to gain their good-will.  I had no sooner put off from the ship, than the canoe, with the two men, which had left us not long before, paddled toward my boat; and, having come along-side, Mourooa stept into her, without being asked, and without a moment’s hesitation.

Omai, who was with me, was ordered to enquire of him where we could land; and he directed us to two different places.  But I saw, with regret, that the attempt could not be made at either place, unless at the risk of having our boats filled with water, or even staved to pieces.  Nor were we more fortunate in our search for anchorage; for we could find no bottom, till within a cable’s length of the breakers.  There we met with from forty to twenty fathoms depth, over sharp coral rocks; so that anchoring would have been attended with much more danger than landing.

While we were thus employed in reconnoitring the shore, great numbers of the natives thronged down upon the reef, all armed as above mentioned.  Mourooa, who was now in my boat, probably thinking that this warlike appearance hindered us from landing, ordered them to retire back.  As many of them complied, I judged he must be a person of some consequence among them.  Indeed, if we understood him right, he was the king’s brother.  So great was the curiosity of several of them, that they took to the water, and, swimming off to the boats, came on board them without reserve.  Nay, we found it difficult to keep them out; and still more difficult to prevent their carrying off every thing they could lay their hands upon.  At length, when they perceived that we were returning to the ships, they all left us, except our original visitor Mourooa.  He, though not without evident signs of fear, kept his place in my boat, and accompanied me on board the ship.

The cattle, and other new objects, that presented themselves to him there, did not strike him with so much surprise as one might have expected.  Perhaps his mind was too much taken up about his own safety, to allow him to attend to other things.  It is certain, that he seemed very uneasy; and the ship, on our getting on board, happening to be standing off shore, this circumstance made him the more so.  I could get but little new information from him; and therefore, after he had made a short stay, I ordered a boat to carry him in toward the land.  As soon as he got out of the cabin, he happened to stumble over one of the goats.  His curiosity now overcoming his fear, he stopped, looked at it, and asked Omai, what bird this was? and not receiving an immediate answer from him, he repeated the question to some of the people upon deck.  The boat having conveyed him pretty near to the surf, he leaped into the sea, and swam ashore.  He had no sooner landed, than the multitude of his countrymen gathered round him, as if with an eager curiosity to learn from him what he had seen; and in this situation they remained, when we lost sight of them.  As soon as the boat returned, we hoisted her in, and made sail from the land to the northward.

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Thus were we obliged to leave, unvisited, this fine island, which seemed capable of supplying all our wants.  It lies in the latitude of 21 deg. 57’ S., and in the longitude of 201 deg. 53’ E. Such parts of the coast as fell under our observation, are guarded by a reef of coral rock, on the outside of which the sea is of an unfathomable depth.  It is full five leagues in circuit, and of a moderate and pretty equal height; though, in clear weather, it may be certainly seen at the distance of ten leagues; for we had not lost sight of it at night, when we had run above seven leagues, and the weather was cloudy.  In the middle, it rises into little hills, from whence there is a gentle descent to the shore, which, at the S.W. part, is steep, though not above ten or twelve feet high; and has several excavations made by the beating of the waves against a brownish sand-stone of which it is composed.  The descent here is covered with trees of a deep green colour, very thick, but not high, which seem all of one sort, unless nearest the shore, where there are great numbers of that species of dracaena found in the woods of New Zealand, which are also scattered in some other places.  On the N.W. part, the shore, as we mentioned above, ends in a sandy beach; beyond which the land is broken down into small chasms or gullies, and has a broad border of trees resembling tall willows; which, from its regularity, might be supposed a work of art, did not its extent forbid us to think so.  Farther up on the ascent, the trees were of the deep green mentioned before.  Some of us supposed these to be the rima, intermixed with low cocoa palms; and a few of some other sorts.  They seemed not so thick as on the S.W. part, and higher; which appearance might be owing to our nearer approach to the shore.  On the little hills were some trees of a taller sort, thinly scattered; but the other parts of them were either bare, and of a reddish colour, or covered with something like fern.  Upon the whole, the island has a pretty aspect, and might be made a beautiful spot by cultivation.

As the inhabitants seemed to be both numerous and well fed, such articles of provision as the island produces must be in great plenty.  It might, however, be a matter of curiosity to know, particularly, their method of subsistence; for our friend Mourooa told us, that they had no animals, as hogs and dogs, both which, however, they had heard of; but acknowledged they had plantains, bread-fruit, and taro.  The only birds we saw, were some white egg-birds, terns, and noddies; and one white heron, on the shore.

The language of the inhabitants of Mangeea is a dialect of that spoken at Otaheite; though their pronunciation, as that of the New Zealanders, be more guttural.  Some of their words, of which two or three are perhaps peculiar to this island, are here subjoined, as taken, by Mr Anderson, from Omai, who had learnt them in his conversations with Mourooa.  The Otaheite words, where there is any resemblance, are placed opposite.

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English. Mangeea. Otaheite. A cocoa nut, Eakkaree, Aree. Bread-fruit, Kooroo, Ooroo. A canoe, Ewakka, Evaa. Friend, Naoo, mou. A man, Taata, or Tangata, Taata. Cloth, or cloth plant, Taia, taia aoutee, Eoute. Good, Mata, Myty. A club, Pooroohee. Yes, Aee, Ai. No, Aoure, Aoure. A spear, Heyhey.  A_fight, or battle_, Etamagee, Tamaee. A woman, Waheine, Waheine. A daughter, Maheine, Maheine. The sun, Heetaia matooa. I, Ou, Wou. The shore, Euta, Euta. What is that? Ehataieee?  Owytaieeoa? There, Oo.
English.                    Mangeea.           Otaheite.
A chief,                   Ereekee,             Eree.

Great, or powerful, Manna (an adjunct to
the last

To kiss, Ooma.

The natives of Mangeea seem to resemble those of Otaheite and the Marquesas in the beauty of their persons, more than any other nation I have seen in these seas; having a smooth skin, and not being muscular.  Their general disposition also corresponds, as far as we had opportunities of judging, with that which distinguishes the first-mentioned people.  For they are not only cheerful, but, as Mourooa shewed us, are acquainted with all the lascivious gesticulations which the Otaheitans practise in their dances.  It may also be supposed, that their method of living is similar.  For, though the nature of the country prevented our seeing many of their habitations, we observed one house near the beach, which much resembled, in its mode of construction, those of Otaheite.  It was pleasantly situated in a grove of trees, and appeared to be about thirty feet long, and seven or eight high, with an open end, which represented an ellipse divided transversely.  Before it, was spread something white on a few bushes; which we conjectured to be a fishing net, and, to appearance, of a very delicate texture.

They salute strangers much after the manner of the New Zealanders, by joining noses; adding, however, the additional ceremony of taking the hand of the person to whom they are paying civilities, and rubbing it with a degree of force upon their nose and mouth.[150]

[Footnote 150:  The inhabitants of the Palaos, New Philippine, or rather Caroline Islands, at the distance of almost fifteen hundred leagues from Mangeea, have the same mode of salutation.  “Leur civilitie, et la marque de leur respect, consiste a prendre la main ou la pied de celui a qui ils veulent faire honneur, et s’en frotter doucement toute le visage.”—­Lettres Edifiantes & Curieuses, tom. xv. p. 208. Edit. 1781.—–­ D.]

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The Discovery of an Island called Wateeoo.—­Its Coasts examined.—­Visits from the Natives on board the Ships.—­Mess.  Gore, Barney, and Anderson, with Omai, sent on Shore.—­Mr Anderson’s Narrative of their Reception.—­Omai’s Expedient to prevent their being detained.—­His meeting with some of his Countrymen, and their distressful Voyage.—­Farther Account of Wateeoo, and of its Inhabitants.

After leaving Mangeea, on the afternoon of the 30th of March, we continued our course northward, all that night, and till noon on the 31st; when we again saw land, in the direction of N.E. by N., distant eight or ten leagues.

Next morning, at eight o’clock, we had got abreast of its north end, within four leagues of it, but to leeward; and could now pronounce it to be an island, nearly of the same appearance and extent with that we had so lately left.  At the same time, another island, but much smaller, was seen right ahead.  We could have soon reached this; but the largest one had the preference, as most likely to furnish a supply of food for the cattle, of which we began to be in great want.

With this view I determined to work up to it; but as there was but little wind, and that little was unfavourable, we were still two leagues to leeward at eight o’clock the following morning.  Soon after, I sent two armed boats from the Resolution, and one from the Discovery, under the command of Lieutenant Gore, to look for anchoring-ground, and a landing-place.  In the mean time, we plyed up under the island with the ships.

Just as the boats were putting off, we observed several single canoes coming from the shore.  They went first to the Discovery, she being the nearest ship.  It was not long after, when three of these canoes came along-side of the Resolution, each conducted by one man.  They are long and narrow, and supported by outriggers.  The stern is elevated about three or four feet, something like a ship’s stern-post.  The head is flat above, but prow-like below, and turns down at the extremity, like the end of a violin.  Some knives, beads, and other trifles were conveyed to our visitors; and they gave us a few cocoa-nuts, upon our asking for them.  But they did not part with them by way of exchange for what they had received from us.  For they seemed to have no idea of bartering; nor did they appear to estimate any of our presents at a high rate.

With a little persuasion, one of them made his canoe fast to the ship, and came on board; and the other two, encouraged by his example, soon followed him.  Their whole behaviour marked that they were quite at their ease, and felt no sort of apprehension of our detaining, or using them ill.

After their departure, another canoe arrived, conducted by a man who brought a bunch of plantains as a present to me; asking for me by name, having learnt it from Omai, who was sent before us in the boat with Mr Gore.  In return for this civility, I gave him an axe, and a piece of red cloth; and he paddled back to the shore well satisfied.  I afterward understood from Omai, that this present had been sent from the king, or principal chief of the island.

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Not long after, a double canoe, in which were twelve men, came toward us.  As they drew near the ship, they recited some words in concert, by way of chorus,[151] one of their number first standing up, and giving the word before each repetition.  When they had finished their solemn chant, they came along-side, and asked for the chief.  As soon as I shewed myself, a pig and a few cocoa-nuts were conveyed up into the ship; and the principal person in the canoe made me an additional present of a piece of matting, as soon as he and his companions got on board.

[Footnote 151:  Something like this ceremony was performed by the inhabitants of the Marquesas, when Captain Cook visited them in 1774.  It is curious to observe, at what immense distances this mode of receiving strangers prevails.  Padillo, who sailed from Manilla in 1710, on a voyage to discover the Palaos Islands, was thus received there.  The writer of the relation of his voyage says, “Aussitot qu’ils approcherent de notre bord, ils se mirent a chanter.  Ils regloient la cadence, en frappant des mains sur leurs cuisses.”—­Lettres Edifiantes & Curieuses, tom. xv. p. 323.—­D.]

Our visitors were conducted into the cabin, and to other parts of the ship.  Some objects seemed to strike them with a degree of surprise; but nothing fixed their attention for a moment.  They were afraid to come near the cows and horses; nor did they form the least conception of their nature.  But the sheep and goats did not surpass the limits of their ideas; for they gave us to understand, that they knew them to be birds.  It will appear rather incredible, that human ignorance could ever make so strange a mistake; there not being the most distant similitude between a sheep or goat, and any winged animal.  But these people seemed to know nothing of the existence of any other land-animals, besides hogs, dogs, and birds.  Our sheep and goats, they could see, were very different creatures from the two first, and therefore they inferred, that they must belong to the latter class, in which they knew there is a considerable variety of species.[152] I made a present to my new friend of what I thought might be most acceptable to him; but, on his going away, he seemed rather disappointed than pleased.  I afterward understood that he was very desirous of obtaining a dog, of which animal this island could not boast, though its inhabitants knew that the race existed in other islands of their ocean.  Captain Clerke had received the like present, with the same view, from another man, who met with from him the like disappointment.

[Footnote 152:  “I would add,” says Mr Stewart, in his Elements of the Phil, of Hum.  Mind, p. 154, 2d ed., “I would add to Cook’s very judicious remarks, that the mistake of these islanders probably did not arise from their considering a sheep or a goat as bearing a more striking resemblance to a bird, than to the two classes of quadrupeds with which they were acquainted; but to the want of a generic

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word, such as quadruped, comprehending these two species; which men in their situation would no more be led to form, than a person, who had only seen one individual of each species, would think of an appellation to express both, instead of applying a proper name to each.  In consequence of the variety of birds, it appears that they had a generic name comprehending all of them, to which it was not unnatural for them to refer any new animal they met with.”—­This solution is very specious, but when narrowly examined, will be found to rest on two suppositions not altogether borne out by evidence, and also to be liable to yield a conclusion not readily reconcileable with all the circumstances of the case.  In the first place, it is not proved that these islanders had no generic word to comprehend the two species of quadrupeds with which they were acquainted; and the reason given for their want of it, which, after all, is merely a probable one, cannot be allowed much force.  Its weakness will appear from the consideration, that men in their situation, having certainly an idea of number, must, according to Mr S.’s own principles stated in the next page, have possessed the power of attending separately to the things which their senses had presented to them in a state of union, and have found it necessary to apply to all of them one common name, or, in other words, “to have reduced them all to the same genus.”  It is requisite, therefore, for the validity of Mr S.’s reason, to shew that these islanders either were not able to distinguish betwixt their hogs and dogs, or had never numbered them together, which it is quite impossible to credit.  Even the case of the person who had seen only one individual of each species, which Mr S. conceives similar to that we are considering, may be argued against in the same manner, and besides this, will be found not analogous.  The reason is plain.  He may or may not have been able, from a solitary observation, to infer that the distinction he noticed betwixt them was a radical difference, or, in the language of the schoolmen, was essential:  Whereas the islanders, from the constancy of the differences they observed, must have been necessitated to form a classification of the objects, the result of which would be, the use of one term for the common properties or the resemblance, and two words for the comprehended individuals.  In the second place, it cannot otherwise be made appear, that these islanders had a generic name comprehending the variety of birds with which they were acquainted, than on such principles of reasoning as we have now been considering, the proper inference from which, as we have seen, is destructive of the foundation of Mr S.’s solution.  Here, it may be remarked, it is somewhat unfortunate that we cannot depend implicitly on Captain Cook’s account as to the words in which the islanders conveyed the notions we have been commenting on; because, as the reader will find at the end of this section, these people, who, whatever

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rank they may be allowed to hold as logicians, were at all events very dexterous thieves, stole the memorandum book in which Mr Anderson had recorded a specimen of their language.  But admitting Mr S.’s suppositions, it then may be shewn, that not only the sheep and the goats, but also the horses and cows, considered, in the words of Mr S., as new animals, would have been referred by these islanders to the same genus, and therefore considered as birds.  The circumstance of their greater size, or, indeed, any other discernible difference, cannot here be pleaded as exceptive, without in reality abandoning the principles on which the solution is constructed.  On the whole, perhaps, it may seem more correct to imagine, that these islanders were struck with some fanciful and distant resemblance to certain birds they were acquainted with, from which they hastily inferred identity of nature, notwithstanding some very visible discrepancies; whereas the remarkable dissimilarity betwixt the new quadrupeds and those they were previously acquainted with, impressed their minds with the notion of complete contrariety.  In other words, they concluded, from the unlikeness, that these animals were neither dogs nor hogs, and, from the resemblance, that they were birds.  It is erroneous to say, with Cook, that there is not the most distant similitude between a sheep or goat, and any winged animal.  For the classifications adopted in every system of natural history, proceed upon the discovery of still more remote resemblances among the objects of the science, than such as may be noticed in the present case; and it will almost always be found, that there is greater difficulty in ascertaining differences amongst those objects which are allied, than similarity amongst those which are unconnected.  The facility with which ideas are associated in the mind, as Mr S. informs us, p. 295, is very different in different individuals, and “lays the foundation of remarkable varieties of men both in respect of genius and of character;” and he elsewhere (p. 291) admits, “that things which have no known relation to each other are often associated, in consequence of their producing similar effects on the mind.”  With respect to the former remark, the facility, it might be practicable to shew, that, in general, it is proportioned to the ignorance and imperfect education, of the individuals, hence children and the female sex (as Mr S. himself asserts) exhibit most of it; and, in consistency with the latter observation, we have but to imagine, that some effect having been produced on the minds of these islanders by the sight of the animals in question, similar to what they had previously experienced from some bird or birds which they had occasionally seen, led them to the remarkable association we have been considering.  It would not be very difficult to intimate how this might have happened, but the length of our note, the reader may think, is much greater than its importance, and he may prefer to amuse himself at another time, by following out the investigation.  Let it be our apology for entering on it at all, that it is only by diligent reflection on such mysterious trains of thought, we can hope to acquire any just conceptions of the faculties and operations of our own minds.—­E.]

