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| Table of Contents | |
| Section | Page |
| Start of eBook | 1 |
| Illustrations | 1 |
| Documents of 1525-1528 | 7 |
| 7 | |
| 12 | |
| Expedition of Ruy Lopez de Villalobos—1541-46 | 16 |
| The Expedition of Ruy Lopez de Villalobos—1541-46 | 16 |
| Expedition of Miguel Lopez de Legazpi—1564-68 | 29 |
| 74 | |
| Act of Taking Possession of Cibabao | 78 |
| Proclamation Regarding Treasure | 79 |
| 80 | |
| 83 | |
| 85 | |
| Articles | 86 |
| 90 | |
| Letters to Felipe II of Spain, By Miguel Lopez de Legazpi—1567-68 | 106 |
| 112 | |
| In testimony thereof | 120 |
| Bibliographical Data | 160 |
| NOTES | 163 |
Portrait of Miguel Lopez de
Legazpi; photographic
reproduction from painting
in Museo-Biblioteca de Ultramar,
Madrid. Frontispiece
Portrait of Fray Andres de
Urdaneta; photographic reproduction
from painting by Madrazo,
in possession of the Colegio de
Filipinas (Augustinian), Valladolid.
Signatures of Legazpi and
other officials in the Philippines;
photographic facsimile from
original Ms. of their letter of
June 1, 1565, in the Archivo
general de Indias, Seville.
The Santo Nino of Cebu (image
of the child Jesus found there
by Legazpi’s soldiers
in 1565); from a plate in possession
of the Colegio de Filipinas,
Valladolid.
Preface
The next attempt to reach the Spice Islands is made by Garcia Jofre de Loaisa. A synopsis of contemporary documents is here presented: discussion as to the location of the India House of Trade; concessions offered by the Spanish government to persons who aid in equipping expeditions for the Moluccas; instructions to Loaisa and his subordinates for the conduct of their enterprise; accounts of their voyage, etc. Loaisa’s fleet departs from Spain on July 24, 1525, and ten months later emerges from the Strait of Magellan. Three of his ships have been lost, and a fourth is compelled to seek necessary supplies at the nearest Spanish settlements on the west coast of South America; Loaisa has remaining but three vessels for the long and perilous trip across the Pacific. One of the lost ships finally succeeds in reaching Spain, but its captain, Rodrigo de Acuna, is detained in long and painful captivity at Pernambuco. The partial log of the flagship and an account of the disasters which befell the expedition are sent to the emperor (apparently from Tidore) by Hernando de la Torre, one of its few survivors, who asks that aid be sent them. Loaisa himself and nearly all his officers are dead—one of the captains being killed by his own men. At Tidore meet (June 30, 1528) the few Spaniards remaining alive (in all, twenty-five out of one hundred and forty-six) in the “Victoria” and in the ship of Saavedra, who has been sent by Cortes to search for the missing fleets which had set out from Spain for the Moluccas. Urdaneta’s relation of the Loaisa expedition goes over the same ground, but adds many interesting details.
Various documents (in synopsis) show the purpose for which Saavedra is despatched from Mexico, the instructions given to him, and letters which he is to carry to various persons. Among these epistles, that written by Hernando Cortes to the king of Cebu is given in full; he therein takes occasion to blame Magalhaes for the conflict with hostile natives which resulted in the discoverer’s death. He also asks the Cebuan ruler to liberate any Spaniards who may be in his power, and offers to ransom them, if that be required. Saavedra’s own account of the voyage states that the time of his departure from New Spain was October, 1527. Arrivingat the island of Visaya, he finds three Spaniards who tell him that the eight companions o Magalhaes left at Cebu had been sold by their captors to the Chinese.
Undaunted by these failures, another expedition sets forth (1542) to gain a footing for Spanish power on the Western Islands—that commanded by Ruy Lopez de Villalobos; it is under the auspices of the two most powerful officials in New Spain, and is abundantly supplied with men and provisions. The contracts made with the king by its promoters give interesting details of the methods by which such enterprises were conducted. Various encouragements and favors are offered to colonists who shall settle in those islands; privileges and grants are conferred on Alvarado, extending to his heirs. Provision is made for land-grants, hospitals, religious instruction and worship, and the respective rights of the conquerors and the king. The instructions given to Villalobos and other officials are minute and careful. At Navidad Villalobos and all his officers and men take solemn oaths (October 22, 1542) to carry out the pledges that they have made, and to fulfil their respective duties. In 1543 complaint is made that Villalobos is infringing the Portuguese demarcation line, and plundering the natives, which he denies. An account of his expedition (summarized, like the other documents), written by Fray Jeronimo de Santisteban to the viceroy Mendoza, relates the sufferings of the Spaniards from hardships, famine, and disease. Of the three hundred and seventy men who had left New Spain, only one hundred and forty-seven survive to reach the Portuguese settlements in India. The writer justifies the acts of Villalobos, and asks the viceroy to provide for his orphaned children. Another account of this unfortunate enterprise was left by Garcia Descalante Alvarado, an officer of Villalobos; it also is written to the viceroy of New Spain and is dated at Lisbon, August 1, 1548. Like Santisteban’s, this too is a record of famine and other privations, the treachery of the natives, and the hostility of the Portuguese. Finally, a truce is made between the Castilians and the Portuguese, and part of the former embark (February 18, 1546) for the island of Amboina, where many of them perish.
Nearly twenty years elapse before any further attempt of importance is made to secure possession of the Philippine Archipelago. In 1564 this is begun by the departure from New Spain of an expedition commanded by Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, with which enterprise begins the real history of the Philippine Islands. Synopses of many contemporaneous documents are here presented, covering the years 1559-68. This undertaking has its inception in the commands of Felipe ii of Spain (September 24, 1559) to his viceroy in New Spain (now Luis de Velasco) to undertake “the discovery of the western islands toward the Malucos;” but those who shall be sent for this are warned to observe the Demarcation Line. The king also invites Andres de Urdaneta, now a friar in Mexico, to join the expedition, in which his scientific knowledge, and his early experience in the Orient, will be of
On May 28, 1565, the officials of the Western Islands write a report of their proceedings to the Audiencia of New Mexico. They have ascertained that the hostility of the natives arises from the cruelty and treachery of the Portuguese, who in Bohol perfidiously slew five hundred men and carried away six hundred prisoners. The Spaniards ask for immediate aid of soldiers and artillery with which to maintain their present hold, and to relieve the destitution which threatens them. They advise the speedy conquest of the islands, for in no other way can trade be carried on, or the Christian religion be propagated.
Another account of the expedition is given by Esteban Rodriguez, pilot of the fleet; it contains some interesting additional details. On June 1, 1565, the ship “San Pedro” is despatched to New Spain with letters to the authorities, which are in charge of the two Augustinian friars, Urdaneta and Aguirre. The log of the voyage kept by the pilot Espinosa is briefly summarized. When they reach the coast of Lower California the master of the vessel and Esteban Rodriguez, the chief pilot, perish from disease. The ship reaches Navidad on October 1, and Acapulco on the eighth, “after all the crew bad endured great hardships.” Of the two hundred and ten persons who had sailed on the “San Pedro,” sixteen died on the voyage, and less than a score were able to work when they arrived at Acapulco, all the rest being sick.
