Great Britain and the American Civil War eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 825 pages of information about Great Britain and the American Civil War.

[Footnote 20:  A Visit to the United States in 1841, London, 1842.]

[Footnote 21:  George William Featherstonaugh, Excursion through the Slave States, London, 1844. 2 vols.]

[Footnote 22:  William Kennedy, Texas:  The Rise, Progress and Prospects of the Republic of Texas, London, 1841. 2 vols.  George Warburton, Hochelaga:  or, England in the New World, London, 1845. 2 vols.]

[Footnote 23:  Warburton, Hochelaga, 5th Edition, Vol.  II, pp. 363-4.]

[Footnote 24:  Alexander Mackay, The Western World:  or, Travels through the United States in 1846-47, London, 1849.]

[Footnote 25:  This is clearly indicated in Parliament itself, in the debate on the dismissal by the United States in 1856 of Crampton, the British Minister at Washington, for enlistment activities during the Crimean War.—­Hansard, 3rd.  Ser., CXLIII, 14-109 and 120-203.]

[Footnote 26:  Gladstone’s letters were later published in book form, under the title The Englishman in Kansas, London, 1857.]

[Footnote 27:  “The evil passions which ‘Uncle Tom’ gratified in England were not hatred or vengeance [of slavery], but national jealousy and national vanity.  We have long been smarting under the conceit of America—­we are tired of hearing her boast that she is the freest and the most enlightened country that the world has ever seen.  Our clergy hate her voluntary system—­our Tories hate her democrats—­our Whigs hate her parvenus—­our Radicals hate her litigiousness, her insolence, and her ambition.  All parties hailed Mrs. Stowe as a revolter from the enemy.”  Senior, American Slavery, p. 38.]

[Footnote 28:  The reprint is without date, but the context shows the year to be 1857.]

[Footnote 29:  For example the many British expressions quoted in reference to John Brown’s raid, in The Liberator for February 10, 1860, and in succeeding issues.]

[Footnote 30:  Senior, American Slavery, p. 68.]



It has been remarked by the American historian, Schouler, that immediately before the outbreak of the Civil War, diplomatic controversies between England and America had largely been settled, and that England, pressed from point to point, had “sullenly” yielded under American demands.  This generalization, as applied to what were, after all, minor controversies, is in great measure true.  In larger questions of policy, as regards spheres of influence or developing power, or principles of trade, there was difference, but no longer any essential opposition or declared rivalry[31].  In theories of government there was sharp divergence, clearly appreciated, however, only in governing-class Britain.  This sense of divergence, even of a certain threat from America to British political

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