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The people in these canoes were in general of a middling size, and not unlike those of Mangeea; though several were of a blacker cast than any we saw there.  Their hair was tied on the crown of the head, or flowing loose about the shoulders; and though in some it was of a frizzling disposition, yet, for the most part, that, as well as the straight sort, was long.  Their features were various, and some of the young men rather handsome.  Like those of Mangeea, they had girdles of glazed cloth, or fine matting, the ends of which, being brought-betwixt their thighs, covered the adjoining parts.  Ornaments, composed of a sort of broad grass, stained with red, and strung with berries of the nightshade, were worn about their necks.  Their ears were bored, but not slit; and they were punctured upon the legs, from, the knee to the heel, which made them appear as if they wore a kind of boots.  They also resembled the inhabitants of Mangeea in the length of their beards, and, like them, wore a sort of sandals upon their feet.  Their behaviour was frank and cheerful, with a great deal of good-nature.

At three o’clock in the afternoon, Mr Gore returned with the boat, and informed me, that he had examined all the west side of the island, without finding a place where a boat could land, or the ships could anchor, the shore being every where bounded by a steep coral rock, against which the sea broke in a dreadful surf.  But as the natives seemed very friendly, and to express a degree of disappointment when they saw that our people failed in their attempts to land, Mr Gore was of opinion, that by means of Omai, who could best explain our request, they might be prevailed upon to bring off to the boats, beyond the surf, such articles as we most wanted; in particular, the stems of plantain trees, which make good food for the cattle.  Having little or no wind, the delay of a day or two was not of any moment; and therefore I determined to try the experiment, and got every thing ready against the next morning.

Soon after day-break, we observed some canoes coming off to the ships, and one of them directed its course to the Resolution.  In it was a hog, with some plantains and cocoa nuts, for which the people who brought them demanded a dog from us, and refused every other thing that we offered in exchange.  One of our gentlemen on board happened to have a dog and a bitch, which were great nuisances in the ship, and might have been disposed of on this occasion for a purpose of real utility, by propagating a race of so useful an animal in this island.  But their owner had no such views, in making them the companions of his voyage.  However, to gratify these people, Omai parted with a favourite dog he had brought from England; and with this acquisition they departed highly satisfied.

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About ten o’clock, I dispatched Mr Gore with three boats, two from the Resolution, and one from the Discovery, to try the experiment he had proposed.  And, as I could confide in his diligence and ability, I left it entirely to himself, to act as, from circumstances, he should judge to be most proper.  Two of the natives, who had been on board, accompanied him, and Omai went with him in his boat as an interpreter.  The ships being a full league from the island when the boats put off, and having but little wind, it was noon before we could work up to it.  We then saw our three boats riding at their grapplings, just without the surf, and a prodigious number of the natives on the shore, abreast of them.  By this we concluded, that Mr Gore, and others of our people, had landed, and our impatience to know the event may be easily conceived.  In order to observe their motions, and to be ready to give them such assistance as they might want, and our respective situations would admit of, I kept as near the shore as was prudent.  I was sensible, however, that the reef was as effectual a barrier between us and our friends who had landed, and put them as much beyond the reach of our protection, as if half the circumference of the globe had intervened.  But the islanders, it was probable, did not know this so well as we did.  Some of them, now and then, came off to the ships in their canoes, with a few cocoa nuts; which they exchanged for whatever was offered to them, without seeming to give the preference to any particular article.

These occasional visits served to lessen my solicitude about our people who had landed.  Though we could get no information from our visitors, yet their venturing on board seemed to imply, at least, that their countrymen on shore had not made an improper use of the confidence put in them.  At length, a little before sun-set, we had the satisfaction of seeing the boats put off.  When they got on board, I found that Mr Gore himself, Omai, Mr Anderson, and, Mr Burney, were the only persons who had landed.  The transactions of the day were now fully reported to me by Mr Gore; but Mr Anderson’s account of them being very particular, and including some remarks on the island and its inhabitants, I shall give it a place here, nearly in his own words.

“We rowed toward a small sandy beach, upon which, and upon the adjacent rocks, a great number of the natives had assembled; and came to an anchor within a hundred yards of the reef, which extends about as far, or a little farther, from the shore.  Several of the natives swam off, bringing cocoa-nuts; and Omai, with their countrymen, whom we had with us in the boats, made them sensible of our wish to land.  But their attention was taken up, for a little time, by the dog, which had been carried from the ship, and was just brought on shore, round whom they flocked with great eagerness.  Soon after, two canoes came off; and, to create a greater confidence in the islanders, we determined to go unarmed, and run the hazard of being treated well or ill.”

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“Mr Burney, the first lieutenant of the Discovery, and I went in one canoe, a little time before the other; and our conductors, watching attentively the motions of the surf, landed us safely upon the reef.  An islander took hold of each of us, obviously with an intention to support us in walking, over the rugged rocks, to the beach, where several of the others met us, holding the green boughs of a species of Mimosa in their hands, and saluted us by applying their noses to ours.”

“We were conducted from the beach by our guides, amidst a great crowd of people, who flocked with very eager curiosity to look at us; and would have prevented our proceeding, had not some men, who seemed to have authority, dealt blows, with little distinction, amongst them, to keep them off.  We were then led up an avenue of cocoa-palms; and soon came to a number of men, arranged in two rows, armed with clubs, which they held on their shoulders, much in the manner we rest a musquet.  After walking a little way amongst these, we found a person who seemed a chief, sitting on the ground cross-legged, cooling himself with a sort of triangular fan, made from a leaf of the cocoa palm, with a polished handle, of black wood, fixed to one corner.  In his ears were large bunches of beautiful red feathers, which pointed forward.  But he had no other mark, or ornament, to distinguish him from the rest of the people; though they all obeyed him with the greatest alacrity.  He either naturally had, or at this time put on, a serious, but not severe countenance; and we were desired to salute him as he sat, by some people who seemed of consequence.”

“We proceeded still amongst the men armed with clubs, and came to a second chief, who sat fanning himself, and ornamented as the first.  He was remarkable for his size, and uncommon corpulence, though, to appearance, not above thirty years of age.  In the same manner, we were conducted to a third chief, who seemed older than the two former, and, though not so fat as the second, was of a large size.  He also was sitting, and adorned with red feathers; and after saluting him as we had done the others, he desired us both to sit down, which we were very willing to do, being pretty well fatigued with walking up, and with the excessive heat we felt amongst the vast crowd that surrounded us.”

“In a few minutes, the people were ordered to separate; and we saw, at the distance of thirty yards, about twenty young women, ornamented as the chiefs, with red feathers, engaged in a dance, which they performed to a slow and serious air, sung by them all.  We got up, and went forward to see them; and though we must have been strange objects to them, they continued their dance, without paying the least attention to us.  They seemed to be directed by a man who served as a prompter, and mentioned each motion they were to make.  But they never changed the spot, as we do in dancing, and though their feet were not at rest,

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this exercise consisted more in moving the fingers very nimbly, at the same time holding the hands in a prone position near the face, and now and then also clapping them together.[153] Their motions and songs were performed in such exact concert, that it should seem they had been taught with great care; and probably they were selected for this ceremony, as few of those whom we saw in the crowd equalled them in beauty.  In general, they were rather stout than slender, with black hair flowing in ringlets down the neck, and of an olive complexion.  Their features were rather fuller than what we allow to perfect beauties, and much alike; but their eyes were of a deep black, and each countenance expressed a degree of complacency and modesty, peculiar to the sex in every part of the world, but perhaps more conspicuous here, where Nature presented us with her productions in the fullest perfection, unbiassed in sentiment by custom, or unrestrained in manner by art.  Their shape and limbs were elegantly formed.  For, as their dress consisted only of a piece of glazed cloth fastened about the waist, and scarcely reaching so low as the knees, in many we had an opportunity of observing every part.  This dance was not finished, when we heard a noise, as if some horses had been galloping toward us; and, on looking aside, we saw the people armed with clubs, who had been desired, as we supposed, to entertain us with the sight of their manner of fighting.  This they now did, one party pursuing another who fled.”

[Footnote 153:  The dances of the inhabitants of the Caroline Islands have a great resemblance to those here described.  See Lettres Edif. et Curieuses, tom. xv. p. 315.  See also, in the same volume, p. 207, what is said of the singing and dancing of the inhabitants of the Palaos Islands, which belong to the same group.—­D.]

“As we supposed the ceremony of being introduced to the chiefs was at an end, we began to look about for Mr Gore and Omai; and, though the crowd would hardly suffer us to move, we at length found them coming up, as much incommoded by the number of people as we had been, and introduced in the same manner to the three chiefs, whose names were Otteroo, Taroa, and Fatouweera.  Each of these expected a present; and Mr Gore gave them such things as he had brought with him from the ship, for that purpose.  After this, making use of Omai as his interpreter, he informed the chiefs with what intention we had come on shore; but was given to understand, that he must wait till the next day, and then he should have what was wanted.”

“They now seemed to take some pains to separate us from each other; and every one of us had his circle to surround and gaze at him.  For my own part, I was, at one time, above an hour apart from my friends; and when I told the chief, with whom I sat, that I wanted to speak to Omai, he peremptorily refused my request.  At the same time, I found the people began to steal several trifling things which I had

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in my pocket; and when I took the liberty of complaining to the chief of this treatment, he justified it.  From these circumstances, I now entertained apprehensions, that they might have formed the design of detaining us amongst them.  They did not, indeed, seem to be of a disposition so savage, as to make us anxious for the safety of our persons; but it was, nevertheless, vexing to think we had hazarded being detained by their curiosity.  In this situation, I asked for something to eat; and they readily brought to me some cocoa-nuts, bread-fruit, and a sort of sour pudding; which was presented by a woman.  And on my complaining much of the heat, occasioned by the crowd, the chief himself condescended to fan me, and gave me a small piece of cloth, which he had round his waist.”

“Mr Burney happening to come to the place where I was, I mentioned my suspicions to him; and, to put it to the test, whether they were well-founded, we attempted to get to the beach.  But we were stopped, when about halfway, by some men, who told us, that we must go back to the place which we had left.  On coming up, we found Omai entertaining the same apprehensions.  But he had, as he fancied, an additional reason for being afraid; for he had observed, that they had dug a hole in the ground for an oven, which they were now heating; and he could assign no other reason for this, than that they meant to roast and eat us, as is practised by the inhabitants of New Zealand.  Nay, he went so far as to ask them the question; at which they were greatly surprised, asking, in return, whether that was a custom with us?  Mr Burney and I were rather angry that they should be thus suspected by him; there having, as yet, been no appearances, in their conduct toward us, of their being capable of such brutality.”

“In this manner we were detained the greatest part of the day, being sometimes together, and sometimes separated, but always in a crowd; who, not satisfied with gazing at us, frequently desired us to uncover part of our skin; the sight of which commonly produced a general murmur of admiration.  At the same time they did not omit these opportunities of rifling our pockets; and, at last, one of them snatched a small bayonet from Mr Gore, which hung in its sheath by his side.  This was represented to the chief, who pretended to send some person in search of it.  But, in all probability, he countenanced the theft; for, soon after, Omai had a dagger stolen from his side, in the same manner, though he did not miss it immediately.”

“Whether they observed any signs of uneasiness in us, or that they voluntarily repeated their emblems of friendship when we expressed a desire to go, I cannot tell; but, at this time, they brought some green boughs, and, sticking their ends in the ground, desired we might hold them as we sat.  Upon out urging again the business we came upon, they gave us to understand, that we must stay and eat with them; and a pig which we saw, soon after, lying near the oven, which they had prepared and heated, removed Omai’s apprehension of being put into it himself; and made us think it might be intended for our repast.  The chief also promised to send some people to procure food for the cattle; but it was not till pretty late in the afternoon, that we saw them return with a few plantain-trees, which they carried to our boats.”

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“In the mean time, Mr Barney and I attempted again to go to the beach; but when we arrived, we found ourselves watched by people, who, to appearance, had been placed there for this purpose.  For when I tried to wade in upon the reef, one of them took hold of my clothes and dragged me back.  I picked up some small pieces of coral, which they required me to throw down again; and, on my refusal, they made no scruple to take them forcibly from me.  I had gathered some small plants, but these also I could not be permitted to retain.  And they took a fan from Mr Barney, which he had received as a present on coming ashore.  Omai said we had done wrong in taking up any thing, for it was not the custom here to permit freedoms of that kind to strangers, till they had, in some measure, naturalized them to the country, by entertaining them with festivity for two or three days.”

“Finding that the only method of procuring better treatment was to yield implicit obedience to their will, we went up again to the place we had left; and they now promised that we should have a canoe to carry us off to our boats, after we had eaten of a repast which they had prepared for us.”

“Accordingly the second chief, to whom we had been introduced in the morning, having seated himself upon a low broad stool of blackish hard wood, tolerably polished, and, directing the multitude to make a pretty large ring, made us sit down by him.  A considerable number of cocoa-nuts were now brought, and shortly after a long green basket, with a sufficient quantity of baked plantains to have served a dozen persons.  A piece of the young hog, that had been dressed, was then set before each of us, of which we were desired to eat.  Our appetites, however, had failed from the fatigue of the day; and though we did eat a little to please them, it was without satisfaction to ourselves.”