The previous record of the expedition is now continued. Legazpi makes a treaty with the chiefs of Cebu, who acknowledge the king of Spain as their suzerain. Gradually the natives regain their confidence in the Spaniards, return to their homes, and freely trade with the foreigners. Legazpi now is obliged to contend with drunkenness and licentiousness among his followers, but finds that these evils do not annoy the natives, among whom the standard of morality is exceedingly low. They worship their ancestors and the Devil, whom they invoke through their priests (who are usually women). Legazpi administers justice to all, protects the natives from wrong, and treats them with kindness and liberality. The head chief’s niece is baptized, and soon afterward marries one of Legazpi’s ship-men, a Greek; and other natives also are converted. The Spaniards aid the Cebuans against their enemies, and thus gain great prestige among all the islands. They find the Moros keen traders, and through them obtain abundance of provisions; the Moros also induce their countrymen in the northern islands to come to Cebu for trade. An attempt to reduce Matan fails, except in irritating its people. A dangerous mutiny in the Spanish camp is discovered and the ringleaders are hanged. The Spaniards experience much difficulty in procuring food, and are continually deceived and duped by the natives, “who have no idea of honor,” even among themselves. Several expeditions are sent out to obtain food, and this opportunity is seized by some malcontents to arouse another mutiny, which ends as did the former. On October 15, 1566, a ship from New Spain arrives at Cebu, sent to aid Legazpi, but its voyage is a record of hardships, mutinies, deaths, and other calamities; it arrives in so rotten a condition that no smaller vessel could be made from it. A number of men die from “eating too much cinnamon.” Portuguese ships prowl about, to discover what the Spaniards are doing, and the infant colony is threatened (July, 1567) with an attack by them.
A petition (probably written in 1566), signed by the Spanish officials in the Philippines, asks for more priests there, more soldiers and muskets ("so that if the natives will not be converted otherwise, they may be compelled to it by force of arms"), rewards for Legazpi, exemptions from taxes for all engaged in the expedition, grants of land, monopoly of trade, etc. A separate petition, by Legazpi, asks the, king for various privileges, dignities, and grants. Still other requests are made (probably in 1568) by hit son Melchor, who claims that Legazpi had spent all his fortune in the service of Spain, without receiving any reward therefor.
Certain documents illustrative of this history of Legazpi’s enterprise in 1565 are given in full. An interesting document—first published (in Latin) at Manila in 1901, but never before, we think, in English—is the official warrant of the Augustinian authorities in Mexico establishing the first branch of their order in the Philippines (1564). It was found among the archives of the Augustinian convent at Culhuacan, Mexico; and is communicated to us in an English translation made by Rev. T. C. Middleton, of Villanova College. The other documents are: the act of taking possession of Cibabao (February 15); a proclamation that all gold taken from the burial-places of the natives must be declared to the authorities (May 16); several letters written (May 27 and 29, and June 1) by Legazpi and other officials to the king; a letter (May 28) from the officials to the Audiencia at Mexico, with a list of supplies needed at Cebu. To these is added a specially valuable and interesting document—hitherto unpublished, we believe—Legazpi’s own relation of his voyage to the Philippines, and of affairs there up to the departure of the “San Pedro” for New Spain. As might be expected, he relates many things not found, or not clearly expressed, in the accounts given by his subordinates.
Next is presented (in both original text and English translation) a document of especial bibliographical interest—Copia de vna carta venida de Sevilla a Miguel Salvador de Valencia. It is the earliest printed account of Legazpi’s expedition, and was published at Barcelona in 1566. But one copy of this pamphlet is supposed to be extant; it is at present owned in Barcelona. It outlines the main achievements of the expedition, but makes extravagant and highly-colored statements regarding the islands and their people.
In a group of letters from Legazpi (July, 1567, and June 26, 1568) mention is made of various interesting matters connected with the early days of the settlement on Cebu Island, and the resources and commerce of the archipelago. He asks again that the king will aid his faithful subjects who have begun a colony there; no assistance has been received since their arrival there, and they are in great need of everything. The Portuguese are jealous of any Spanish control in the Philippines, and already threaten the infant colony. He sends (1568) a considerable amount of cinnamon to Spain, and could send much more if he had goods to trade therefor with the natives. Legazpi advises that small ships be built at the Philippines, with which to prosecute farther explorations and reduce more islands to subjection; and that the mines be opened, and worked by slave-labor.
The Spanish settlement on Cebu was regarded with great jealousy by the Portuguese established in the Moluccas, and they sent an armed expedition (1568) to break it up. As the two nations were at peace, the Portuguese commander and Legazpi did not at once engage in war, but carried on protracted negotiations—a detailed account of which is here presented, from the official notarial records kept by Legazpi’s chief notary, and transmitted to the home government. Legazpi claims that he has come to make new discoveries for his king, to propagate the Christian religion, and to ransom Christians held captive by the heathen in these regions; and that he had regarded the Philippines as being within the jurisdiction of Spain. If he has been mistaken, he will depart from the islands at once, if Pereira will provide him with two ships. The latter refuses to accept Legazpi’s excuses, and makes vigorous complaints against the encroachments of the Spaniards. Pereira summons all the Spaniards to depart from the islands, promising to transport them to India, and offering them all aid and kindness, if they will accede to this demand; but Legazpi declines these proposals, and adroitly fences with the Portuguese commander. These documents are of great interest, as showing the legal and diplomatic formalities current in international difficulties of this sort.
The Editors
Expedition of Garcia de Loaisa 1525-26 Voyage of Alvaro de Saavedra 1527-28
[Resume of contemporaneous documents, 1522-37]
Translated and synopsized by James A. Robertson, from Navarrete’s Col. de viages, tomo v, appendix, pp. 193-486.
Expedition of Garcia de Loaisa 1525-26
[These documents are all contained in Navarrete’s Col. de viages, tomo v, being part of the appendix of that volume (pp. 193-439). They are here summarized in even briefer form than were the documents concerning the voyage of Magalhaes, indicating sources rather than attempting a full presentation of the subject. Navarrete precedes these documents with an account of Loaisa’s voyage covering one hundred and ninety pages—compiled, as was his account of Magalhaes, from early authors and the documents in the appendix.]
A memorandum without date or signature [2] describes to the king the advantages that would arise from establishing the India House of Trade at Corunna rather than at Seville: the harbor of Corunna is more commodious; it is nearer the resorts of trade for the northern nations; much trade now going to Portugal will come to Corunna; larger ships can be used and better cargoes carried; it is nearer to sources of supply, and expeditions can be fitted out better from this place; and it will be impossible for the captains or others to take forbidden merchandise, or to land articles on the return voyage—as they could do at Seville, because of having to navigate on the river. (No. i, pp. 193-195.)
1522. The king and queen, after the return of the “Victoria” issue a document with thirty-three concessions to natives of their kingdom who should advance sums of money, etc., for fitting out expeditions for the spice regions; these privileges are to cover the first five expeditions fitting out. The interests and rights of the sovereigns and of the contributors are clearly defined. These fleets are to trade in the Moluccas, or in any other lands and islands discovered within Castile’s demarcation. The House of Trade for the spice regions is to be established at Corunna. (No. ii, pp. 196-207.)
Madrid, April 5, 1525. Fray Garcia Jofre de Loaisa, a commander of the order of St. John, [3] is appointed captain-general of the fleet now fitting out at Corunna for the Moluccas, and governor of those islands. His powers are outlined, being such as were usually given in such expeditions. As annual salary he is to have, during the voyage, “two thousand nine hundred and twenty ducats, which amount to one million, ninety-four thousand five hundred maravedis.” He is to have certain privileges of trade, being allowed to carry merchandise. Rodrigo de Acuna is appointed captain of the fourth ship, with a salary of three hundred and seventy-five thousand maravedis. He may invest fifty thousand maravedis in the fleet, such sum being advanced from his salary. The accountant for the fleet, Diego Ortiz de Orue, is instructed to fulfil the duties incident to his office (these are named), and to keep full accounts. Instructions are issued also to the treasurer, Hernando de Bustamante, who is ordered “to obey our captain and the captain of your ship, and try to act in harmony with our officials, and shun all manner of controversy and discord.” He must discuss with the captains and officials questions pertaining to his duty, for the better fulfilment thereof. (Nos. iii-vi, pp. 207-218.)
