The Land-War In Ireland (1870) eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 533 pages of information about The Land-War In Ireland (1870).

The Land-War In Ireland (1870) eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 533 pages of information about The Land-War In Ireland (1870).
of Lord Moira was not only unnecessary, it was highly mischievous.’  He dwelt on the improved state of Ireland, and the tranquillity of the people.  If there were partial excesses on the part of the military, they were unavoidable, and could only be deplored.  ’He was unable to discern what should alienate the affections of Ireland.  For the whole space of thirty years his majesty’s Government had been distinguished by the same uniform tenderness of regard, by the same undeviating adherence to the mild principles of a conciliatory system....  If any cruelties had been practised, they must have been resisted by a high-spirited people.  Were there no courts of justice?  The conduct of the lord lieutenant was highly commendable.  The system recommended by Lord Moira would only tend to villify the Irish Government.’  Then came the fatal announcement which sounded the death-knell of thousands of the Irish people, and caused the destruction of millions’ worth of property.  The home secretary said:  ’The contrary system must, therefore, be persevered in; and to the spirited exertions of the British military should we owe the preservation of Irish laws, of Irish property, and of Irish lives!’

To this the Marquis of Downshire added ’that he was not afraid of the effects of coercion.  Every concession had been made that could be made towards Ireland.  Every Catholic was as free as the safety of the state would admit.  Were the Catholics to have an equal share in the government with the Protestants, the Government and the country would be lost.’

I will conclude by quoting the remarks of Mr. Fox, referred to above:  ’If you do not allay their discontent, there is no way but force to keep them in obedience.  Can you convince them by the musket that their principles are false?  Can you prove to them by the bayonet that their pretensions are unjust?  Can you demonstrate to them by martial law that they enjoy the blessings of a free constitution?  No, it is said, but they may be deterred from the prosecution of the objects which you have determined to refuse.  But on what is this founded?  On the history of Ireland itself?  No; for the history of Ireland proves that, though repeatedly subdued, it could not be kept in awe by force; and the late examples will prove the effect which severity may be expected to produce....  I would therefore concede; and if I found I had not conceded enough, I would concede more.  I know of no way of governing mankind, but by conciliating them....  My wish is that the whole people of Ireland should have the same principles, the same system, the same operation of government. ...  I would have the whole Irish government regulated by Irish notions and Irish prejudices; and I firmly believe, according to an Irish expression, the more she is under Irish government, the more she will be bound to English interests. ...  I say, therefore, try conciliation, but do not have recourse to arms.’  He warned and implored in vain.  The Union had been determined on; and it was thought that it could be effected only after the prostration of civil war, into which, therefore, the unfortunate people were goaded.

Copyrights
Project Gutenberg
The Land-War In Ireland (1870) from Project Gutenberg. Public domain.