“It being now near sun-set, we told them it was time to go on board.  This they allowed, and sent down to the beach the remainder of the victuals that had been dressed, to be carried with us to the ships.  But, before we set out, Omai was treated with a drink he had been used to in his own country, which, we observed, was made here, as at other islands in the South Sea, by chewing the root of a sort of pepper.  We found a canoe ready to put us off to our boats, which the natives did with the same caution as when we landed.  But even here their thievish disposition did not leave them.  For a person of some consequence among them, who came with us, took an opportunity, just as they were pushing the canoe into the surf, to snatch a bag out of her, which I had with the greatest difficulty preserved all day, there being in it a small pocket-pistol, which I was unwilling to part with.  Perceiving him, I called out, expressing as much displeasure as I could.  On which he thought proper to return, and swim with the bag to the canoe; but he denied he had stolen it, though detected in the very act.  They put us on board our boats, with the cocoa-nuts, plantains, and other provisions, which they had brought, and we rowed to the ships, very well pleased that we had at last got out of the hands of our troublesome masters.”

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“We regretted much that our restrained situation gave us so little opportunity of making observations on the country; for, during the whole day, we were seldom a hundred yards from the place where we were introduced to the chiefs on landing, and consequently, were confined to the surrounding objects.  The first thing that presented itself, worthy of our notice, was the number of people, which must have been at least two thousand.  For those who welcomed us on the shore bore no proportion to the multitude we found amongst the trees, on proceeding a little way up.”

“We could also observe, that, except a few, those we had hitherto seen on board were of the lower class; for a great number of those we now met with had a superior dignity in their air, and were of a much whiter cast.  In general, they had the hair tied on the crown of the head, long, black, and of a most luxuriant growth.  Many of the young men were perfect models in shape, of a complexion as delicate as that of the women, and, to appearance, of a disposition as amiable.  Others, who were more advanced in years, were corpulent; and all had a remarkable smoothness of the skin.  Their general dress was a piece of cloth, or mat, wrapped about the waist, and covering the parts which modesty conceals.  But some had pieces of mats, most curiously varied with black and white, made into a sort of jacket without sleeves; and others wore conical caps of cocoa-nut core, neatly interwoven with small beads, made of a shelly substance.  Their ears were pierced; and in them they hung bits of the membranous part of some plant, or stuck there an odoriferous flower, which seemed to be a species of gardenia.  Some, who were of a superior class, and also the chiefs, had two little balls, with a common base, made from the bone of some animal, which was hung round the neck, with a great many folds of small cord.  And after the ceremony of introduction to the chiefs was over, they then appeared without their red feathers, which are certainly considered here as a particular mark of distinction, for none but themselves, and the young women who danced, assumed them.”

“Some of the men were punctured all over the sides and back in an uncommon manner; and some of the women had the same ornament on their legs.  But this method was confined to those who seemed to be of a superior rank; and the men, in that case, were also generally distinguished by their size and corpulence, unless very young.  The women of an advanced age had their hair cropped short; and many were cut in oblique lines all over the fore-part of the body; and some of the wounds, which formed rhomboidal figures, had been so lately inflicted, that the coagulated blood still remained in them.”

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“The wife of one of the chiefs appeared with her child, laid in a piece of red cloth, which had been presented to her husband, and seemed to carry it with great tenderness, suckling it much after the manner of our women.  Another chief introduced his daughter, who was young and beautiful, but appeared with all the timidity natural to the sex, though she gazed on us with a kind of anxious concern, that seemed to struggle with her fear, and to express her astonishment at so unusual a sight.  Others advanced with more firmness, and indeed were less reserved than we expected, but behaved with a becoming modesty.  We did not observe any personal deformities amongst either sex, except in a few who had scars of broad superficial ulcers remaining on the face and other parts.  In proportion to the number of people assembled, there appeared not many old men or women; which may easily be accounted for, by supposing that such as were in an advanced period of life, might neither have the inclination nor the ability to come from the more distant parts of the island.  On the other hand, the children were numerous; and both these and the men climbed the trees to look at us when we were hid by the surrounding crowd.”

“About a third part of the men were armed with clubs and spears; and probably these were only the persons who had come from a distance, as many of them had small baskets, mats, and other things, fastened to the ends of their weapons.  The clubs were generally about six feet long, made of a hard black wood, lance-shaped at the end, but much broader, with the edge nicely scolloped, and the whole neatly polished.  Others of them were narrower at the point, much shorter, and plain; and some were even so small as to be used with one hand.  The spears were made of the same wood, simply pointed, and, in general, above twelve feet long; though some were so short that they seemed intended to be thrown as darts.”

“The place where we were all the day was under the shade of various trees, in which they preserved their canoes from the sun.  About eight or ten of them were here, all double ones, that is, two single ones fastened together (as is usual throughout the whole extent of the Pacific Ocean) by rafters lashed across.  They were about twenty feet long, about four feet deep, and the sides rounded with a plank raised upon them, which was fastened strongly by means of withes.  Two of these canoes were most curiously stained, or painted, all over with black, in numberless small figures, as squares, triangles, &c. and excelled by far any thing of that kind I had ever seen at any other island in this ocean.  Our friends here, indeed, seemed to have exerted more skill in doing this than in puncturing their own bodies.  The paddles were about four feet long, nearly elliptical, but broader at the upper end than the middle.  Near the same place was a hut or shed, about thirty feet long, and nine or ten high, in which, perhaps, these boats are built; but at this time it was empty.”

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“The greatest number of the trees around us were cocoa-palms, some sorts of hibiscus, a species of euphorbia, and, toward the sea, abundance of the same kind of trees we had seen at Mangeea Nooe Nainaiwa, and which seemed to surround the shores of the island in the same manner.  They are tall and slender, not much unlike a cypress, but with bunches of long, round, articulated leaves.  The natives call them etoa.  On the ground we saw some grass, a species of convolvulus, and a good deal of treacle-mustard.  There are also, doubtless, other fruit-trees and useful plants which we did not see; for, besides several sorts of plantains, they brought, at different times, roots which they call taro, (the coccos of other countries,) a bread-fruit, and a basket of roasted nuts, of a kidney shape, in taste like a chesnut, but coarser.”

“What the soil of the island may be farther inland we could not tell, but toward the sea it is nothing more than a bank of coral, ten or twelve feet high, steep and rugged, except where there are small sandy beaches at some clefts, where the ascent is gradual.  The coral, though it has probably been exposed to the weather for many centuries, has undergone no farther change than becoming black on the surface, which, from its irregularity, is not much unlike large masses of a burnt substance.  But, on breaking some pieces off, we found that, at the depth of two or three inches, it was just as fresh as the pieces that had been lately thrown upon the beach by the waves.  The reef, or rock, that lines the shore entirely, runs to different breadths into the sea, where it ends all at once, and becomes like a high, steep wall.  It is nearly even with the surface of the water, and of a brown or brick colour; but the texture is rather porous, yet sufficient to withstand the washing of the surf which continually breaks upon it.”

Though the landing of our gentlemen proved the means of enriching my journal with the foregoing particulars, the principal object I had in view was, in a great measure, unattained; for the day was spent without getting any one thing from the island worth mentioning.  The natives, however, were gratified with a sight they never before had, and probably will never have again.  And mere curiosity seems to have been their chief motive for keeping the gentlemen under such restraint, and for using every art to prolong their continuance amongst them.

It has been mentioned that Omai was sent upon this expedition; and perhaps his being Mr Gore’s interpreter was not the only service he performed this day.  He was asked by the natives a great many questions concerning us, our ships, our country, and the sort of arms we used; and, according to the account he gave me, his answers were not a little upon the marvellous.  As, for instance, he told them that our country had ships as large as their island, on board which were instruments of war (describing

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our guns) of such dimensions that several people might sit within them, and that one of them was sufficient to crush the whole island at one shot.  This led them to enquire of him what sort of guns we actually had in our two ships.  He said, that though they were but small in comparison with those he had just described, yet, with such as they were, we could, with the greatest ease, and at the distance the ships were from the shore, destroy the island, and kill every soul in it.  They persevered in their enquiries, to know by what means this could be done; and Omai explained the matter as well as he could.  He happened luckily to have a few cartridges in his pocket.  These he produced; the balls, and the gunpowder which was to set them in motion, were submitted to inspection; and, to supply the defects of his description, an appeal was made to the senses of the spectators.  It has been mentioned above, that one of the chiefs had ordered the multitude to form themselves into a circle.  This furnished Omai with a convenient stage for his exhibition.  In the centre of this amphitheatre, the inconsiderable quantity of gunpowder collected from his cartridges was properly disposed upon the ground, and, by means of a bit of burning wood from the oven, where dinner was dressing, set on fire.  The sudden blast and loud report, the mingled flame and smoke, that instantly succeeded, now filled the whole assembly with astonishment.  They no longer doubted the tremendous power of our weapons, and gave full credit to all that Omai had said.

If it had not been for the terrible ideas they conceived of the guns of our ships, from this specimen of their mode of operation, it was thought that they would have detained the gentlemen all night.  For Omai assured them, that if he and his companions did not return on board the same day, they might expect that I would fire upon the island.  And as we stood in nearer the land in the evening, than we had done any time before, of which position of the ships they were observed to take great notice, they probably thought we were meditating this formidable attack, and, therefore, suffered their guests to depart; under the expectation, however, of seeing them again on shore next morning.  But I was too sensible of the risk they had already run, to think of a repetition of the experiment.

This day, it seems, was destined to give Omai more occasions than one of being brought forward to bear a principal part in its transactions.  The island, though never before visited by Europeans, actually happened to have other strangers residing in it; and it was entirely owing to Omai’s being one of Mr Gore’s attendants, that this curious circumstance came to our knowledge.

Scarcely had he been landed upon the beach, when he found, amongst the crowd there assembled, three of his own countrymen, natives of the Society Islands.  At the distance of about 200 leagues from those islands, an immense, unknown ocean intervening, with such wretched sea-boats as their inhabitants are known to make use of, and fit only for a passage where sight of land is scarcely ever lost, such a meeting, at such a place, so accidentally visited by us, may well be looked upon as one of those unexpected situations with which the writers of feigned adventures love to surprise their readers, and which, when they really happen in common life, deserve to be recorded for their singularity.

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It may easily be guessed with what mutual surprise and satisfaction Omai and his countrymen engaged in conversation.  Their story, as related by them, is an affecting one.  About twenty persons in number, of both sexes, had embarked on board a canoe at Otaheite, to cross over to the neighbouring island Ulietea.  A violent contrary wind arising, they could neither reach the latter nor get back to the former.  Their intended passage being a very short one, their stock of provisions was scanty, and soon exhausted.  The hardships they suffered, while driven along by the storm they knew not whither, are not to be conceived.  They passed many days without having any thing to eat or drink.  Their numbers gradually diminished, worn out by famine and fatigue.  Four men only survived when the canoe overset, and then the perdition of this small remnant seemed inevitable.  However, they kept hanging by the side of their vessel during some of the last days, till Providence brought them in sight of the people of this island, who immediately sent out canoes, took them off their wreck, and brought them ashore.  Of the four who were thus saved, one was since dead.  The other three, who lived to have this opportunity of giving an account of their almost miraculous transplantation, spoke highly of the kind treatment they here met with.  And so well satisfied were they with their situation, that they refused the offer made to them by our gentlemen, at Omai’s request, of giving them a passage on board our ships, to restore them to their native islands.  The similarity of manners and language had more than naturalized them to this spot; and the fresh connexions which they had here formed, and which it would have been painful to have broken off after such a length of time, sufficiently account for their declining to revisit the places of their birth.  They had arrived upon this island at least twelve years ago.  For I learnt from Mr Anderson, that he found they knew nothing of Captain Wallis’s visit to Otaheite in 1765, nor of several other memorable occurrences, such as the conquest of Ulietea by those of Bolabola, which had preceded the arrival of the Europeans.  To Mr Anderson I am also indebted for their names, Orououte, Otirreroa, and Tavee; the first born at Matavai in Otaheite, the second at Ulietea, and the third at Huaheine.

The landing of our gentlemen on this island, though they failed in the object of it, cannot but be considered as a very fortunate circumstance.  It has proved, as we have seen, the means of bringing to our knowledge a matter of fact, not only very curious, but very instructive.  The application of the above narrative is obvious.  It will serve to explain, better than a thousand conjectures of speculative reasoners, how the detached parts of the earth, and, in particular, how the islands of the South Sea, may have been first peopled, especially those that lie remote from any inhabited continent, or from each other.[154]

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[Footnote 154:  Such accidents as this here related, probably happen frequently in the Pacific Ocean.  In 1696, two canoes, having on board thirty persons of both sexes, were driven by contrary winds and tempestuous weather on the isle of Samal, one of the Philippines, after being tossed about at sea seventy days, and having performed a voyage from an island called by them Arnorsot, 300 leagues to the E. of Samal.  Five of the number who had embarked died of the hardships suffered during this extraordinary passage.  See a particular account of them, and of the islands they belonged to, in Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses, tom. xv. from p. 196 to p. 215.  In the same volume, from p. 282 to p. 320, we have the relation of a similar adventure in 1721, when two canoes, one containing twenty-four, and the other six, persons, men, women, and children, were driven from an island they called Farroilep, northward to the Isle of Guam, or Guahan, one of the Ladrones or Mariannes.  But these had not sailed so far as their countrymen who reached Samal, as above, and they had been at sea only twenty days.  There seems to be no reason to doubt the general authenticity of these two relations.  The information contained in the Letters of the Jesuits about these islands, now known under the name of the Carolines, and discovered to the Spaniards by the arrival of the canoes at Samal and Guam, has been adopted by all our later writers.  See President de Brosse’s Voyages aux Terres Australes, tom. ii. from p. 443 to p. 490.  See also the Modern Universal History.—­D.]

This island is called Wateeoo by the natives.  It lies in the latitude of 20 deg. 1’ S. and in the longitude 201 deg. 45’ E., and is about six leagues in circumference.  It is a beautiful spot, with a surface composed of hills and plains, and covered with verdure of many hues.  Our gentlemen found the soil, where they passed the day, to be light and sandy.  But farther up the country, a different sort perhaps prevails, as we saw from the ship, by the help of our glasses, a reddish cast upon the rising grounds.  There the inhabitants have their houses; for we could perceive two or three, which were long and spacious.  Its produce, with the addition of hogs, we found to be the same as at the last island we had visited, which the people of this, to whom we pointed out its position, called Owhavarouah, a name so different from Mangeea Nooe Nainaiwa, which we learnt from its own inhabitants, that it is highly probably Owhavarouah is another island.

From the circumstances already mentioned, it appears that Wateeoo can be of little use to any ship that wants refreshment, unless in a case of the most absolute necessity.  The natives, knowing now the value of some of our commodities, might be induced to bring off fruits and hogs to a ship standing off and on, or to boats lying off the reef, as ours did.  It is doubtful, however, if any fresh water could be procured; for, though some was brought in cocoa-nut shells to the gentlemen, they were told that it was at a considerable distance; and, probably, it is only to be met with in some stagnant pool, as no running stream was any where seen.