Toledo, May 13, 1525. The crown reserves the right to appoint persons to take the place of any officials dying during the expedition. In case Loaisa should die, his office as governor of the Moluccas is to be filled in the following order: Pedro de Vera, Rodrigo de Acuna, Jorge Manrique, Francisco de Hoces. His office as captain-general falls first to Juan Sebastian del Cano; then to those above named. Further, the chief treasurer, factor, and accountant are next in succession; and after them a captain-general and other officers shall be elected by the remaining captains, treasurers, factors, and accountants. Instructions are given to Diego de Covarrubias as to his duties as factor-general of the Moluccas. He is to exercise great care in all matters connected with trade, selling at as high rates as possible. (Nos. vii, viii, pp. 218-222.)
A relation by Juan de Areizaga [4] gives the leading events of Loaisa’s voyage until the Strait of Magellan is passed. The fleet leaves Corunna July 24, 1525, and finishes the passage of the strait May 26, 1526. On the voyage three ships are lost, the “San Gabriel,” “Nunciado,” and “Santi Spiritus.” The “Santiago” puts in “at the coast discovered and colonized by. . . Cortes at the shoulders of New Spain,” to reprovision. Loaisa is thus left with only three vessels. (No. ix, pp. 223-225.)
The deposition of Francisco Davila—given (June 4, 1527) under oath before the officials at Corunna, in order to be sent to the king—and several letters by Rodrigo de Acuna, dated June 15, 1527, and April 30, 1528, give the interesting adventures of the ship “San Gabriel” and its captain after its separation from Loaisa’s fleet. The vessel after various wanderings in the almost unknown seas near South American coasts, and exciting adventures with French vessels on the coast of Brazil, finally reaches Bayona May 28, 1527, in a wretched condition and very short of provisions. She carried “twenty-seven persons and twenty-two Indians,” and is without her proper captain Acuna, who had been left in the hands of the French. Abandoned by the latter on the Brazilian coast, he was rescued by a Portuguese vessel and carried to Pernambuco “a trading agency of the King of Portugal,” where he was detained as prisoner for over eighteen months. In his letter to the King of Portugal, Acuna upbraids him for treatment worse than the Moors might user “but,” he adds, “what can we expect when even the sons of Portuguese are abandoned here to the fare of the savages? There are more than three hundred Christians, the sons of Christians, abandoned in this land, who would be more certain of being saved in Turkey than here.... There is no justice here. Let your majesty take me from this land, and keep me where I may have the justice I merit.” Late in the year 1528, Acuna is ordered to Portugal, as is learned from another document, dated November 2 of that year. Before leaving Pernambuco he desires that a testimony of everything that has happened since his departure from Spain until his arrival at Pernambuco be taken down by the notary-public, this testimony being taken from the men who had come with him, “and the Frenchmen who were present at my undoing, and others who heard it from persons who were in the ships of the French who destroyed me.” Acuna desires this in case any accident befall him while on the way to Portugal, and “that the emperor may be informed of the truth, and that I may give account of myself.” This testimony is much the same as that contained in the other documents. (Nos. xxiii, pp. 225-241; and no, xv, pp. 313-323.)
June 11, 1528. Hernando de la Torre, captain-general and governor in the Moluccas, sends the king a log of the fleet up to June 1, 1526, followed by the adventures of the flagship, “Sancta Maria de la Victoria,” after its separation from the rest of the fleet, with a description of the lands and seas in its course. The log was made by the pilot of the “Victoria,” Martin de Uriarte. De la Torre prefaces these accounts with a letter in which he asks for aid, “of which we are in sore need.” He says “all the captains of the ships, caravels, and the tender, seven in number; the treasurer, accountants, and officials, both general and private, ... are dead or lost, until now only the treasurer of one of the ships is left”
Letters and documents follow which give details of the voyage of Loaisa, and events in the Moluccas until the year 1535. From a letter written (May 3, 1529) by Hernando de Bustamante and Diego de Salivas it is learned that Jorge Manrique, captain of the “Santa Maria del Parral,” had been killed by his own men; and that sixty-one of those sailing in the fleet died a natural death, nine were drowned when the “Santi Spiritus” was wrecked, nine were killed by the Portuguese, and four were hanged. A writ handed to the king from the Council of the Indies says that German factors denied the report of the death of Loaisa; and it is advised that one or two caravels be sent from New Spain—from Colima, or Guatemala, or Nicaragua—to find out the truth of this report.
A letter from Hernando de la Torre states that “Juan Sebastian del Cano, who was captain of the ship wrecked in the strait,” became captain-general at Loaisa’s death and “died a few days afterwards;” and that of the one hundred and twenty-three men of the “Victoria,” and twenty-five others who came with Saavedra, only twenty-five men were left. In an investigation concerning matters connected with Loaisa’s expedition, Juan de Mazuecos declares (September 7, 1534) that Loaisa had died of sickness, four hundred leagues from the Strait of Magellan; and that all who ate at his table had died within the space of forty days. Like depositions concerning this expedition are taken from several others, among them being Fray Andres Urdaneta. A document made up from the above investigations says that Loaisa’s death was in the last of July, 1526, and that the Ladrones number in all thirteen islands, “in which there are no flocks, fowls, or animals.” (Nos. xvi-xxv, pp. 323-400. These documents are much alike.)
The noted Augustinian Urdaneta [6] wrote an account of this disastrous enterprise, and of subsequent events, covering the years 1525-1535; this relation is the best and most succinct of all the early documents regarding Loaisa’s expedition. It bears date, Valladolid, February 26, 1537; and the original is preserved, as are the majority of the Loaisa documents, in the Archivo general de Indias in Seville. Urdaneta, as befits an actor in the events, uses the first person, and gives a very readable and interesting account of the expedition. He describes a Patagonian thus: “He was huge of body, and ugly. He was clad in a zebra skin, and on his head he bore a plume made of ostrich feathers; [7] he carried a bow, and on his feet had fastened some bits of leather.” He describes, briefly and graphically, the storms that scattered the ships and caused the foundering of the “Santi Spiritus.” Shortly after entering the strait, “a pot of pitch took fire on the commander’s ship, and the ship began to burn, and little was lacking that we did not burn in it, but by God’s help, and the great care exercised, we put out the fire.” “We left the strait in the month of May, five hundred
Voyage of Alvaro de Saavedra 1527-28
[These documents are printed in the latter part of the appendix to volume v of Navarrete’s Col. de viages; and although the voyage of Saavedra is connected so intimately with that of Loaisa, it is thought better to present it separately therefrom, as a whole, inasmuch as this was the first expedition fitted out in the New World for the islands in the far East. It is evident thus early that the vantage point of New Spain’s position as regards these islands was clearly recognized. The letter from Cortes to the king of Cebu is given entire, as being somewhat more closely within the scope of this work than are the other documents.]
Granada, June 20, 1526. By a royal decree Cortes is ordered to despatch vessels from New Spain to ascertain what has become of the “Trinidad” [10] and her crew that was left in the Moluccas; to discover news of the expedition of Loaisa, as well as that under command of Sebastian Cabot which had sailed also to the same region. [11] He is advised to provide articles for trade and ransom, and to secure for the expedition the most experienced men whom he can find—it is especially desirable that the pilot should be such. The king has written to Ponce de Leon and other officials to furnish all the help necessary. (No. xxvii, pp. 440-441.)
