In the early days of the Bolshevik regime the Russians lost Northern Manchuria, which is now controlled by Japan.  A board consisting partly of Chinese and partly of reactionary Russians forms the directorate of the Chinese Eastern Railway, which runs through Manchuria and connects with the Siberian Railway.  There is not through communication by rail between Peking and Europe as in the days before 1914.  This is an extreme annoyance to European business men in the Far East, since it means that letters or journeys from Peking to London take five or six weeks instead of a fortnight.  They try to persuade themselves that the fault lies with the Bolsheviks, but they are gradually realizing that the real cause is the reactionary control of the Chinese Eastern Railway.  Meanwhile, various Americans are interesting themselves in this railway and endeavouring to get it internationalized.  Motives similar to those which led to the Vanderlip concession are forcing friendship with Russia upon all Americans who have Siberian interests.  If Japan were engaged in a war with America, the Bolsheviks would in all likelihood seize the opportunity to liberate Vladivostok and recover Russia’s former position in Manchuria.  Already, according to The Times correspondent in Peking, Outer Mongolia, a country about as large as England, France and Germany combined, has been conquered by Bolshevik armies and propaganda.

The Bolsheviks have, of course, the enthusiastic sympathy of the younger Chinese students.  If they can weather their present troubles, they have a good chance of being accepted by all vigorous progressive people in Asia as the liberators of Asia from the tyranny of the Great Powers.  As they were not invited to Washington, they are not a party to any of the agreements reached there, and it may turn out that they will upset impartially the ambitions of Japan, Great Britain and America.[83] For America, no less than other Powers, has ambitions, though they are economic rather than territorial.  If America is victorious in the Far East, China will be Americanized, and though the shell of political freedom may remain, there will be an economic and cultural bondage beneath it.  Russia is not strong enough to dominate in this way, but may become strong enough to secure some real freedom for China.  This, however, is as yet no more than a possibility.  It is worth remembering, because everybody chooses to forget it, and because, while Russia is treated as a pariah, no settlement of the Far East can be stable.  But what part Russia is going to play in the affairs of China it is as yet impossible to say.

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