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According to Omai’s report of what he learnt in conversation with his three countrymen, the manners of these islanders, their method of treating strangers, and their general habits of life, are much like those that prevail at Otaheite, and its neighbouring isles.  Their religious ceremonies and opinions are also nearly the same.  For, upon seeing one man who was painted all over of a deep black colour, and enquiring the reason, our gentlemen were told that he had lately been paying the last good offices to a deceased friend; and they found, that it was upon similar occasions the women cut themselves, as already mentioned.  From, every circumstance, indeed, it is indubitable, that the natives of Wateeoo sprung originally from the same stock, which hath spread itself so wonderfully all over the immense extent of the South Sea.  One would suppose, however, that they put in their claim to a more illustrious extraction; for Omai assured us, that they dignified their island with the appellation of Wenooa no te Eatooa, that is, A land of gods; esteeming themselves a sort of divinities, and possessed with the spirit of the Eatooa.  This wild enthusiastic notion Omai seemed much to approve of, telling us there were instances of its being entertained at Otaheite, but that it was universally prevalent amongst the inhabitants of Mataia, or Osnaburg Island.

The language spoken at Wateeoo was equally well understood by Omai, and by our two New Zealanders.  What its peculiarities may be, when compared with the other dialects, I am not able to point out; for, though Mr Anderson had taken care to note down a specimen of it, the natives, who made no distinction of the objects of their theft, stole the memorandum book.


Wenooa-ette, or Otokootaia, visited.—­Account of that Island, and of its Produce.—­Hervey’s Island, or Terougge mou Attooa, found to be inhabited.—­Transactions with the Natives,—­Their Persons, Dress, Language, Canoes.—­Fruitless Attempt to land there.—­Reasons for bearing away for the Friendly Islands.—­Palmerston’s Island touched at.—­Description of the two Places where the Boats landed.—­Refreshments obtained there.—­Conjectures on the Formation of such low Islands.—­Arrival at the Friendly Islands.

Light airs and calms having prevailed, by turns, all the night of the 3d of April, the easterly swell had carried the ships some distance from Wateeoo before day-break.  But as I had failed in my object of procuring at that place some effectual supply, I saw no reason for staying there any longer.  I therefore quitted it, without regret, and steered, for the neighbouring island, which, as has been mentioned, we discovered three days before.

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With a gentle breeze at E. we got up with it before ten o’clock in the morning, and I immediately dispatched Mr Gore, with two boats, to endeavour to land, and get some food for our cattle.  As there seemed to be no inhabitants here to obstruct our taking away whatever we might think proper, I was confident of his being able to make amends for our late disappointment, if the landing could be effected.  There was a reef here surrounding the land as at Wateeoo, and a considerable surf breaking against the rocks.  Notwithstanding which, our boats no sooner reached the lee, or west side of the island, but they ventured in, and Mr Gore and his party got safe on shore.  I could, from the ship, see that they had succeeded so far, and I immediately sent a small boat to know what farther assistance was wanting.  She did not return till three o’clock in the afternoon, having waited to take in a lading of what useful produce the island afforded.  As soon as she was cleared, she was sent again for another cargo; the jolly boat was also dispatched, and Mr Gore was ordered to be on board, with all the boats, before night, which was complied with.

The supply obtained here consisted of about a hundred cocoa nuts for each ship; and, besides this refreshment for ourselves, we got for our cattle some grass, and a quantity of the leaves and branches of young cocoa-trees, and of the wharra-tree, as it is called at Otaheite, the pandanus of the East Indies.  This latter being of a soft, spungy, juicy nature, the cattle eat it very well when cut into small pieces; so that it might be said, without any deviation from truth, that we fed them upon billet wood.

This island lies in the latitude of 19 deg. 51’ S. and the longitude of 201 deg. 37’ E, about three or four leagues from Wateeoo, the inhabitants of which called it Otakootaia; and sometimes they spoke of it under the appellation of Wenooa-ette, which signifies little island.  Mr Anderson, who was on shore with our party, and walked round it, guessed that it could not be much more than three miles in circuit.  From him I also learned the following particulars:  The beach, within the reef, is composed of a white coral sand, above which the land within does not rise above six or seven feet, and is covered with a light reddish soil, but is entirely destitute of water.

The only common trees found there were cocoa-palms, of which there were several clusters, and vast numbers of the wharra.  There was likewise the callophyllum, suriana, guettarda, a species of tournefortia, and tabernae montanae, with a few other shrubs, and some of the etoa tree seen at Wateeoo.  A sort of bind-weed over-ran the vacant spaces, except in some places, where was found a considerable quantity of treacle-mustard, a species of spurge, with a few other small plants, and the morinda citrifolia, the fruit of which is eaten by the natives of Otaheite in times of scarcity.  Omai, who had landed with the party, dressed some of it for their dinner, but it proved very indifferent.

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The only bird seen amongst the trees was a beautiful cuckoo, of a chesnut brown, variegated with black, which was shot.  But upon the shore were some egg-birds; a small sort of curlew; blue and white herons; and a great number of noddies; which last, at this time, laid their eggs a little farther up on the ground, and often rested on the wharra-tree.

One of our people caught a lizard of a most forbidding aspect, though small, running up a tree; and many of another sort were seen.  The bushes toward the sea were frequented by infinite cumbers of a sort of moth, elegantly speckled with red, black, and white.  There were also several other sorts of moths, as well as some pretty butterflies, and a few other insects.

Though there were, at this time, no fixed inhabitants upon the island, indubitable marks remained of its being at least occasionally frequented.  In particular, a few empty huts were found.  There were also several large stones erected, like monuments, under the shade of some trees, and several spaces inclosed with smaller ones, where, probably, the dead had been buried.  And, in one place, a great many cockle-shells, of a particular sort, finely grooved, and larger than the first, were to be seen; from which it was reasonable to conjecture, that the island had been visited by persons who feed partly on shell-fish.  In one of the huts Mr Gore left a hatchet and some nails, to the full value of what we took away.

As soon as the boats were hoisted in, I made sail again to the northward, with a light air of wind easterly, intending to try our fortune at Hervey’s Island, which was discovered in 1773, during my last voyage.  Although it was not above fifteen leagues distant, yet we did not get sight of it till day-break in the morning of the 6th, when it bore W.S.W. at the distance of about three leagues.  As we drew near it, at eight o’clock, we observed several canoes put off from the shore, and they came directly toward the ships.  This was a sight that indeed surprised me, as no signs of inhabitants were seen when the island was first discovered; which might be owing to a pretty brisk wind that then blew, and prevented their canoes venturing out as the ships passed to leeward, whereas now we were to windward.

As we still kept on toward the island, six or seven of the canoes, all double ones, soon came near us.  There were from three to six men in each of them.  They stopped at the distance of about a stone’s throw from the ship, and it was some time before Omai could prevail upon them to come along-side; but no entreaties could induce any of them to venture on board.  Indeed, their disorderly and clamorous behaviour by no means indicated a disposition to trust us, or treat us well.  We afterward learnt that they had attempted to take some oars out of the Discovery’s boat, that lay along-side, and struck a man who endeavoured to prevent them.  They also cut away, with a shell, a net with meat, which hung over that ship’s

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stern, and absolutely refused to restore it, though we afterward purchased it from them.  Those who were about our ship behaved in the same daring manner; for they made a sort of hook of a long stick, with which they endeavoured openly to rob us of several things, and, at last, actually got a frock, belonging to one of our people that was towing, overboard.  At the same time they immediately shewed a knowledge of bartering, and sold some fish they had (amongst which was an extraordinary flounder, spotted like porphyry, and a cream-coloured eel, spotted with black) for small nails, of which they were immoderately fond, and called them goore.  But, indeed, they caught with the greatest avidity bits of paper, or any thing else that was thrown to them; and if what was thrown fell into the sea, they made no scruple to swim after it.

These people seemed to differ as much in person as in disposition from the natives of Wateeoo, though the distance between the two islands is not very great.  Their colour was of a deeper cast; and several had a fierce, rugged aspect, resembling the natives of New Zealand, but some were fairer.  They had strong black hair, which, in general, they wore either hanging loose about the shoulders, or tied in a bunch on the crown of the head.  Some, however, had it cropped pretty short; and in two or three of them it was of a brown or reddish colour.  Their only covering was a narrow piece of mat, wrapt several times round the lower part of the body, and which passed between the thighs; but a fine cap of red feathers was seen lying in one of the canoes.  The shell of a pearl-oyster polished, and hung about the neck, was the only ornamental fashion that we observed amongst them, for not one of them had adopted that mode of ornament so generally prevalent amongst the natives of this ocean, of puncturing, or tatooing, their bodies.

Though singular in this, we had the most unequivocal proofs of their being of the same common race.  Their language approached still nearer to the dialect of Otaheite than that of Wateeoo or Mangeea.  Like the inhabitants of these two islands, they enquired from whence our ships came, and whither bound, who was our chief, the number of our men on board, and even the ship’s name.  And they very readily answered such questions as we proposed to them.  Amongst other things, they told us they had seen two great ships like ours before, but that they had not spoken with them as they sailed past.  There can be no doubt that these were the Resolution and Adventure.  We learnt from them, that the name of their island is Terouggemon Atooa, and that they were subject to Teerevatooeah, king of Wateeoo.[155] According to the account that they gave, their articles of food are cocoa-nuts, fish, and turtle; the island not producing plantains, or bread-fruit, and being destitute of hogs and dogs.  Their canoes, of which near thirty were, at one time, in sight, are pretty large, and well built.  In the construction of the stern, they bear some resemblance to those of Wateeoo; and the head projects out nearly in the same manner, but the extremity is turned up instead of down.

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[Footnote 155:  The reader will observe, that this name bears little affinity to anyone of the names of the three chiefs of Wateeoo, as preserved by Mr Anderson.—­D.]

Having but very little wind, it was one o’clock before we drew near the N.W. part of the island, the only part where there seemed to be any probability of finding anchorage for our ships, or a landing-place for our boats.  In this position I sent Lieutenant King, with two armed boats, to sound and reconnoitre the coast, while we stood off and on with the ships.  The instant the boats were hoisted out, our visitors in the canoes, who had remained alongside all the while, bartering their little trifles, suspended their traffic, and, pushing for the shore as fast as they could, came near us no more.

At three o’clock the boats returned, and Mr King informed me, “That there was no anchorage for the ships, and that the boats could only land on the outer edge of the reef, which lay about a quarter of a mile from the dry land.  He said that a number of the natives came down upon the reef, armed with long pikes and clubs, as if they intended to oppose his landing.  And yet, when he drew near enough, they threw some cocoa-nuts to our people, and invited them to come on shore, though, at the very same time, he observed that the women were very busy bringing down a fresh supply of spears and darts.  But, as he had no motive to land, he did not give them an opportunity to use them.”

Having received this report, I considered, that, as the ships could not be brought to an anchor, we should find that the attempt to procure grass here would occasion much delay, as well as be attended with some danger.  Besides, we were equally in want of water; and though the inhabitants had told us that there was water on their island, yet we neither knew in what quantity, nor from what distance we might be obliged to fetch it.  And, after all, supposing no other obstruction, we were sure, that to get over the reef would be an operation equally difficult and tedious.

Being thus disappointed at all the islands we had met with since our leaving New Zealand, and the unfavourable winds, and other unforeseen circumstances, having unavoidably retarded our progress so much, it was now impossible to think of doing any thing this year in the high latitudes of the northern hemisphere, from which we were still at so great a distance, though the season for our operations there was already begun.  In this situation it was absolutely necessary to pursue such measures as were most likely to preserve the cattle we had on board in the first place; and, in the next place, (which was still a more capital object,) to save the stores and provisions of the ships, that we might be better enabled to prosecute our northern discoveries, which could not now commence till a year later than was originally intended.

If I had been so fortunate as to have procured a supply of water and of grass at any of the islands we had lately visited, it was my purpose to have stood back to the S. till I had met with a westerly wind.  But the certain consequence of doing this, without such a supply, would have been the loss of all the cattle, before we could possibly reach Otaheite, without gaining any one advantage with regard to the great object of our voyage.

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I therefore determined to bear away for the Friendly Islands, where I was sure of meeting with abundance of every thing I wanted; and it being necessary to run in the night as well as in the day, I ordered Captain Clerke to keep about a league a-head of the Resolution.  I used this precaution because his ship could best claw off the land; and it was very possible we might fall in with some in our passage.

The longitude of Hervey’s Island, when first discovered, deduced from Otaheite, by the time-keeper, was found to be 201 deg. 6’ E., and now, by the same time-keeper, deduced from Queen Charlotte’s Sound, 200 deg. 56’ E. Hence I conclude, that the error of the time-keeper, at this time, did not exceed twelve miles in longitude.

When we bore away, I steered W. by S. with a fine breeze easterly.  I proposed to proceed first to Middleburgh, or Eooa, thinking, if the wind continued favourable, that we had food enough on board for the cattle to last till we should reach that island.  But, about noon next day, those faint breezes that had attended and retarded us so long, again returned; and I found it necessary to haul more to the N. to get into the latitude of Palmerston’s and Savage Islands, discovered in 1774, during my last voyage, that, if necessity required it, we might have recourse to them.

This day, in order to save our water, I ordered the still to be kept at work from six o’clock in the morning to four in the afternoon, during which time we procured from thirteen to sixteen gallons of fresh water.  There has been lately made some improvement, as they are pleased to call it, of this machine, which, in my opinion, is much for the, worse.

These light breezes continued till the 10th, when we had, for some hours, the wind blowing fresh from the N. and N.N.W., being then in the latitude of 18 deg. 38’, and longitude 198 deg. 24’ E. In the afternoon we had some thunder squalls from the S. attended with heavy rain; of which water we collected enough to fill five puncheons.  After these squalls had blown over, the wind came round to the N.E. and N.W., being very unsettled both in strength and in position till about noon the next day, when it fixed at N.W. and N.N.W. and blew a fresh breeze, with fair weather.

Thus were we persecuted with a wind in our teeth whichever way we directed our course; and we had the additional mortification to find here those very winds which we had reason to expect 8 deg. or 10 deg. farther S. They came too late, for I durst not trust their continuance; and the event proved that I judged right.

At length, at day-break in the morning of the 13th, we saw Palmerston Island, bearing W. by S. distant about five leagues.  However, we did not get up with it till eight o’clock the next morning.  I then sent four boats, three from the Resolution and one from the Discovery, with an officer in each, to search the coast for the most convenient landing-place.  For now we were under an absolute necessity of procuring from this island some food for the cattle, otherwise we must have lost them.

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What is comprehended under the name of Palmerston’s Island, is a group of small islets, of which there are in the whole nine or ten, lying in a circular direction, and connected together, by a reef of coral rocks.  The boats first examined the south-easternmost of the islets which compose this group, and, failing there, ran down to the second, where we had the satisfaction to see them land.  I then bore down with the ships till abreast of the place, and there we kept standing off and on; for no bottom was to be found to anchor upon, which was not of much consequence, as the party who had landed from our boats were the only human beings upon the island.