May, 1527. Following the custom of the king in fitting out expeditions, Cortes issues instructions to the various officers of the fleet. Alvaro de Saavedra, a cousin to Cortes, is appointed to the double office of inspector-general and captain-general of the fleet. Two sets of instructions are given him, in each of which appears the following: “Because as you know you are going to look for the captains Frey Garcia de Loaisa and Sebastian Caboto, and if it is our Lord’s will, it might happen that they have no ships; and if they have a supply of spices, you shall observe the following, in order that it may be carried on these ships. You shall note what they give, and to whom it is delivered, and you shall have the said captains and the officials they took with them sign this entry in your book.” The first matter is to look for the above-mentioned captains. If they have discovered any new lands he must make careful note of that fact, and of their location and products. He is to go to Cebu to ascertain whether the pilot Serrano [12] and others made captives there are still alive, and, if so, to ransom them. He is to use all diligence in seeking information as to all men of Magalhaes’s expedition who were left in those regions. Antonio Guiral is appointed accountant of the fleet; and the same general injunction contained in the other two instructions is also specified in his. Cortes writes in an apologetic vein to those of Cabot’s fleet, asking them to inform him fully of events “in order that he may serve his majesty.” He writes also to Cabot himself informing him of the purpose of Saavedra’s expedition, adding, “because, as his Catholic majesty considers the affairs of that spice region of so much importance, he has a very special care to provide everything necessary for it.” He mentions the arrival in New Spain of the tender that had accompanied Loaisa and become separated from him shortly after leaving the strait. [13] He assures Cabot that Saavedra goes simply to look for him and the others and will be subservient to him in all that he may order. A letter is written also to the king of the land or island at which Saavedra should anchor assuring him of only good intentions, and asking friendship and trade. Another letter to the king of Tidore thanks him in the name of the emperor for his good reception of Magalhaes’s men who remained in that island. (Nos. xxix-xxxiii, pp. 443-461; No. xxxv, pp. 463, 464.)
Letter from Hernan Cortes to the King of Cebu To you the honored and excellent King of Cebu, in the Maluco region: I, Don Hernando Cortes, Captain-general and governor of this New Spain for the very exalted and most powerful Emperor, Caesar Augustus, King of the Spains, our Lord, send you friendly greeting, as one whom I love and esteem, and to whom I wish every blessing and good because of the good news I have heard concerning yourself and your land, and for the kind reception and treatment that you have given to the Spaniards who have anchored in your country.
You will already have heard, from the account of the Spaniards whom you have in your power—certain people sent to those districts by the great emperor and monarch of the Christians about seven or eight years ago—of his great power, magnificence, and excellency. Therefore, and because you may inform yourself of what you most wish to know, through the captain and people, whom I send now in his powerful name, it is not needful to write at great length. But it is expedient that you should know, that this so powerful prince, desiring to have knowledge of the manner and trade of those districts, sent thither one of his captains named Hernando de Magallanes with five ships. Of these ships but one, owing to the said captain’s lack of caution and foresight, returned to his kingdoms; from its people his majesty learned the reason for the destruction and loss of the rest. Now although he was sorely afflicted at all this, he grieved most at having a captain who departed from the royal commands and instructions that he carried, especially in his having stirred up war or discord with you and yours. For his majesty sent him with the single desire to regard you all as his very true friends and servants, and to extend to you every manner of kindness as regards your honor and your persons. For this disobedience the Lord and possessor of all things permitted that he should suffer retribution for his want of reverence, dying as he did in the evil pretension which he attempted to sustain, contrary to his prince’s will. And God did him not a little good in allowing him to die as he did there; for had he returned alive, the pay for his negligence had not been so light. And, in order that you and all the other kings and seigniors of those districts might have knowledge of his majesty’s wishes, and know how greatly he has grieved over this captain’s conduct, some two years ago he sent two other captains with people to those districts to give you satisfaction for it. And he gave orders to me—who, in his powerful name, reside in these his lands, which lie very near yours—that I too despatch other messengers for this purpose, in order that he might have greater assurance, and that you might hold more certain his embassy, ordering and charging me especially that I do it with much diligence and brevity. Therefore I am sending three ships with crews, who will give the very full and true reason of all this; and you
Hernando Cortes.
(No. xxxiv, pp. 461-462.)
A relation of the voyage was written by Saavedra and set down in the book of the secretary of the fleet. The two ships and one brig set sail in October, 1527, from the port of “Zaguatenejo, which is in New Spain, in the province of Zacatala,” on the western coast. When out but a short distance his surgeon dies and is buried at sea. Soon after this one of the ships begins to take water, and so rapidly that it is necessary to bring men from the other vessels to keep her afloat. On December 29 the Ladrones are sighted; and soon afterward they anchor at an island (not of this group), whose inhabitants show previous contact with Castilians by crying as a signal “Castilla, Castilla!” He relates the finding of one of the three men at the island of Vizaya. This man relates that after a year’s captivity his master had taken him to Cebu, where he learned from the natives that they had sold to the Chinese the eight companions of Magalhaes who were left on that island. The natives of Cebu “are idolaters, who at certain times sacrifice human beings to their god, whom they call Amito, and offer him to eat and to drink. They dwell near the coast and they often voyage upon the sea in their canoes, going to many islands for plunder and trade. They are like the Arabs, changing their towns from one place to another. There are many fine hogs in this island, and it has gold. They say that people from China come hither, and that they trade among these islands.” Another relation of this voyage was presented by Vicente de Napoles in 1634, in an investigation at Madrid. Early in the voyage the ships become separated, and Saavedra’s vessel never again sees its companions. [14] He tells of seeing “an island which is called Mondana, and which the Portuguese call Mindanao.” The finding of the three Castilians is narrated, also the meeting with the survivors of Loaisa’s expedition; their negotiations with the Portuguese; and their final return to Europe in a Portuguese vessel are recounted. [15] (No. xxxvii, pp. 476-486.)
[Resume of contemporaneous documents, 1541-48.]
Translated and synopsized, by James A. Robertson, from Col. doc. ined., as follows: Ultramar, ii, part i, pp. 1-94; Amer. y Oceania, pp. 117-209, and xiv, pp. 151-165.
[The expedition of Villalobos, [16] although productive of slight immediate result, paved the way for the later and permanent expedition and occupation by Legazpi. For this reason—and, still more, because this was the first expedition to the Western Islands (in contradistinction from the Moluccas), which included the Philippine group, and because these latter islands received from Villalobos the name by which history was to know them,—these documents, which for lack of space cannot be here fully presented, deserve a fuller synopsis than do those pertaining to the preceding expeditions of Magalhaes, Loaisa, and Saavedra. The documents thus abstracted are to be found in Col. doc. ined. Ultramar, ii, part 1, pp. 1-94; and in Col. doc. ined. Amer. y Oceania, v, pp. 117-209, xiv, pp. 151-165.]
Jalisco, March 28, 1541. The adelantado of Guatemala, Pedro de Alvarado, [17] writes the king, Felipe II, regarding his contract with the viceroy of New Spain, Antonio de Mendoza [18] for expeditions of discovery along the coast and among the Western Islands. Alvarado with eleven vessels has called at one of the ports of New Spain, “to excuse the differences and scandals that were expected between Don Antonio de Mendoza ... and myself, in regard to the said discovery, because of his having sent Francisco Vasquez to the said provinces [of the West] with a fleet.” They have agreed to make their discoveries, both by land and sea, in partnership “in the limits and demarcation, contained in the agreement that was made with me, considering it as certain that, because of the many ships and people, and the great supply of provisions at our command, we shall know and discover everything that is to be seen in those regions, and bring it to the knowledge of God our Lord, and to the dominion of your majesty.” It is determined to divide the fleet into two parts, “one to go to the Western Islands, which should make a hurried trip among them, noting their products; and the other should coast along Tierra-firme.” Three large ships and a galley, with a crew of three hundred skilled men under command of Ruy Lopez de Villalobos, “a man of great experience in matters of the sea,” are destined for the voyage to the Western Islands. This fleet is to set out within three months to prosecute its discovery, “for all this time has been and is necessary to repair the vessels.” Alvarado tells the king “that all this has been at great labor and expense; and not only our own possessions, but those of many of
Talavera, July 26, 1541. The contract made by the king with Alvarado in 1538 and 1539, and with Mendoza in 1541, provided for the discovery, conquest, and colonization of the islands and provinces of the southern sea toward the west. Alvarado had offered to undertake this expedition within fifteen months after arriving in Guatemala, sending westward two galleons and one ship, sufficiently provisioned for two years, with full crew and equipment, and the necessary artillery; and other vessels for discovery about the American coasts. If lands and islands shall be discovered, he promises to send thither, for their colonization, “ten additional ships, eight hundred soldiers, and three hundred of them cavalry, should the nature of the land be such that horsemen are necessary for it.” He is also to send “ecclesiastics and religious for the instruction and Christian training of the natives of those regions.” All this is to be at Alvarado’s expense, without the king being obliged to recompense him for any outlay, except by the privileges granted him. “Likewise you offer, that after the discovery ... you shall keep masters, carpenters, and other workmen, as many as thirty, in a shipyard that you own in the said province of Guatemala, in order that what shall have been discovered, may be aided and preserved more easily.” Also he is to employ as many men as may be necessary in building vessels for the space of ten years. He is to be governor of Guatemala for seven years, “and as many more as we choose; unless, the residencia being taken from you now at our order by ... our auditor of the royal Audiencia and chancellery of New Spain should show crimes for which you should be deprived of your trust although you shall be obliged to render
Mexico, September, 1542. On the fifteenth of this month Mendoza commissions Gonzalo Davalos as his treasurer on the expedition, Guido de La Bezaris [23] as his accountant, and Martin de Islares as his factor. The treasurer is to receive an annual salary of seventy-five thousand maravedis, “to be paid from the profits that shall pertain to me in those lands, it being understood that if this amount is not reached, I am not obliged to pay it from any other source.” The usual duties of treasurer are to be observed by him. On the eighteenth of the month very full instructions are given to Villalobos by Mendoza. The principal injunctions of these instructions follow: he will report at Puerto de la Navidad, where the vessels for the expedition have been prepared; these will be delivered to him by Mendoza’s agent, who shall make a full declaration of everything in the equipment of the vessels “except the merchandise and articles of barter, the slaves, the forge ... because they must be under the charge of the treasurer and officials whom I am sending in the fleet for that purpose; and other things I specify in their instructions, and in those of Juan de Villareal [his agent] in regard to it.” He shall sign this declaration in the records of the notary and in the books of the accountant and treasurer. All the “artillery, ammunition, war supplies, and weapons, shall be given into the charge of the captain of artillery, and all the vessels of the fleet into the charge of the commander of the fleet, together with all their equipment, tackle and rigging, and provisions.” In each ship, a pilot, master, boatswain, and notary shall be appointed. Each ship shall be put in charge of its master, and the notary for that ship shall take full notes of everything transferred to the former’s keeping. The master shall also have care of the artillery of his vessel, such charge being imposed by the captain of artillery. For greater security the merchandise and articles for traffic, and the officials having them in charge, are to be apportioned among the vessels.
Puerto de Navidad, October 22, 1542. Villalobos certifies before a notary that he has received from Juan de Villareal, Mendoza’s agent, “four ships, one small galley, and one fusta, [25] to wit: the admiral’s ship, named ‘Santiago;’ the ‘San Jorge,’ ‘San Antonio,’ and ‘San Juan de Letran;’ the galley ‘San Christoval,’ and the fusta ’San Martin’—with all equipment, ammunition, artillery, weapons, provisions, etc.,... in the name of his lordship [Mendoza] ... in order to go with the said vessels and with the soldiers of his most illustrious lordship, upon the pursuit and prosecution of the said voyage.” He promises in full terms to carry out to the letter all instructions and to give true and complete accounts of everything to Mendoza or his agents. This oath is attested in the form prescribed by the royal notary-public. This same day the oath of obedience is taken by the captains and soldiers, and the pilots and seamen. The oath taken by the captains is, in part, as follows: “Your graces, captains Bernaldo de la Torre, Don Alonso Manrrique, Francisco Merino, Mathias de Alvarado, Pero Ortiz de Rueda, Christoval de Pareja, and gentlemen of this fleet, of which Rui Lopez de Villalobos goes as general for his most illustrious lordship, swear before God, Our Lord, and blessed Mary his Mother, on the holy words written in this book of the holy gospels, and on this sign of the cross [on which each one of them placed his right hand] that, as good, faithful, and Catholic Christians, you promise and pledge your faith and word, and homage as knights and nobles, by right, of Spain, once, twice, and thrice, to be faithful and obedient, and to hold
1543. An extensive correspondence ensues between Villalobos and Jorge de Castro, after the fleet, had reached the Philippines, [26] in which the latter, especially in his letters of July 20 and September 2, requests the former to leave the lands falling within the demarcation of the Portuguese monarch; and to cease his depredations among the natives. Villalobos replies to these letters under dates of August 9 and September 12 respectively, justifying his expedition, and his conduct toward the natives, and stating that the requirements given him are to respect the Portuguese demarcation, which he has done. (No. ix, pp. 66-94.)
Cochin, in Portuguese India, February 22, 1547. Fray Geronimo de Santisteban writes to the viceroy of New Spain an account of the expedition of Villalobos. He names and describes very briefly the islands in their course; at one of these they cast anchor, and he gives a description of its people and resources. “February 29 we saw the islands of Bindanao [Mindanao], San Juan, and San Antonio.” [27]
Garcia Descalante Alvarado, who accompanied Villalobos, left an account of the expedition, dated Lisbon, August 7, 1548, and addressed to the viceroy of New Spain; it deals more fully with the later adventures of the expedition. A brief synopsis follows. The fleet left the port of Joan Gallego [Navidad] on All Saints’ Day, 1542. They passed, at a distance of one hundred and eighty leagues, two uninhabited islands which they named Santo Thomas [San Alberto] [29] and Anublada, or “Cloud Island” [Isla del Socorro]; and eighty leagues farther another island, Roca Partida or “Divided Rock” [Santa Rosa]. After sailing for sixty-two days they came to a “lowlying, densely-wooded archipelago,” which they named the Coral Archipelago, anchoring at one of the islands, Santisteban [San Estevan]. The next islands they named Los Jardines, or “The Gardens,” from their luxuriant foliage. January 23, 1543, they passed a small island, whose inhabitants hailed them in good Castilian, saying “Buenos dias, matalotes” [30] [meaning to say “Good morning, sailors"], for which the island was named Matalotes. The next island passed they named Arrecifes or Reefs, the significance of which is apparent. February 2, they anchored in a beautiful bay which they called Malaga [Baganga] and the island Cesarea Karoli [Mindanao], “which the pilots, who afterwards sailed around it, declared to have a circuit of three hundred and fifty leagues.” After a month’s residence on the island, they left in search of the island of Mazagua, but contrary weather forced them to anchor at an island named Sarrangar and by them called Antonio, [31] where they had trouble with the natives, who were attacked by the Castilians under command of Alvarado. The people defended themselves
[Resume of contemporaneous documents, 1559-68.]
Illustrative Documents—
Warrant of the Augustinian
authorities in Mexico establishing
the first branch of their
brotherhood in the Philippines; 1564.
Act of taking possession of
Cibabao; February 15, 1565.
Proclamation ordering the
declaration of gold taken from the
burial-places of the Indians;
May 16, 1565.
Letters to Felipe II of Spain;
May 27 and 29, and June 1, 1565.
Letter to the royal Audiencia
at Mexico; May 28, 1565
Legazpi’s relation of
the voyage to the Philippines; 1565.
[35]Copia de vna carta
venida de Seuilla a Miguel Saluador
de Valencia; 1566.
Letters to Felipe II of Spain;
July, 1567, and June 26, 1568.
Negotiations between Legazpi
and Pereira regarding the Spanish
settlement at Cebu. Fernando
Riquel; 1568-69.
Sources: See Bibliographical Data at end of this volume.