About one o’clock one of the boats came on board, laden with scurvy-grass and young cocoa-nut trees, which, at this time, was a feast for the cattle.  The same boat brought a message from Mr Gore, who commanded the party, informing me that there was plenty of such produce upon the island, as also of the wharra tree, and some cocoa-nuts.  This determined me to get a good supply of these articles before I quitted this station, and, before evening, I went ashore in a small boat, accompanied by Captain Clerke.

We found every body hard at work, and the landing place to be in a small creek, formed by the reef, of something more than a boat’s length in every direction, and covered from the force of the sea by rocks projecting out on each side of it.  The island is scarcely a mile in circuit, and not above three feet higher than the level of the sea.  It appeared to be composed entirely of a coral sand, with a small mixture of blackish mould, produced from rotten vegetables.  Notwithstanding this poor soil, it is covered with trees and bushes of the same kind as at Wanooa-ette, though with less variety; and amongst these are some cocoa palms.  Upon the trees or bushes that front the sea, or even farther in, we found a great number of men-of-war birds, tropic birds, and two sorts of boobies, which at this time were laying their eggs, and so tame, that they suffered us to take them off with our hands.  Their nests were only a few sticks loosely put together; and the tropic birds laid their eggs on the ground, under the trees.  These differ much from the common sort, being entirely of a most splendid white, slightly tinged with red, and having the two long tail-feathers of a deep crimson or blood colour.  Of each sort our people killed a considerable number; and, though not the most delicate food, they were acceptable enough to us who had been long confined to a salt diet, and who, consequently, could not but be glad of the most indifferent variety.  We met with vast numbers of red crabs, creeping about every where amongst the trees; and we caught several fish that had been left in holes upon the reef when the sea retired.

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At one part of the reef, which looks into, or bounds, the lake that is within, there was a large bed of coral, almost even with the surface, which afforded, perhaps, one of the most enchanting prospects that nature has any where produced.  Its base was fixed to the shore, but reached so far in that it could not be seen; so that it seemed to be suspended in the water, which deepened so suddenly, that at the distance of a few yards there might be seven or eight fathoms.  The sea was at this time quite unruffled; and the sun shining bright, exposed the various sorts of coral in the most beautiful order; some parts branching into the water with great luxuriance; others lying collected in round balls, and in various other figures;—­all which were greatly heightened by spangles of the richest colours, that glowed from a number of large clams, which were every where interspersed:  But the appearance of these was still inferior to that of the multitude of fishes that glided gently along, seemingly with the most perfect security.  The colours of the different sorts were the most beautiful that can be imagined, the yellow, blue, red, black, &c. far exceeding any thing that art can produce.  Their various forms, also, contributed to increase the richness of this submarine grotto, which could not be surveyed without a pleasing transport, mixed however with regret, that a work so stupendously elegant should be concealed in a place where mankind could seldom have an opportunity of rendering the praises justly due to so enchanting a scene.[156]

[Footnote 156:  How beautifully does Captain Cook’s description illustrate those lines of Dr Young—­

   —­Such blessings Nature pours,
   O’erstock’d mankind enjoy but half her stores;
   In distant wilds, by human eyes unseen,

   She rears her flowers, and spreads her velvet green: 
   Pure gurgling rills the lonely desert trace,
   And waste their music on the savage race.

Gray has a similar thought in His inimitable elegy, which every reader will immediately recollect.  Can it be imagined, that nature, which does nothing in vain, nor indeed without a reference to the being who is eminently signalized as lord of the lower creation, has been at pains to decorate these spots, but in anticipation, if one may use the expression, of the praise and enjoyment which their loveliness will some time or other occasion?  He that remembers the nature and formation of the coral isles in the southern-ocean, will at once conjecture that the Great Architect is raising up the materials of a new world, which, from aught we can yet perceive, will not less indicate his power and goodness than that which we now inhabit.  How readily, then, can imagination fashion out the future destiny of our globe, on the supposition that the conflagration by which its presently inhabited portions are expected to be destroyed, shall not be so complete as to annihilate it from the universe! 

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Or, believing what is usually understood, by that event, on the authority of scripture, how clearly can reason deduce from present appearances certain minor, but nevertheless immense, changes, which it may undergo previous to this final dissolution!  But the reader, it is probable, will not chuse to venture on so terrific an excursion, and there is a motive for caution with respect to it, with which it may not be amiss to apprise the too zealous enquirer.  The fact is, that none of the causes which we know to be now operating on our globe, seem at all adequate to account for all the changes it has already undergone.  We may, therefore, very fairly infer, that an indefinite allowance must be granted to exterior interference of some sort or other, the agency of which may altogether subvert whatever is now known to exist.—­See Cuvier’s Essay, lately published at Edinburgh.—­E.]

There were no traces of inhabitants having ever been here, if we except a small piece of a canoe that was found upon the beach, which, probably, may have drifted from some other island.  But, what is pretty extraordinary, we saw several small brown rats on this spot, a circumstance, perhaps, difficult to account for, unless we allow that they were imported in the canoe of which we saw the remains.

After the boats were laden I returned on board, leaving Mr Gore, with a party, to pass the night on shore, in order to be ready to go to work early the next morning.

That day, being the 15th, was accordingly spent as the preceding one had been, in collecting and bringing on board food for the cattle, consisting chiefly of palm-cabbage, young cocoa-nut trees, and the tender branches of the wharra tree.  Having got a sufficient supply of these by sun-set, I ordered every body on board.  But having little or no wind, I determined to wait, and to employ the next day by endeavouring to get some cocoa-nuts for our people from the next island to leeward, where we could observe that those trees were in much greater abundance than upon that where we had already landed, and where only the wants of our cattle had been relieved.

With this view I kept standing off and on all night, and in the morning, between eight and nine o’clock, I went with the boats to the W. side of the island, and landed with little difficulty.  I immediately set the people with me to work to gather cocoa-nuts, which we found in great abundance.  But to get them to our boats was a tedious operation, for we were obliged to carry them at least half a mile over the reef up to the middle in water.  Omai, who was with me, caught, with a scoop net, in a very short time, as much fish as served the whole party on shore for dinner, besides sending some to both ships.  Here were also great abundance of birds, particularly men-of-war and tropic birds, so that we fared sumptuously.  And it is but doing justice to Omai to say, that in these excursions to the uninhabited islands he was of the greatest use; for he not only caught the fish, but dressed these, and the birds we killed, in an oven with heated stones, after the fashion of his country, with a dexterity and good-humour that did him great credit.  The boats made two trips before night, well laden:  With the last I returned on board, leaving Mr Williamson, my third lieutenant, with a party of men, to prepare another lading for the boats, which I proposed to send next morning.

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I accordingly dispatched them at seven o’clock; and they returned laden by noon.  No time was lost in sending them back for another cargo; and they carried orders for every body to be on board by sunset.  This being complied with, we hoisted in the boats and made sail to the westward, with a light air of wind from the N.

We found this islet near a half larger than the other, and almost entirely covered with cocoa-palms, the greatest part of which abounded with excellent nuts, having often both old and young on the same tree.  They were, indeed, too thick in many places to grow with freedom.  The other productions were, in general, the same as at the other islet.  Two pieces of board, one of which was rudely carved, with an elliptical paddle, were found on the beach.  Probably these had belonged to the same canoe, the remains of which were seen on the other beach, as the two islets are not above half a mile apart.  A young turtle had also been lately thrown ashore here; as it was still full of maggots.  There were fewer crabs than at the last place; but we found some scorpions, a few other insects, and a greater number of fish upon the reefs.  Amongst these were some large eels, beautifully spotted, which, when followed, would raise themselves out of the water, and endeavour with an open mouth to bite their pursuers.  The other sorts were chiefly parrot-fish, snappers, and a brown spotted rock-fish, about the size of a haddock, so tame, that instead of swimming away, it would remain fixed and gaze at us.  Had we been in absolute want, a sufficient supply might have been had; for thousands of the clams, already mentioned, stuck upon the reef, some of which weighed two or three pounds.  There were, besides, some other sorts of shell-fish, particularly the large periwinkle.  When the tide flowed several sharks came in over the reef, some of which our people killed, but they rendered it rather dangerous to walk in the water at that time.

The party who were left on shore with Mr Williamson, were a good deal pestered (as Mr Gore’s had been) with musquitoes in the night.  Some of them, in their excursions, shot two curlews, exactly like those of England, and saw some plovers, or sand-pipers, upon the shore; but in the wood no other bird, besides one or two of the cuckoos that were seen at Wenooa-ette.

Upon the whole, we did not spend our time unprofitably at this last islet, for we got there about twelve hundred cocoa-nuts, which were equally divided amongst the whole crew, and were, doubtless, of great use to them, both on account of the juice and of the kernel.  A ship, therefore, passing this way, if the weather be moderate, may expect to succeed as we did.  But there is no water upon either of the islets where we landed.  Were that article to be had, and a passage could be got into the lake, as we may call it, surrounded by the reef, where a ship could anchor, I should prefer this to any of the inhabited islands, if the only want were refreshment.  For the quantity of fish that might be procured would be sufficient, and the people might roam about unmolested by the petulance of any inhabitants.

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The nine or ten low islets, comprehended under the name of Palmerston’s Island, may be reckoned the heads or summits of the reef of coral rock that connects them together, covered only with a thin coat of sand, yet clothed, as already observed, with trees and plants, most of which are of the same sorts that are found on the low grounds of the high islands of this ocean.

There are different opinions amongst ingenious theorists concerning the formation of such low islands as Palmerston’s.  Some will have it, that in remote times these little separate heads or islets were joined, and formed one continued and more elevated tract of land, which the sea, in the revolution of ages, has washed away, leaving only the higher grounds; which, in time also, will, according to this theory, share the same fate.  Another conjecture is, that they have been thrown up by earthquakes, and are the effect of internal convulsions of the globe.  A third opinion, and which appears to me as the most probable one, maintains, that they are formed from shoals or coral banks, and, of consequence, increasing.  Without mentioning the several arguments made use of in support of each of these systems, I shall only describe such parts of Palmerston’s Island as fell under my own observation when I landed upon it.

The foundation is every where a coral rock; the soil is coral sand, with which the decayed vegetables have but in a few places intermixed, so as to form any thing like mould.  From this a very strong presumption may be drawn, that these little spots of land are not of very ancient date, nor the remains of larger islands now buried in the ocean; for, upon either of these suppositions, more mould must have been formed, or some part of the original soil would have remained.  Another circumstance confirmed this doctrine of the increase of these islets.  We found upon them, far beyond the present reach of the sea even in the most violent storms, elevated coral rocks, which, on examination, appeared to have been perforated in the same manner that the rocks are that now compose the outer edge of the reef.  This evidently shews that the sea had formerly reached so far; and some of these perforated rocks were almost in the centre of the land.

But the strongest proof of the increase, and from the cause we have assigned, was the gentle gradation observable in the plants round the skirts of the islands; from within a few inches of high-water mark to the edge of the wood.  In many places, the divisions of the plants of different growths were very distinguishable, especially on the lee or west side.  This I apprehend to have been the operation of extraordinary high tides, occasioned by violent, accidental gales from the westward, which have heaped up the sand beyond the reach of common tides.  The regular and gentle operation of these latter, again, throw up sand enough to form a barrier against the next extraordinary high tide or storm, so as to prevent its reaching as far as the former

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had done, and destroying the plants that may have begun to vegetate from cocoa-nuts, roots, and seed brought thither by birds, or thrown up by the sea.  This, doubtless, happens very frequently, for we found many cocoa-nuts, and some other things, just sprouting up, only a few inches beyond where the sea reaches at present, in places where it was evident they could not have had their origin from those farther in, already arrived at their full growth.  At the same time, the increase of vegetables will add fast to the height of this new-created land, as the fallen leaves and broken branches are, in such a climate, soon converted into a true black mould or soil.[157]

[Footnote 157:  Mr Anderson, in his journal, mentions the following particulars relative to Palmerston’s Island, which strongly confirm Captain Cook’s opinion about its formation.  “On the last of the two islets, where we landed, the trees, being in great numbers, had already formed, by their rotten parts, little risings or eminences, which in time, from the same cause, may become small hills.  Whereas, on the first islet, the trees being less numerous, no such thing had as yet happened.  Nevertheless, on that little spot the manner of formation was more plainly pointed out; for, adjoining to it was a small isle, which had doubtless been very lately formed, as it was not as yet covered with any trees, but had a great many shrubs, some of which were growing among pieces of coral that the sea had thrown up.  There was still a more sure proof of this method of formation a little farther on, where two patches of sand, about fifty yards long, and a foot or eighteen inches high, lay upon the reef, but not as yet furnished with a single bush or tree.”—­D.

In a former volume we quoted a passage from Dr Forster’s observations respecting the formation of coral islands.  Captain Flinders gives a similar account in vol. ii. p. 114, of his voyage, drawn up from his own observations on Half-way Island, on the north coast of Terra Australis.  It is too long for this place.  The reader will find it transcribed, together with Forster’s, in the notes to the translation of Cuvier’s work, already referred to.—­E.]

Perhaps there is another cause, which, if allowed, will accelerate the increase of these islands as much as any other, and will also account for the sea having receded from those elevated rocks before mentioned.  This is the spreading of the coral bank, or reef, into the sea, which, in my opinion, is continually, though imperceptibly, effected.  The waves receding, as the reef grows in breadth and height, leave a dry rock behind, ready for the reception of the broken coral and sand, and every other deposit necessary for the formation of land fit for the vegetation of plants.

In this manner, there is little doubt, that in time the whole reef will become one island; and, I think, it will extend gradually inward, either from the increase of the islets already formed, or from the formation of new ones upon the beds of coral within the inclosed lake, if once they increase so as to rise above the level of the sea.

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After leaving Palmerston’s Island, I steered W., with a view to make the best of my way to Annamooka.  We still continued to have variable winds, frequently between the N. and W., with squalls, some thunder, and much rain.  During these showers, which were generally very copious, we saved a considerable quantity of water; and finding that we could get a greater supply by the rain in one hour than we could get by distillation in a month, I laid aside the still as a thing attended with more trouble than profit.

The heat, which had been great for about a month, became now much more disagreeable in this close rainy weather; and, from the moisture attending it, threatened soon to be noxious, as the ships could not be kept dry, nor the skuttles open, for the sea.  However, it is remarkable enough, that though the only refreshment we had received since leaving the Cape of Good Hope was that at New Zealand, there was not as yet a single person on board sick from the constant use of salt food, or vicissitude of climate.

In the night between the 24th and 25th we passed Savage Island, which I had discovered in 1774; and on the 28th, at ten o’clock in the morning, we got sight of the islands which lie to the eastward of Annamooka, bearing N. by W. about four or five leagues distant.  I steered to the S. of these islands, and then hauled up for Annamooka, which, at four in the afternoon, bore N.W. by N., Fallafajeea S.W. by S., and Komango N. by W., distant about five miles.  The weather being squally, with rain, I anchored, at the approach of night, in fifteen fathoms deep water, over a bottom of coral-sand and shells, Komango bearing N.W. about two leagues distant.


Intercourse with the Natives of Komango, and other Islands.—­Arrival at Annamooka.—­Transactions there.—­Feenou, a principal Chief, from Tongataboo, comes on a Visit.—­The Manner of his Reception in the Island, and on board.—­Instances of the pilfering Disposition of the Natives.—­Some Account of Annamooka.—­The Passage from it to Hapaee.