Translations: The resume of documents, 1559-69, is translated and arranged, by James A. Robertson, from Col. doc. ined. Ultramar, tomo ii, pp. 94-475, and tomo iii, pp. v-225, 244-370, 427-463. Of the illustrative documents, the first is translated by Reverend Thomas Cooke Middleton; the second and eighth by Arthur B. Myrick; the third and fourth by James A. Robertson; the fifth, sixth, and seventh by Alfonso de Salvio.
Resume of Contemporaneous Documents, 1559-68.
[The following synopsis is made from documents published in Col. doc. ined. Ultramar, tomos ii and iii, entitled De las Islas Filipinas. Concerning these documents the following interesting statements are taken from the editorial matter in tomo ii. “The expedition of Legazpi, which is generally believed to have been intended from the very first for the conquest and colonization of the Philippines, set out with the intention of colonizing New Guinea; and in any event only certain vessels were to continue their course to the archipelago, and that with the sole idea of ransoming the captives or prisoners of former expeditions” (p. vii). “The course laid out in the instructions of the viceroy [of New Spain, Luis de Velasco] [36] ... founded upon the opinion of Urdaneta, was to New Guinea. The instructions of the Audiencia prescribed definitely the voyage to the Philippines” (p. xxiv). Copious extracts are given from the more important of these documents, while a few are used merely as note-material for others. With this expedition begins the real history of the Philippine Islands, From Legazpi’s landing in 1564, the Spanish occupation of the archipelago was continuous, and in a sense complete until 1898, with the exception of a brief period after the capture of Manila, by the English in 1762.]
Valladolid, September 24, 1559. The king writes to Luis de Velasco, viceroy of New Spain and president of the royal Audiencia, that he provide “what seems best for the service of God, our Lord, and ourselves, and with the least possible cost to our estate; and therefore I order you, by virtue of your commission to make the said discoveries by sea, that you shall despatch two ships ... for the discovery of the western islands toward the Malucos. You must order them to do this according to the instructions sent you, and you shall stipulate that they try to bring some spice in order to make the essay of that traffic; and that, after fulfilling your orders, they shall return to that Nueva Espana, which they must do, so that it may be known whether the return voyage is assured.” These ships must not enter any islands belonging to the king of Portugal, but they shall go “to other nearby islands, such as the Phelipinas and others, which lie outside the above agreement and within our demarcation, and are said likewise to contain spice,” The necessary artillery, articles of barter, etc., will be sent from the India House of Trade in Seville. “I shall enclose in this letter the letter that you think I should write to Fray Andres de Urdaneta of the order of Saint Augustine in that city [Mexico], in order that he embark on those vessels because of his experience in matters connected with those islands of the spice regions, as he has been there.” The viceroy must issue instructions to the vessels that they “must not delay in trading and bartering, but return immediately
Mexico, May 28, 1560. Yelasco writes to the king in answer to this letter, saying that he will do his utmost to fulfil his commands in regard to the voyage. He says “it is impossible to go to the Filipinas Islands without infringing the contents of the treaty, because the latter are no less within the treaty than are the Malucos, as your majesty can see by the accompanying relation, made solely for myself by Fray Andres de Urdaneta. This latter possesses the most knowledge and experience of all those islands, and is the best and most accurate cosmographer in Nueva Espana.” He asks the king to show this relation to any living members of Loaysa’s expedition in order to verify it. The king should redeem the Spaniards captured by the natives in the Philippines and other islands near the Moluccas. To do this and to reprovision the ships would not be in violation of the treaty made with Portugal. In case the ships should depart before the king’s answer is received, the viceroy will order them to act in accordance with the above-mentioned relation. The vessels of the expedition will consist of two galleys of two hundred and one hundred and seventy or one hundred and eighty tons respectively, and a patache. [37] Wood, already fitted, is to be sent in the galleys, with which to make small boats for use among the islands. “The man in charge of the work, writes me that the cables and rigging necessary for these vessels will be all ready, by the spring of sixty-one, at Nicaraugua and Realexo, ports in the province of Guatimala where I have ordered these articles made, because they can be made better there than in all the coast of the Southern Sea; and because they can be brought easily from those ports to Puerto de la Navidad, where the ships must take the sea.” The artillery and other articles sent from Spain for the vessels have arrived. The letters written by the king to Urdaneta and the Augustinian provincial were delivered, and both have conformed to the contents thereof. “It is most fitting that Fray Andres go on this expedition, because of his experience and knowledge of these islands, and because no one in those kingdoms or in these understands so thoroughly the necessary course as he; moreover, he is prudent and discreet in all branches of business, and is of excellent judgment.” He assures
The king replies to Urdaneta from Aranjuez, (March 4, 1561), accepting his offer “to go to the Western Islands in the vessels that Don Luis de Velasco, our viceroy of those regions, is sending thither by our command ... I feel much pleasure at your willingness to undertake this expedition and your understanding that it will be for the service of God, our Lord, and of ourselves ... I charge you that, in accordance with your offer, you make this expedition, and do therein all that is expected from your religion and goodness. In regard to the advice you sent everything has been sent to the said viceroy, so that he may arrange what is most suitable according to his orders.” (Tomo ii, no. xvi, pp. 118, 119.)
Nueva Espana, February 9, 1561. The viceroy writes to the king concerning the fleet. Two ships and one small vessel are being built, and will be provisioned for the trip to the Western Islands and the return to New Spain. They will be fully equipped by about the end of the present year. “It is necessary that your majesty have two pilots sent me for this expedition—men skilled and experienced in this navigation of the Ocean Sea; for, although I have three, I need two more, so that they may go two and two in the ships.... I have appointed Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, [40] a native of the province of Lepuzcua, and a well-known gentleman of the family of Lezcano, as the general and leader of those embarking in these vessels—who all told, soldiers, sailors, and servants, number from two hundred and fifty to three hundred people. He is fifty years old [41] and has spent more than twenty-nine years in this Nueba Espana. He has given a good account of the offices he has held, and of the important affairs committed to him. From what is known of his Christian character and good qualities hitherto, almore suitable man, and one more satisfactory to Fray Andres Urdaneta, who is to direct and guide the expedition, could not have been chosen; for these two are from the same land, and they are kinsmen and good friends, and have one mind.” (Tomo ii, no. xiv, pp. 113-117.)
Mexico, 1561. Urdaneta, in a memorial to the king, points out the greater advantages of Acapulco as a port, than those possessed by Puerto de la Navidad. It has a more healthful location than the latter, is nearer Mexico City, and supplies can be taken there more easily. The lack of necessities, “such as wine, oil, etc., from Espana,” and its unhealthful location have debarred workmen from going to Puerto de la Navidad; and hence the completion of the vessels has been retarded, and about a year must pass yet before they will be finished. “It is of great advantage that the port whence the men embark be healthful,... because if they embark from an unhealthful land, many fall sick before embarking, and many die afterwards while at sea ... The port of Acapulco appears to have a good location, so that a dockyard might be fitted up there, where vessels can be built, and may there take and discharge
The second section of this document treats of the navigation to the Western Islands: and Urdaneta maps out various routes which should be followed, according to the time of the year when the fleet shall depart on its voyage of discovery. These routes all have to do primarily with New Guinea as the objective point of the expedition, the Philippines being considered as only secondary thereto. Speaking of the Ladrones and their inhabitants, Urdaneta says: “The islands of the Ladrones are many, and thirteen [42] of them are said to be inhabited. The inhabitants are naked and poor. They eat rice, have many cocoa palms, and use salt. They fish with hooks made from tortoise-shell, being destitute of articles made from iron. They place a counterweight in one end of their canoes, and rig on them lateen-like sails made of palm-mats. It is quite important to explore this island thoroughly, or any of the others, in order to discover and ascertain accurately the navigation that has been made up to that point, and their distance from Maluco and the Filipinas Islands ... Those islands are somewhat less than three hundred and seventy leagues from Botaba [one of the
Mexico, May 26,1563. Legazpi writes to the king that “the viceroy of this New Spain, without any merit on my part, has thought best to appoint me for the voyage to the Western Islands, to serve your majesty, putting under my charge the fleet prepared for it—not because this land has few men who would do it better than I, and by whom your majesty would be served better on this voyage, but rather, because no one would give himself up to it with a more willing spirit, as I have ever done in my past duties.” He assures his majesty that he will have the utmost care in this expedition. For the better success of the voyage he has “asked the viceroy for certain things, which seemed to me necessary ... and others of which, in the name of your majesty, he should grant me, which although they were not of so great moment that they were fitting to be asked from so exalted and powerful a personage, the viceroy defers and sends them to you, so that your majesty may order your pleasure regarding them.” He asks these things for “so important a voyage” not as “a remuneration for my work, since that is due your majesty’s service, but as a condescension made with the magnificence that your majesty always is accustomed to exercise in rewarding his servants who serve him in matters of moment.” (Tomo ii, no. xviii, pp. 139, 140.)
Mexico, 1564. The viceroy writes to Felipe on February 25 and again on June 15, excusing the non-departure of the fleet. In the first he says that the delay is due to the proper victualing of the vessels for a two-years’ voyage, and the non-arrival of certain pieces of artillery, etc., which were coming from Vera Cruz; the things that were to be sent, from the City of Mexico could not be sent until the fleet was launched, as they would spoil if left on land. Everything will be ready by May. In the second letter he excuses the delay as, owing to calms and contrary winds, the vessels bearing the “masts, yards, and certain anchors” for the fleet did not arrive at Puerto de la Navidad until June 10. It still remained to step the masts and make the vessels shipshape, and to load the provisions; and they will be ready to sail by September. “Four vessels are being sent, two galleons and two pataches; ... they are the best that have been launched on the Southern Sea, and the stoutest and best equipped. They carry three hundred Spaniards, half soldiers and half sailors, a chosen lot of men.... Six religious of the order of Saint Augustine go with it, among them Fray Andres de Urdaneta, who is the most experienced and skilled navigator that can be had in either old or new Espana.” He encloses a copy of the instructions to Legazpi, in order that the king may assure himself that his commands have been obeyed. The best pilots have been secured. The questions of routes, seasons, and other things have been discussed with Urdaneta and others who have made the voyage before. “I trust ... that the expedition will come to a successful end, and that your majesty will be very much served therein, and in all that shall hereafter occur in it.” Notice will be given to the king of the departure of the fleet by the first vessel leaving for Spain after that event. (Tomo ii, nos. xix and xx, pp. 140-145).
Mejico, September 1, 1564. After the death of Luis de Velasco, instructions are issued to Legazpi by the president and auditors of the royal Audiencia of Mexico, the chief provisions of which here follow. Before the royal officials of this expedition, namely, “Guido de Labezaris, treasurer, Andres Cauchela, accountant, and Andres de Mirandaola, factor,” he will take possession of the vessels and their equipment. The flagship will be the “Sant Felipe,” in which Legazpi will embark; the “Sant Andres” will carry the commander of the fleet; [44] Captain Juan de la Isla and Captain Hernan Sanchez Munon will command the pataches, the “Sant Juan de Letran” and the “Sant Lucas,” respectively. Legazpi’s first duty is to appoint pilots, masters, boatswains, notaries, artillery officers, and all other necessary officials. Inventories of the equipment of the fleet, and of the merchandise, etc., carried, are to be made and signed by him; and a copy of the same shall be given to the officials of the royal hacienda [treasury]. He shall apportion
Mejico, September 12, 1564. A letter from the royal Audiencia to the king informs the latter of the changes which they have made in the instructions given to Legazpi by Luis de Velasco, who has died. The general and other officers have left for the port of departure, and the fleet will sail some time in October. The first instructions, which were in accordance with Urdaneta’s opinion, were to sail toward New Guinea and coast along its shores in order to discover its products and other things. “It seemed to this royal Audiencia, discussing and communicating in this regard with persons of experience, who have been in those regions, that, although it be true that the discovery of New Guinea would be important, especially if the riches asserted should be found there, it is not fitting that the voyage thither be made now—both because, as it is new, it has not hitherto been navigated; and because, doing so now, it would be necessary to deviate widely from the course to reach the Western Islands, and the return voyage would be delayed; and it would be running a great risk to navigate in an unknown course.” The king’s letter of September 24, 1559, is cited in support of the Audiencia’s change in route, and they “determined to order the general to sail straightway in search of the Filipinas Islands, and the other islands contiguous thereto, by the same route taken by Ruy Lopez de Villalobos.” The Audiencia do not agree with Urdaneta (see above, p. 81) that the Philippines are in Portugal’s demarcation. (Tomo ii, no. xxi, pp. 200-205.)
Nueva Espana, 1564 (?). The first-appointed admiral of the fleet, Juan Pablo de Carrion, writes to King Felipe in regard to the proposed route. He gives a brief outline of Urdaneta’s opinion that they should sail first to New Guinea. This island he declares “is one that we discovered in the year forty-four.” He describes it as a desolate region, with but scant food, and declares that the voyage thither is dangerous and arduous. His own opinion is that the fleet should take the same course as did Saavedra and Villalobos; “and that the fleet should put in at the Filipinas Islands, which are friendly islands, with whom we have had trade and friendship, and where even eight Spaniards of the fleet in which I sailed remained. They are islands well supplied with all manner of food, and there is much trade there. They are wealthy and large, and have the best location of the entire archipelago. Their language is known, and their ports, and even the names of their principal rulers, with whom we have contracted friendship.... There are islands among them with a circuit of three hundred leagues, and so down to fifty. Those islands that have been seen are eight large ones, without reckoning the small ones between them. They are within sight of one another, so that the most distant of them is not more than ten leagues from another. To the north of them lies the mainland of China, a distance of about two hundred leagues; at about the same distance to the south lies Maluco. And since the route from these lands thither is already known, and we have had experience of it and since it is a land most abundantly provisioned and has much trade, and is rich, I have been of the opinion that we should go thither, inasmuch as this navigation is understood and that we should not seek a new course attended with so great uncertainty and risk.” He recounts that “these islands were discovered first by Magallanes in the year twenty-one,” and afterward by Villalobos, and their secret discovered. “They are islands that the Portuguese have never seen, and they are quite out of the way of their navigation; neither have the latter had any further information of them beyond our drawing or chart. They have the best situation for the return voyage, because they are in north latitude.” He ascribes his not being permitted to accompany the expedition to the divergence of his opinion from that of Urdaneta. The latter has declared that he will not go on the expedition if it takes Carrion’s course; “and as he who goes as general, ... is of his nation and land, and his intimate friend, he wishes to please the father in everything; and as the said general has no experience in these things, nor does he understand anything of navigation, through not having practiced it, he is unable to distinguish one thing from another, and embraces the father’s opinion in everything.” Carrion, in a very brief resume of Urdaneta’s life, declares that he is a man of over sixty. (Tomo ii, no. xxiii, pp. 205-210.)
Puerto de la Navidad, 1564. In a letter to the king November 18, Legazpi announces that he has taken over “two large ships and two pataches, and one small brigantine,” in which are one hundred and fifty seamen, two hundred soldiers, and six religious of the order of Saint Augustine, the chief of whom is father Fray Andres de Urdaneta; in all, the number of souls, counting servants, amounts to three hundred and eighty. “I shall leave this port, please God, our Lord, tomorrow ... and will display, on my part, all possible diligence and care, with the fidelity which I owe, and which I am under obligation to have.” He hopes for a successful voyage. He begs the king to bear them in mind, and send aid “to us who go before,” and to commit this to one who has care and diligence, “as a matter that concerns greatly the service of God, our Lord, the increase of his holy Catholic faith, and the service of your majesty, and the general good of your kingdoms and seigniories.” He asks the king to grant (as in his other letter, q.v. above) the requests he had made to the viceroy, and which the latter had sent to Spain; for the preparation for the voyage has taken all his possessions. Two days later (November 20) Urdaneta writes the king to somewhat the same effect, enumerating the vessels, men, etc. Besides himself there are four other religious, “and the other ... God has taken to himself in this port.” They will set out the following day, all being well. He praises Legazpi, and requests the king to keep him in his remembrance. Urdaneta’s nephew, Andres de Mirandaola, is the royal factor of the fleet, and the former begs favor for him. “Also since the religious of the order of our father Saint Augustine are the first to embark in this undertaking, and to undergo so many hardships for the service of God and your majesty, I beg your majesty to grant them favors.” (Tomo ii, nos. xxiv and xxv, pp. 211-215.)