Soon after we had anchored, (April 28) two canoes, the one with four, and the other with three men, paddled toward us, and came alongside without the least hesitation.  They brought some cocoa-nuts, bread-fruit, plantains, and sugar-cane, which they bartered with us for nails.  One of the men came on board; and when these canoes had left us, another visited us; but did not stay long, as night was approaching.  Komango, the island nearest to us, was, at least, five miles off; which shews the hazard these people would run, in order to possess a few of our most trifling articles.  Besides this supply from the shore, we caught, this evening, with hooks and lines, a considerable quantity of fish.

Next morning, at four o’clock, I sent Lieutenant King, with two boats, to Komango, to procure refreshments; and, at five, made the signal to weigh, in order to ply up to Annamooka, the wind being unfavourable at N.W.

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It was no sooner day-light, than we were visited by six or seven canoes from different islands, bringing with them, besides fruits and roots, two pigs, several fowls, some large wood-pigeons, small rails, and large violet-coloured coots.  All these they exchanged with us for beads, nails, hatchets, &c.  They had also other articles of commerce; such as pieces of their cloth, fish-hooks, small baskets, musical reeds, and some clubs, spears, and bows.  But I ordered, that no curiosities should be purchased, till the ships should be supplied with provisions, and leave given for that purpose.  Knowing also, from experience, that, if all our people might trade with the natives, according to their own caprice, perpetual quarrels would ensue, I ordered that particular persons should manage the traffic both on board and on shore, prohibiting all others to interfere.  Before mid-day, Mr King’s boat returned with seven hogs, some fowls, a quantity of fruit and roots for ourselves, and some grass for the cattle.  His party was very civilly treated at Komango.  The inhabitants did not seem to be numerous; and their huts, which stood close to each other, within a plantain wall, were but indifferent.  Not far from them was a pretty large pond of fresh water, tolerably good; but there was not any appearance of a stream.  With Mr King, came on board the chief of the island, named Touboulangee; and another, whose name was Taipa.  They brought with them a hog, as a present to me, and promised more the next day.

As soon as the boats were aboard, I stood for Annamooka; and the wind being scant, I intended to go between Annamooka-ette,[158] and the breakers to the S.E. of it.  But, on drawing near, we met with very irregular soundings, varying, every cast, ten or twelve fathoms.  This obliged me to give up the design, and to go to the southward of all; which carried us to leeward, and made it necessary to spend the night under sail.  It was very dark; and we had the wind, from every direction, accompanied with heavy showers of rain.  So that, at day-light the next morning, we found ourselves much farther off than we had been the evening before; and the little wind that now blew, was right in our teeth.

[Footnote 158:  That is, Little Annamooka.]

We continued to ply, all day, to very little purpose; and, in the evening, anchored in thirty-nine fathoms water; the bottom coral rocks, and broken shells; the west point of Annamooka bearing E.N.E., four miles distant.  Touboulangee and Taipa kept their promise, and brought off to me some hogs.  Several others were also procured by bartering, from different canoes that followed us; and as much fruit as we could well manage.  It was remarkable, that, during the whole day, our visitors from the islands would hardly part with any of their commodities to any body but me.  Captain Clerke did not get above one or two hogs.

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At four o’clock next morning, I ordered a boat to be hoisted out, and sent the master to sound the S.W. side of Annamooka; where there appeared to be a harbour, formed by the island on the N.E., and by small islets, and shoals, to the S.W. and S.E.  In the mean time, the ships were got under sail, and wrought up to the island.  When the master returned, he reported, that he had sounded between Great and Little Annamooka, where he found ten and twelve fathoms depth of water, the bottom coral sand; that the place was very well sheltered from all winds; but that there was no fresh water to be found, except at some distance inland; and that, even there, little of it was to be got, and that little not good.  For this reason only, and it was a very sufficient one, I determined to anchor on the north side of the island, where, during my last voyage, I had found a place fit both for watering and landing.

It was not above a league distant; and yet we did not reach it till five o’clock in the afternoon, being considerably retarded by the great number of canoes that continually crowded round the ships, bringing to us abundant supplies of the produce of their island.  Amongst these canoes there were some double ones, with a large sail, that carried between forty and fifty men each.  These sailed round us, apparently, with the same ease as if we had been at anchor.  There were several women in the canoes, who were, perhaps, incited by curiosity to visit us; though, at the same time, they bartered as eagerly as the men, and used the paddle with equal labour and dexterity; I came to an anchor in eighteen fathoms water, the bottom coarse coral sand; the island extending from E. to S.W.; and the W. point of the westernmost cove S.E., about three quarters of a mile distant.  Thus I resumed the very same station which I had occupied when I visited Annamooka three years before; and, probably, almost in the same place where Tasman, the first discoverer of this, and some of the neighbouring islands, anchored in 1643.

The following day, while preparations were making for watering, I went ashore, in the forenoon, accompanied by Captain Clerke, and some of the officers, to fix on a place where the observatories might be set up, and a guard be stationed; the natives having readily given us leave.  They also accommodated us with a boat-house, to serve as a tent, and shewed us every other mark of civility.  Toobou, the chief of the island, conducted me and Omai to his house.  We found it situated on a pleasant spot, in the centre of his plantation.  A fine grass-plot surrounded it, which, he gave us to understand, was for the purpose of cleaning their feet, before they went within doors.  I had not, before, observed such an instance of attention to cleanliness at any of the places I had visited in this ocean; but, afterward, found that it was very common at the Friendly Islands.  The floor of Toobou’s house was covered with mats; and no carpet, in the most elegant English drawing-room, could be kept neater.  While we were on shore, we procured a few hogs, and some fruit, by bartering; and, before we got on board again, the ships were crowded with the natives.  Few of them coming empty-handed, every necessary refreshment was now in the greatest plenty.

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I landed again in the afternoon, with a party of marines; and, at the same time, the horses, and such of the cattle as were in a weakly state, were sent on shore.  Every thing being settled to my satisfaction, I returned to the ship at sunset, leaving the command upon the island to Mr King.  Taipa, who was now become our fast friend, and who seemed to be the only active person about us, in order to be near our party in the night, as well as the day, had a house brought, on men’s shoulders, a full quarter of a mile, and placed close to the shed which our party occupied.

Next day, our various operations on shore began.  Some were employed in making hay for the cattle; others in filling our water-casks at the neighbouring stagnant pool; and a third party in cutting wood.  The greatest plenty of this last article being abreast of the ships, and in a situation the most convenient for getting it on board, it was natural to make choice of this.  But the trees here, which our people erroneously supposed to be manchineel, but were a species of pepper, called faitanoo by the natives, yielded a juice of a milky colour, of so corrosive a nature, that it raised blisters on the skin, and injured the eyes of our workmen.  They were, therefore, obliged to desist at this place, and remove to the cove, in which our guard was stationed, and where we embarked our water.  Other wood, more suitable to our purposes, was there furnished to us by the natives.  These were not the only employments we were engaged in, for Messrs King and Bayly began, this day, to observe equal altitudes of the sun, in order to get the rate of the timekeepers.  In the evening, before the natives retired from our post, Taipa harangued them for some time.  We could only guess at the subject; and judged, that he was instructing them how to behave toward us, and encouraging them to bring the produce of the island to market.  We experienced the good effects of his eloquence, in the plentiful supply of provisions which, next day, we received.

Nothing worth notice happened on the 4th and 5th, except that, on the former of these days, the Discovery lost her small bower-anchor, the cable being cut in two by the rocks.  This misfortune made it necessary to examine the cables of the Resolution, which were found to be unhurt.

On the 6th, we were visited by a great chief from Tongataboo, whose name was Feenou, and whom Taipa was pleased to introduce to us as King of all the Friendly Isles.  I was now told, that, on my arrival, a canoe had been dispatched to Tongataboo with the news; in consequence of which, this chief immediately passed over to Annamooka.  The officer on shore informed me, that when he first arrived, all the natives were ordered out to meet him, and paid their obeisance by bowing their heads as low as his feet, the soles of which they also touched with each hand, first with the palm, and then with the back part.  There could be little room to suspect that a person, received with so much respect, could be any thing less than the king.

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In the afternoon, I went to pay this great man a visit, having first received a present of two fish from him, brought on board by one of his servants.  As soon as I landed, he came up to me.  He appeared to be about thirty years of age, tall, but thin, and had more of the European features, than any I had yet seen here.  When the first salutation was over, I asked if he was the king.  For, notwithstanding what I had been told, finding he was not the man whom I remembered to have seen under that character during my former voyage, I began to entertain doubts.  Taipa officially answered for him, and enumerated no less than one hundred and fifty-three islands, of which, he said, Feenou was the sovereign.  After a short stay, our new visitor, and five, or six of his attendants, accompanied me on board.  I gave suitable presents to them all, and entertained them in such a manner, as I thought would be most agreeable.

In the evening, I attended them on shore in my boat, into which the chief ordered three hogs to be put, as a return for the presents he had received from me.  I was now informed of an accident which had just happened, the relation of which will convey some idea of the extent of the authority exercised here over the common people.  While Feenou was on board my ship, an inferior chief, for what reason our people on shore did not know, ordered all the natives to retire from the post we occupied.  Some of them having ventured to return, he took up a large stick, and beat them most unmercifully.  He struck one man on the side of the face, with so much violence, that the blood gushed out of his mouth and nostrils; and, after lying some time motionless, he was, at last, removed from the place, in convulsions.  The person who had inflicted the blow, being told that he had killed the man, only laughed at it; and, it was evident, that he was not in the least sorry for what had happened.  We heard, afterward, that the poor sufferer recovered.

The Discovery having found again her small bower anchor, shifted her birth on the 7th; but not before her best bower cable had shared the fate of the other.  This day I had the company of Feenou at dinner; and also the next day, when he was attended by Taipa, Toubou, and some other chiefs.  It was remarkable, that none but Taipa was allowed to sit at table with him, or even to eat in his presence.  I own that I considered Feenou as a very convenient guest, on account of this etiquette.  For, before his arrival, I had, generally, a larger company than I could well find room for, and my table overflowed with crowds of both sexes.  For it is not the custom at the Friendly Islands, as it is at Otaheite, to deny to their females the privilege of eating in company with the men.

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The first day of our arrival at Annamooka, one of the natives had stolen, out of the ship, a large junk axe.  I now applied to Feenou to exert his authority to get it restored to me; and so implicitly was he obeyed, that it was brought on board while we were at dinner.  These people gave us very frequent opportunities of remarking what expert thieves they were.  Even some of their chiefs did not think this profession beneath them.  On the 9th, one of them was detected carrying out of the ship, concealed under his clothes, the bolt belonging to the spun-yarn winch; for which I sentenced him to receive a dozen lashes, and kept him confined till he paid a hog for his liberty.  After this, we were not troubled with thieves of rank.  Their servants, or slaves, however, were still employed in this dirty work; and upon them a flogging seemed to make no greater impression, than it would have done upon the main-mast.  When any of them happened to be caught in the act, their masters, far from interceding for them, would often advise us to kill them.  As this was a punishment we did not choose to inflict, they generally escaped without any punishment at all; for they appeared to us to be equally insensible of the shame and of the pain of corporal chastisement.  Captain Clerke, at last, hit upon a mode of treatment, which, we thought, had some effect.  He put them under the hands of the barber, and completely shaved their heads; thus pointing them out as objects of ridicule to their countrymen, and enabling our people to deprive them of future opportunities for a repetition of their rogueries, by keeping them at a distance.

Feenou was so fond of associating with us, that he dined on board every day; though, sometimes, he did not partake of our fare.  On the 10th, some of his servants brought a mess, which had been dressed for him on shore.  It consisted of fish, soup, and yams.  Instead of common water to make the soup, cocoa-nut liquor had been made use of, in which the fish had been boiled or stewed; probably in a wooden vessel, with hot stones; but it was carried on board in a plantain leaf.  I tasted of the mess, and found it so good, that I, afterward, had some fish dressed in the same way.  Though my cook succeeded tolerably well, he could produce nothing equal to the dish he imitated.

Finding that we had quite exhausted the island of almost every article of food that it afforded, I employed the 11th in moving off, from the shore, the horses, observatories, and other things that we had landed, as also the party of marines who had mounted guard at our station, intending to sail, as soon as the Discovery should have recovered her best bow anchor.  Feenou, understanding that I meant to proceed directly to Tongataboo, importuned me strongly to alter this plan, to which he expressed as much aversion, as if he had some particular interest to promote by diverting me from it.  In preference to it, he warmly recommended an island, or rather a group of islands, called Hepaee, lying to the N.E.  There, he assured us, we could be supplied plentifully with every refreshment, in the easiest manner; and, to add weight to his advice, he engaged to attend us thither in person.  He carried his point with me; and Hepaee was made choice of for our next station.  As it had never been visited by any European ships, the examination of it became an object with me.

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The 12th and the 13th were spent in attempting the recovery of Captain Clerke’s anchor, which, after much trouble, was happily accomplished; and on the 14th, in the morning, we got under sail, and left Annamooka.

This island is somewhat higher than the other small isles that surround it; but, still, it cannot be admitted to the rank of those of a moderate height, such as Mangeea and Wateeoo.  The shore, at that part where our ships lay, is composed of a steep, rugged, coral rock, nine or ten feet high, except where there are two sandy beaches, which have a reef of the same sort of rock extending cross their entrance to the shore, and defending them from the sea.  The salt-water lake that is in the centre of the island, is about a mile and a half broad; and round it the land rises like a bank, with a gradual ascent.  But we could not trace its having any communication with the sea.  And yet, the land that runs across to it, from the largest sandy beach, being flat and low, and the soil sandy, it is most likely that it may have, formerly, communicated that way.  The soil on the rising parts of the island, and especially toward the sea, is either of a reddish clayey disposition, or a black, loose mould; but there is, no where, any stream of fresh water.

The island is very well cultivated, except in a few places; and there are some others, which, though they appear to lie waste, are only left to recover the strength exhausted by constant culture; for we frequently saw the natives at work upon these spots, to plant them again.  The plantations consist chiefly of yams and plantains.  Many of them are very extensive, and often inclosed with neat fences of reed, disposed obliquely across each other, about six feet high.  Within these we often saw other fences of less compass, surrounding the houses of the principal people.  The breadfruit, and cocoa-nut trees, are interspersed with little order, but chiefly near the habitations of the natives; and the other parts of the island, especially toward the sea, and about the sides of the lake, are covered with trees and bushes of a most luxuriant growth; the last place having a great many mangroves, and the first a vast number of the faitanoo trees already mentioned.  There seem to be no rocks or stones, of any kind, about the island, that are not coral, except in one place, to the right of the sandy beach, where there is a rock twenty or thirty feet high, of a calcareous stone, of a yellowish colour, and a very close texture.  But even about that place, which is the highest part of the land, are large pieces of the same coral rock that composes the shore.

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Besides walking frequently up into the country, which we were permitted to do without interruption, we sometimes amused ourselves in shooting wild-ducks, not unlike the widgeon, which are very numerous upon the salt lake, and the pool where we got our water.  In these excursions, we found the inhabitants had often deserted their houses to come down to the trading place, without entertaining any suspicion, that strangers, rambling about, would take away, or destroy, any thing that belonged to them.  But though, from this circumstance, it might be supposed that the greater part of the natives were sometimes collected at the beach, it was impossible to form any accurate computation of their number; as the continual resort of visitors from other islands, mixing with them, might easily mislead one.  However, as there was never, to appearance, above a thousand persons collected at one time, it would, perhaps, be sufficient to allow double that number for the whole island.

To the N. and N.E. of Annamooka, and in the direct track to Hepaee, whither we were now bound, the sea is sprinkled with a great number of small isles.  Amidst the shoals and rocks adjoining to this group, I could not be assured that there was a free or safe passage for such large ships as ours, though the natives sailed through the intervals in their canoes.  For this substantial reason, when we weighed anchor from Annamooka, I thought it necessary to go to the westward of the above islands, and steered N.N.W., toward Kao[159] and Toofoa, the two most westerly islands in sight, and remarkable for their great height.  Feenou, and his attendants, remained on board the Resolution till near noon, when he went into the large sailing canoe, which had brought him from Tongataboo, and stood in amongst the cluster of islands above mentioned, of which we were now almost abreast; and a tide or current from the westward had set us, since our sailing in the morning, much over toward them.

[Footnote 159:  As a proof of the great difficulty of knowing accurately the exact names of the South Sea Islands, as procured from the natives, I observe that what Captain Cook calls Aghao, Mr Anderson calls Kao; and Tasman’s drawing, as I find it in Mr Dalrymple’s Collection of Voyages, gives the name of Kayhay to the same island.  Tasman’s and Captain Cook’s Amattafoa, is, with Mr Anderson, Tofoa.  Captain Cook’s Komango, is Tasman’s Amango.  There is scarcely an instance, in which such variations are not observable.  Mr Anderson’s great attention to matters of this sort being, as we learn from Captain King, well known to every body on board, and admitted always by Captain Cook himself, his mode of spelling has been adopted.—­D.]

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They lie scattered, at unequal distances, and are, in general, nearly as high as Annamooka; but only from two or three miles, to half a mile in length, and some of them scarcely so much.  They have either steep rocky shores like Annamooka, or reddish cliffs; but some have sandy beaches extending almost their whole length.  Most of them are entirely clothed with trees, amongst which are many cocoa palms, and each forms a prospect like a beautiful garden placed in the sea.  To heighten this, the serene weather we now had contributed very much; and the whole might supply the imagination with an idea of some fairy land realized.  It should seem, that some of them, at least, may have been formed, as we supposed Palmerston’s Island to have been; for there is one, which, as yet, is entirely sand, and another, on which there is only one bush, or tree.

At four o’clock in the afternoon, being the length of Kotoo, the westernmost of the above cluster of small islands, we steered to the north, leaving Toofoa and Kao on our larboard, keeping along the west side of a reef of rocks, which lie to the westward of Kotoo, till we came to their northern extremity, round which we hauled in for the island.  It was our intention to have anchored for the night; but it came upon us before we could find a place in less than fifty-five fathoms water; and rather than come-to in this depth, I chose to spend the night under sail.

We had, in the afternoon, been within two leagues of Toofoa, the smoke of which we saw several times in the day.  The Friendly Islanders have some superstitious notions about the volcano upon it, which they call Kollofeea, and say it is an Otooa, or divinity.  According to their account, it sometimes throws up very large stones; and they compare the crater to the size of a small islet, which has never ceased smoking in their memory; nor have they any tradition that it ever did.  We sometimes saw the smoke rising from the centre of the island, while we were at Annamooka, though at the distance of at least ten leagues.  Toofoa, we were told, is but thinly inhabited, but the water upon it is good.

At day-break the next morning, being then not far from Kao, which is a vast rock of a conic figure, we steered to the east, for the passage between the islands Footooha and Hafaiva, with a gentle breeze at S.E.  About ten o’clock, Feenou came on board, and remained with us all day.  He brought with him two hogs, and a quantity of fruit; and, in the course of the day, several canoes, from the different islands round us, came to barter quantities of the latter article, which was very acceptable, as our stock was nearly expended.  At noon, our latitude was 19 deg. 49’ 45” S., and we had made seven miles of longitude from Annamooka; Toofoa bore N., 88 deg.  W.; Kao N., 71 deg.  W.; Footooha N., 89 deg.  W.; and Hafaiva S. 12 deg.  W.

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After passing Footooha, we met with a reef of rocks; and, as there was but little wind, it cost us some trouble to keep clear of them.  This reef lies between Footooha and Neeneeva, which is a small low isle, in the direction of E.N.E. from Footooha, at the distance of seven or eight miles.  Footooha is a small island, of middling height, and bounded all round by a steep rock.  It lies S. 67 deg.  E., distant six leagues from Kao, and three leagues from Kotoo, in the direction of N. 33 deg.  E. Being past the reef of rocks just mentioned, we hauled up for Neeneeva, in hopes of finding anchorage; but were again disappointed, and obliged to spend the night, making short boards.  For, although we had land in every direction, the sea was unfathomable.

In the course of this night, we could plainly see flames issuing from the volcano upon Toofoa, though to no great height.

At day-break in the morning of the 16th, with a gentle breeze at S.E., we steered N.E. for Hepaee, which was now in sight; and we could judge it to be low land, from the trees only appearing above the water.  About nine o’clock we could see it plainly forming three islands, nearly of an equal size; and soon after, a fourth to the southward of these, as large as the others.  Each seemed to be about six or seven miles long, and of a similar height and appearance.  The northernmost of them is called Haanno, the next Foa, the third Lefooga, and the southernmost Hoolaiva; but all four are included, by the natives, under the general name Hepaee.

The wind scanting upon us, we could not fetch the land, so that we were forced to ply to windward.  In doing this, we once passed over some coral rocks, on which we had only six fathoms water; but the moment we were over them, found no ground with eighty-fathoms of line.  At this time, the isles of Hepaee bore, from N., 50 deg.  E., to S., 9 W. We got up with the northernmost of these isles by sunset; and there found ourselves in the very same distress, for want of anchorage, that we had experienced the two preceding evenings; so that we had another night to spend under sail, with land and breakers in every direction.  Toward the evening, Feenou, who had been on board all day, went forward to Hepaee, and took Omai in the canoe with him.  He did not forget our disagreeable situation; and kept up a good fire, all night, by way of a land-mark.

As soon as the day-light returned, being then close in with Foa, we saw it was joined to Haanno, by a reef running even with the surface of the sea, from the one island to the other.  I now dispatched a boat to look for anchorage.  A proper place was soon found; and we came-to, abreast of a reef, being that which joins Lefooga to Foa (in the same manner that Foa is joined to Haanno), having twenty-four fathoms depth of water; the bottom coral sand.  In this station, the northern point of Hepaee, or the north end of Haanno, bore N., 16 deg.  E. The southern point of Hepaee, or the south end of Hoolaiva, S., 29 deg.  W.; and the north end of Lefooga, S., 65 deg.  E. Two ledges of rocks lay without us; the one bearing S., 50 deg.  W.; and the other W. by N. 1/2 N., distant two or three miles.  We lay before a creek in the reef, which made it convenient landing at all times; and we were not above three quarters of a mile from the shore.

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Arrival of the Ships at Hepaee, and friendly Reception there.—­Presents and Solemnities on the Occasion.—­Single Combats with Clubs.—­Wrestling and Boxing Matches.—­Female Combatants.—­Marines exercised.—­A Dance performed by Men.—­Fireworks exhibited.—­The Night-entertainments of Singing and Dancing particularly described.

By the time we had anchored, (May 17) the ships were filled with the natives, and surrounded by a multitude of canoes, filled also with them.  They brought from the shore, hogs, fowls, fruit, and roots, which they exchanged for hatchets, knives, nails, beads, and cloth.  Feenou and Omai having come on board, after it was light, in order to introduce me to the people of the island, I soon accompanied them on shore, for that purpose, landing at the north part of Lefooga, a little to the right of the ship’s station.

The chief conducted me to a house, or rather a hut, situated close to the sea-beach, which I had seen brought thither, but a few minutes before, for our reception.  In this, Feenou, Omai, and myself, were seated.  The other chiefs, and the multitude, composed a circle, on the outside, fronting us; and they also sat down.  I was then asked, How long I intended to stay?  On my saying, Five days, Taipa was ordered to come and sit by me, and proclaim this to the people.  He then harangued them, in a speech mostly dictated by Feenou.  The purport of it, as I learnt from Omai, was, that they were all, both old and young, to look upon me as a friend, who intended to remain with them a few days; that, during my stay, they must not steal any thing, nor molest me any other way; and that it was expected, they should bring hogs, fowls, fruit, &c. to the ships, where they would receive, in exchange for them, such and such things, which he enumerated.  Soon after Taipa had finished this address to the assembly, Feenou left us.  Taipa then took occasion to signify to me, that it was necessary I should make a present to the chief of the island, whose name was Earoupa.  I was not unprepared for this, and gave him such articles as far exceeded his expectation.  My liberality to him brought upon me demands, of the same kind, from two chiefs of other isles who were present; and from Taipa himself.  When Feenou returned, which was immediately after I had made the last of these presents, he pretended to be angry with Taipa for suffering me to give away so much; but I looked upon this as a mere finesse; being confident that he acted in concert with the others.  He now took his seat again, and ordered Earoupa to sit by him, and to harangue the people as Taipa had done, and to the same purpose; dictating, as before, the heads of the speech.

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These ceremonies being performed, the chief, at my request, conducted me to three stagnant pools of fresh water, as he was pleased to call it:  And, indeed, in one of these the water was tolerable, and the situation not inconvenient for filling our casks.  After viewing the watering-place, we returned to our former station, where I found a baked hog, and some yams, smoking hot, ready to be carried on board for my dinner.  I invited Feenou, and his friends, to partake of it; and we embarked for the ship; but none but himself sat down with us at the table.  After dinner I conducted them on shore; and, before I returned on board, the chief gave me a fine large turtle, and a quantity of yams.  Our supply of provisions was copious; for, in the course of the day, we got, by barter, alongside the ship, about twenty small hogs, beside fruit and roots.  I was told, that on my first landing in the morning, a man came off to the ships, and ordered every one of the natives to go on shore.  Probably this was done with a view to have the whole body of inhabitants present at the ceremony of my reception; for when that was over, multitudes of them returned again to the ships.

Next morning early, Feenou, and Omai, who scarcely ever quitted the chief, and now slept on shore, came on board.  The object of the visit was to require my presence upon the island.  After some time, I accompanied them; and, upon landing, was conducted to the same place where I had been seated the day before; and where I saw a large concourse of people already assembled.  I guessed that something more than ordinary was in agitation; but could not tell what, nor could Omai inform me.

I had not been long seated, before near a hundred of the natives appeared in sight, and advanced, laden with yams, bread-fruit, plantains, cocoa-nuts, and sugar-canes.  They deposited their burdens, in two heaps, or piles, upon our left, being the side they came from.  Soon after, arrived a number of others from the right, bearing the same kind of articles, which were collected into two piles upon that side.  To these were tied two pigs, and six fowls; and to those upon the left, six pigs, and two turtles.  Earoupa seated himself before the several articles upon the left; and another chief before those upon the right; they being, as I judged, the two chiefs who had collected them, by order of Feenou, who seemed to be as implicitly obeyed here, as he had been at Annamooka; and, in consequence of his commanding superiority over the chiefs of Hepaee, had laid this tax upon them for the present occasion.

As soon as this munificent collection of provisions was laid down in order, and disposed to the best advantage, the bearers of it joined the multitude, who formed a large circle round the whole.  Presently after, a number of men entered this circle, or area, before us, armed with clubs, made of the green branches of the cocoa-nut tree.  These paraded about for a few minutes, and then retired; the one half to one

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side, and the other half to the other side; seating themselves before the spectators.  Soon after, they successively entered the lists, and entertained us with single combats.  One champion, rising up and stepping forward from one side, challenged those of the other side, by expressive gestures, more than by words, to send one of their body to oppose him.  If the challenge was accepted, which was generally the case, the two combatants put themselves in proper attitudes, and then began the engagement, which continued till one or other owned himself conquered, or till their weapons were broken.  As soon as each combat was over, the victor squatted himself down facing the chief, then rose up, and retired.  At the same time, some old men, who seemed to sit as judges, gave their plaudit in a few words; and the multitude, especially those on the side to which the victor belonged, celebrated the glory he had acquired in two or three huzzas.

This entertainment was, now and then, suspended for a few minutes.  During these intervals there were both wrestling and boxing matches.  The first were performed in the same manner as at Otaheite; and the second differed very little from the method practised in England.  But what struck us with most surprise, was, to see a couple of lusty wenches step forth, and begin boxing; without the least ceremony, and with as much art as the men.  This contest, however, did not last above half a minute, before one of them gave it up.  The conquering heroine received the same applause from the spectators which they bestowed upon the successful combatants of the other sex.  We expressed some dislike at this part of the entertainment; which, however, did not prevent two other females from entering the lists.  They seemed to be girls of spirit, and would certainly have given each other a good drubbing, if two old women had not interposed to part them.  All these combats were exhibited in the midst of, at least, three thousand people, and were conducted with the greatest good humour on all sides; though some of the champions, women as well as men, received blows, which, doubtless, they must have felt for some time after.

As soon as these diversions were ended, the chief told me, that the heaps of provisions on our right hand were a present to Omai; and that those on our left hand, being about two-thirds of the whole quantity, were given to me.  He added, that I might take them on board whenever it was convenient; but that there would be no occasion to set any of our people as guards over them, as I might be assured, that not a single cocoa-nut would be taken away by the natives.  So it proved; for I left every thing behind, and returned to the ship to dinner, carrying the chief with me; and when the provisions were removed on board, in the afternoon, not a single article was missing.  There was as much as loaded four boats; and I could not but be struck with the munificence of Feenou; for this present far exceeded any I had ever received from

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any of the sovereigns of the various islands I had visited in the Pacific Ocean.  I lost no time in convincing my friend, that I was not insensible of his liberality; for, before he quitted my ship, I bestowed upon him such of our commodities, as, I guessed, were most valuable in his estimation.  And the return I made was so much to his satisfaction, that, as soon as he got on shore, he left me still indebted to him, by sending me a fresh present, consisting of two large hogs, a considerable quantity of cloth, and some yams.

Feenou had expressed a desire to see the marines go through their military exercise.  As I was desirous to gratify his curiosity, I ordered them all ashore, from both ships, in the morning of the 20th.  After they had performed various evolutions, and fired several vollies, with which the numerous body of spectators seemed well pleased, the chief entertained us, in his turn, with an exhibition, which, as was acknowledged by us all, was performed with a dexterity and exactness, far surpassing the specimen we had given of our military manoeuvres.  It was a kind of a dance, so entirely different from any thing I had ever seen, that, I fear, I can give no description that will convey any tolerable idea of it to my readers.  It was performed by men; and one hundred and five persons bore their parts in it.  Each of them had in his hand an instrument neatly made, shaped somewhat like a paddle, of two feet and a half in length, with a small handle, and a thin blade; so that they were very light.  With these instruments they made many and various flourishes, each of which was accompanied with a different attitude of the body, or a different movement.  At first, the performers ranged themselves in three lines; and, by various evolutions, each man changed his station in such a manner, that those who had been in the rear came into the front.  Nor did they remain long in the same position; but these changes were made by pretty quick transitions.  At one time they extended themselves in one line; they, then, formed into a semicircle; and, lastly, into two square columns.  While this last movement was executing, one of them advanced, and performed an antic dance before me; with which the whole ended.

The musical instruments consisted of two drums, or rather two hollow logs of wood, from which some varied notes were produced, by beating on them with two sticks.  It did not, however, appear to me, that the dancers were much assisted or directed by these sounds, but by a chorus of vocal music, in which all the performers joined at the same time.  Their song was not destitute of pleasing melody; and all their corresponding motions were executed with so much skill, that the numerous body of dancers seemed to act, as if they were one great machine.  It was the opinion of every one of us, that such a performance would have met with universal applause on a European theatre; and it so far exceeded any attempt we had made to entertain them, that they seemed to pique themselves upon the superiority they had over us.  As to our musical instruments, they held none of them in the least esteem, except the drum; and even that they did not think equal to their own.  Our French horns, in particular, seemed to be held in great contempt; for neither here, nor at any other of the islands, would they pay the smallest attention to them.

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In order to give them a more favourable opinion of English amusements, and to leave their minds fully impressed with the deepest sense of our superior attainments, I directed some fireworks to be got ready; and, after it was dark, played them off in the presence of Feenou, the other chiefs, and a vast concourse of their people.  Some of the preparations we found damaged; but others of them were in excellent order, and succeeded so perfectly, as to answer the end I had in view.  Our water and sky-rockets, in particular, pleased and astonished them beyond all conception; and the scale was now turned in our favour.

This, however, seemed only to furnish them with an additional motive to proceed to fresh exertions of their very singular dexterity; and our fireworks were no sooner ended, than a succession of dances, which Feenou had got ready for our entertainment, began.  As[160] a prelude to them, a band of music, or chorus of eighteen men, seated themselves before us, in the centre of the circle, composed by the numerous spectators, the area of which was to be the scene of the exhibitions.  Four or five of this band had pieces of large bamboo, from three to five or six feet long, each managed by one man, who held it nearly in a vertical position, the upper end open, but the other end closed by one of the joints.  With this close end, the performers kept constantly striking the ground, though slowly, thus producing different notes, according to the different lengths of the instruments, but all of them of the hollow or base sort; to counteract which, a person kept striking quickly, and with two sticks, a piece of the same substance, split, and laid along the ground, and, by that means, furnishing a tone as acute as those produced by the others were grave.  The rest of the band, as well as those who performed upon the bamboos, sung a slow and soft air, which so tempered the harsher notes of the above instruments, that no bye-stander, however accustomed to hear the most perfect and varied modulation of sweet sounds, could avoid confessing the vast power, and pleasing effect, of this simple harmony.

[Footnote 160:  Mr Andersen’s account of the night dances being much fuller than Captain Cook’s, the reader will not be displeased that it has been adopted.—­D.]

The concert having continued about a quarter of an hour, twenty women entered the circle.  Most of them had, upon their heads, garlands of the crimson flowers of the China rose, or others; and many of them had ornamented their persons with leaves of trees, cut with a deal of nicety about the edges.  They made a circle round the chorus, turning their faces toward it, and began by singing a soft air, to which responses were made by the chorus in the same tone; and these were repeated alternately.  All this while, the women accompanied their song with several very graceful motions of their hands toward their faces, and in other directions at the same time, making constantly

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a step forward, and then back again, with one foot, while the other was fixed.  They then turned their faces to the assembly, sung some time, and retreated slowly in a body, to that part of the circle which was opposite the hut where the principal spectators sat.  After this, one of them advanced from each side, meeting and passing each other in the front, and continuing their progress round, till they came to the rest.  On which, two advanced from each side, two of whom also passed each other, and returned as the former; but the other two remained, and to these came one, from each side, by intervals, till the whole number had again formed a circle-about the chorus.

Their manner of dancing was now changed to a quicker measure, in which they made a kind of half turn by leaping, and clapped their hands, and snapped their fingers, repeating some words in conjunction with the chorus.  Toward the end, as the quickness of the music increased, their gestures and attitudes were varied with wonderful vigour and dexterity; and some of their motions, perhaps, would, with us, be reckoned rather indecent.  Though this part of the performance, most probably, was not meant to convey any wanton ideas, but merely to display the astonishing variety of their movements.

To this grand female ballet, succeeded one performed by fifteen men.  Some of them were old; but their age seemed to have abated little of their agility or ardour for the dance.  They were disposed in a sort of circle, divided at the front, with their faces not turned out toward the assembly, nor inward to the chorus; but one half of their circle faced forward as they had advanced, and the other half in a contrary direction.  They, sometimes, sung slowly, in concert with the chorus; and, while thus employed, they also made several very fine motions with their hands, but different from those made by the women, at the same time inclining the body to either side alternately by raising one leg, which was stretched outward, and resting on the other; the arm of the same side being also stretched fully upward.  At other times they recited sentences in a musical tone, which were answered by the chorus; and, at intervals, increased the measure of the dance, by clapping the hands, and quickening the motions of the feet, which, however, were never varied.  At the end, the rapidity of the music, and of the dancing, increased so much, that it was scarcely possible to distinguish the different movements; though one might suppose the actors were now almost tired, as their performance had lasted near half an hour.

After a considerable interval, another act, as we may call it, began.  Twelve men now advanced, who placed themselves in double rows fronting each other, but on opposite sides of the circle; and, on one side, a man was stationed, who, as if he had been a prompter, repeated several sentences, to which the twelve new performers, and the chorus, replied.  They then sung slowly; and afterward danced and sung more quickly, for about a quarter of an hour, after the manner of the dancers whom they had succeeded.

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Soon after they had finished, nine women exhibited themselves, and sat down fronting the hut where the chief was.  A man then rose, and struck the first of these women on the back, with both fists joined.  He proceeded, in the same manner, to the second and third; but when he came to the fourth, whether from accident or design I cannot tell, instead of the back, he struck her on the breast.  Upon this a person rose instantly from the crowd, who brought him to the ground with a blow on the head; and he was carried off without the least noise or disorder.  But this did not save the other five women from so odd a discipline, or perhaps necessary ceremony; for a person succeeded him, who treated them in the same manner.  Their disgrace did not end here; for when they danced, they had the mortification to find their performance twice disapproved of, and were obliged to repeat it.  This dance did not differ much from that of the first women, except in this one circumstance, that the present set sometimes raised the body upon one leg, by a sort of double motion, and then upon the other alternately, in which attitude they kept snapping their fingers; and, at the end, they repeated, with great agility, the brisk movements, in which the former group of female dancers had shewn themselves so expert.

In a little tine, a person entered unexpectedly, and said something in a ludicrous way, about the fireworks that had been exhibited, which extorted a burst of laughter from the multitude.  After this, we had a dance composed of the men, who attended, or had followed, Feenou.  They formed a double circle (i.e. one within another) of twenty-four each, round the chorus, and began a gentle soothing song, with corresponding motions of the hands and head.  This lasted a considerable time, and then changed to a much quicker measure, during which they repeated sentences, either in conjunction with the chorus, or in answer to some spoken by that band.  They then retreated to the back part of the circle, as the women had done, and again advanced, on each side, in a triple row, till they formed a semicircle, which was done very slowly, by inclining the body on one leg, and advancing the other a little way, as they put it down.  They accompanied this with such a soft air as they had sung at the beginning; but soon changed it to repeat sentences in a harsher tone, at the same time quickening the dance very much, till they finished with a general shout and clap of the hands.  The same was repeated several times; but, at last, they formed a double circle, as at the beginning, danced, and repeated very quickly, and finally closed with several very dexterous transpositions of the two circles.

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The entertainments of this memorable night concluded with a dance, in which the principal people present exhibited.  It resembled the immediately preceding one, in some respects, having the same number of performers, who began nearly in the same way; but their ending, at each interval, was different; for they increased their motions to a prodigious quickness, shaking their heads from shoulder to shoulder, with such force, that a spectator, unaccustomed to the sight, would suppose, that they ran a risk of dislocating their necks.  This was attended with a smart clapping of the hands, and a kind of savage holla! or shriek, not unlike what is sometimes practised in the comic dances on our European theatres.  They formed the triple semicircle, as the preceding dancers had done; and a person, who advanced at the head on one side of the semicircle, began by repeating something in a truly musical recitative, which was delivered with an air so graceful, as might put to the blush our most applauded performers.  He was answered in the same manner, by the person at the head of the opposite party.  This being repeated several times, the whole body, on one side, joined in the responses to the whole corresponding body on the opposite side, as the semicircle advanced to the front; and they finished, by singing and dancing as they had begun.

These two last dances were performed with so much spirit, and so great exactness, that they met with universal approbation.  The native spectators, who, no doubt, were perfect judges whether the several performances were properly executed, could not withhold their applauses at some particular parts; and even a stranger, who never saw the diversion before, felt similar satisfaction, at the same instant.  For though, through the whole, the most strict concert was observed, some of the gestures were so expressive, that it might be said, they spoke the language that accompanied them; if we allow that there is any connection between motion and sound.  At the same time, it should be observed, that though the music of the chorus, and that of the dancers, corresponded, constant practice in these favourite amusements of our friends, seems to have a great share in effecting the exact time they keep in their performances.  For we observed, that if any of them happened accidentally to be interrupted, they never found the smallest difficulty in recovering the proper place of the dance or song.  And their perfect discipline was in no instance more remarkable, than in the sudden transitions they so dexterously made from the ruder exertions, and harsh sounds, to the softest airs, and gentlest movements.[161]

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[Footnote 161:  In a former note, it was observed, that the songs and dances of the Caroline Islanders, in the North Pacific, bear a great resemblance to those of the inhabitants of Wateeoo.  The remark may be now extended to those of the Friendly Islanders, described at large in this chapter.  That the reader may judge for himself, I have selected the following particulars from Father Cantova’s account.  “Pendant la nuit, au clair de la lune, ils s’assemblent, de temps en temps, pour chanter & danser devant la maison de leur Tumole.  Leurs danses se font au son de la voix, car ils n’ont point d’instrument de musique.  La beaute de la danse, consiste dans l’exacte uniformite des mouvemens du corps.  Les hommes, separes des femmes, se postent vis-a-vis les uns des autres; apres quoi, ils remuent la tete, les bras, les mains, les pieds, en cadence.  Leur tete est couverte de plumes, on de fleurs;—­et l’on voit, attachees a leurs oreilles, des feuilles de palmier tissues avec assez d’art—­Les femmes, de leur cote,—­se regardant les unes les autres, commencent un chant pathetique & langoureux, accompagnant le son de leur voix du mouvement cadence de la tete & des bras.”—­Lettres Edifiantes & Curiesues, tom. xv. p. 314, 315.—­D.]

The place where the dances were performed was an open space amongst the trees, just by the sea, with lights, at small intervals, placed round the inside of the circle.  The concourse of people was pretty large, though not equal to the number assembled in the forenoon, when the marines exercised.  At that time, some of our gentlemen guessed there might be present about five thousand persons; others thought there were more; but they who reckoned that there were fewer, probably, came nearer the truth.


Description of Lefooga.—­Its cultivated State.—­Its Extent.—­Transactions there.—­A female Oculist.—­Singular Expedients for shaving off the Hair.—­The Ships change their Station.—­A remarkable Mount and Stone.—­Inscription of Hoolaiva.—­Account of Poulaho, King of the friendly Islands.—­Respectful Manner in which he is treated by his People.—­Departure from the Hapaee Islands.—­Some Account of Kotoo.—­Return of the Ships to Annamooka.—­Poulaho and Feenou meet.—­Arrival at Tongataboo.

Curiosity on both sides being now sufficiently gratified by the exhibition of the various entertainments I have described, I began to have time to look about me.  Accordingly, next day (May 21) I took a walk into the island of Lefooga, of which I was desirous to obtain some knowledge.  I found it to be, in several respects, superior to Annamooka.  The plantations were both more numerous and more extensive.  In many places, indeed, toward the sea, especially on the east side, the country is still waste, owing perhaps to the sandy soil, as it is much lower than Annamooka, and its surrounding isles.  But toward the middle of the island the soil is better; and the

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marks of considerable population, and of improved cultivation, were very conspicuous.  For we met here with very large plantations, inclosed in such a manner that the fences, running parallel to each other, form fine spacious public roads, that would appear ornamental in countries where rural conveniences have been carried to the greatest perfection.  We observed large spots covered with the paper mulberry-trees; and the plantations, in general, were well stocked with such roots and fruits as are the natural produce of the island.  To these I made some addition, by sowing the seeds of Indian corn, melons, pumpkins, and the like.  At one place was a house, four or five times as large as those of the common sort, with a large area of grass before it; and I take it for granted, the people resort thither on certain public occasions.  Near the landing-place we saw a mount, two or three feet high, covered with gravel; and on it stood four or five small huts, in which the natives told us the bodies of some of their principal people had been interred.

The island is not above seven miles long, and in some places not above two or three broad.  The east side of it, which is exposed to the trade-wind, has a reef running to a considerable breadth from it, on which the sea breaks with great violence.  It is a continuation of this reef that joins Lefooga to Foa, which is not above half a mile distant; and at low water the natives can walk upon this reef, which is then partly dry from the one island to the other.  The shore itself is either a coral rock, six or seven feet high, or a sandy beach, but higher than the west side, which in general is not more than three or four feet from the level of the sea, with a sandy beach its whole length.

When I returned from my excursion into the country, and went on board to dinner, I found a large sailing canoe fast to the ship’s stern.  In this canoe was Latooliboula, whom I had seen at Tongataboo during my last voyage, and who was then supposed by us to be the king of that island.  He sat in the canoe with all that gravity, by which, as I have mentioned in my journal,[162] he was so remarkably distinguished at that time; nor could I, by any entreaties, prevail upon him now to come into the ship.  Many of the islanders were present, and they all called him Areekee, which signifies king.  I had never heard any one of them give this title to Feenou, however extensive his authority over them, both here and at Annamooka, had appeared to be, which had all along inclined me to suspect that he was not the king, though his friend Taipa had taken pains to make me believe he was.  Latooliboula remained under the stern till the evening, when he retired in his canoe to one of the islands.  Feenou was on board my ship at the same time; but neither of these great men took the least notice of the other.

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[Footnote 162:  The name of this extraordinary personage is there said to be Kohagee too Fallangou, which cannot, by the most skilful etymologist, be tortured into the least most distant resemblance of Latooliboula.  It is remarkable that Captain Cook should not take any notice of his having called the same person by two na