November 25, 1564. Legazpi gives instructions on this day to the captains and pilots as to the course to be pursued. Hitherto, since leaving port, a southwest course has been steered; but now, in accordance with the royal instructions, and in the opinion of the captains and pilots, it seems advisable to change the direction. They shall sail first west-southwest to a latitude of nine degrees, and then take a due course for the Philippines, stopping at the island of Los Reyes on the way. If by any chance one of the vessels becomes separated from Legazpi’s vessel, the pilots are to return to the above latitude, stopping at any port that they may find, for eight or ten days, in hopes of meeting the other vessels. Whether they find the island or not, and do not find the other vessels, this ship shall continue on the course toward the Philippines. A token and letter must be left at any port they may reach. When the island of Los Reyes is reached, the ship will wait there ten days, after which time they shall continue their course, stopping likewise at Matalotes and Arrecifes, leaving tokens at all places, and trying to explore them and discover their products. (Tomo ii, no. xxvi, pp. 215-217.)
Relation of the expedition, from November 19, 1564, to the end of May, 1565, when the “San Pedro,” under command of Felipe de Salcedo, left Cebu for New Spain. The fleet set sail from “Puerto de Navidad, Monday, November 20, two hours before midnight, or rather on Tuesday, November 21, three hours before daybreak.” It consisted of the flagship, “San Pedro,” the “San Pablo,” captained by the master-of-camp, Mateo del Saz, and the pataches “San Juan” and “San Lucas,” captained by Juan de la Isla and Alonso de Arellano respectively. The vessels bore as pilots Esteban Rodriguez (chief pilot), Pierres Plin (or Plun, a Frenchman), Jaymes Martinez Fortun, Diego Martin, Rodrigo de Espinosa, and Lope Martin. Legazpi’s vessel, the “San Pedro,” carried a small brigantine on her poop deck. On November 25, Legazpi opened the instructions given him by the Audiencia, which radically changed the course from the one that had been hitherto pursued—the new course being in accord with the advice of Carrion, and by the same route which Villalobos had taken. “The religious in the fleet were very sorry at this, giving out that they had been deceived; and had they known while yet ashore, that such a route was to be pursued, they would not have accompanied the expedition, for the reasons that father Fray Andres de Urdaneta had advanced in Mexico.” But they expressed their willingness to make the expedition now for the service of God and the holy Catholic faith, the increase of the kingdom, and the general good of the fleet. On the night of the twenty-ninth, the “San Lucas,” which, by the general’s orders, was accustomed to take its position at night ahead of his vessel, became separated from the rest of the fleet and was seen no more. [47] Being speedier than, the others, Legazpi naturally expected that it would reach the islands ahead of him and there await the fleet, but he was disappointed. The fleet reached on December 18, the ninth degree of latitude, from which it must proceed westward to the island of Los Reyes. It was found that there was no uniformity among the distances and reckonings of the pilots; and although each contended for the accuracy of his reckoning, they were accustomed to change their figures somewhat, before reporting to Legazpi. Urdaneta’s figures proved nearer the truth, but even he changed his reckoning, enlarging it, that he might be more in harmony with the pilots. Thus it happened that the daily runs were exaggerated, giving rise to the belief that Los Reyes had been passed. In accordance with this belief the course of the fleet was changed on the twenty-eighth of December, taking the latitude of ten degrees, in order to reach Matalotes and other islands. On January 8, 1565, the “San Pablo” reported land on the port bow, and the fleet directed its course southward. The report proving incorrect, the former course was resumed and on the next day a low, small island was discovered. The natives fled at sight or the squadron. The
Zubu, May 28, 1565. Andres de Mirandaola writes to the king various details of the expedition. “The products we have seen as yet among the natives, are gold, cinnamon, and wax; and their trade consists in these articles. And we are certain that these things can be had in abundance if your vassals, the Spaniards, cultivate the friendship of this land, for the aforesaid natives ... are a people who live without any restraint, neither regarding nor respecting those whom they designate as their seigniors.... It will be necessary for your majesty to conquer this region, for I believe without any doubt, that by no other way can it prove beneficial; nor can the Christian religion be otherwise advanced, because the people are extremely vicious, treacherous, and possessed of many evil customs. Therefore it is necessary for your majesty to order the conquest of this region, which can be done, with our Lord’s aid, without much loss, if your majesty order people, arms, and ammunition to be provided, of all of which we suffer great lack at present.” He tells of the damage inflicted on the Spanish in these regions by the Portuguese. Speaking of the Moro junks found at Butuan, Mirandaola says of the island of Borneo: “This island of Borney is rich, according to what we have heard of it. It is well populated and is very well fortified, having much artillery. Its people are warlike, and there is much trade in all parts of it.” A brief account of the Spanish establishment on Cebu follows, and the consequent communications with the natives, which differ in no respect from other accounts. “Fray Andres de Urdaneta, my uncle, is returning, and is going to serve your majesty in this discovery; and for his companion goes Fray Andres de Aguirre. As captain goes Felipe de Salcedo and Juan de Aguirre, persons whom we know will serve your majesty with all fidelity, faith, and cheerfulness.” He asks (in addition to the “two hundred well armed and equipped men” requested from New Spain) from the king “six hundred well armed men ... of whom four hundred should be arquebusers and two hundred pikemen; large artillery, such as culverins, with ammunition; and ammunition and weapons for those who are here now. The people should be the best that can be found and of good lives.” He asks the king to confirm the reward granted him by Velasco, and to increase his salary to three thousand ducats on account of the high cost of living. (Tomo ii, no. xxxii, pp. 365-372.)
Relation of the expedition by Estevan Rodriguez, chief pilot of the fleet. This relation seems to have been the log kept by this pilot. Many of its entries are simply reckonings. He gives the names, tonnage, captains, and pilots of the different vessels. On the nineteenth of November the banner and standard were consecrated, and the oath taken. The fleet set sail four hours before dawn on November 21, [62] On Sunday, the twenty-sixth, the course was changed in accordance with the sealed instructions given to
1565. Log of the return voyage to New Spain kept by Rodrigo de Espinosa. [66] This man was the pilot of the small vessel “San Juan,” commanded by Juan de la Isla. He was ordered to accompany Estevan Rodriguez on the return passage of the “San Pedro,” under the command of Felipe de Salcedo. Setting sail on June 1, from the “Port of Zubu, ... between the island of Zubu and the island of Matan, this latter island being south of Zubu,” the “San Pedro” took a general northerly and easterly direction. The passage through the islands is somewhat minutely described. On one island where they landed to obtain a fresh supply of water, they saw “two lofty volcanoes.” This island they named Penol ["Rock"]. On June 10 the island of Felipina was reached, whence the trip across the open Pacific was commenced. Often the direction of the wind and the reckoning of the sun, are chronicled—also the days’ runs, which vary between five and forty-five leagues. June 21, Corpus Christi Day, a headland was sighted on the starboard side, which had the appearance of
Following this relation is a document showing the estimates made by the two pilots and the boatswain, by command of the captain, of the distance between Cebu and Puerto de la Navidad. The first estimate was made on July 9. The map of the chief pilot was found to measure eighteen hundred and fifty leagues, but in his opinion the distance was about two thousand leagues. Rodrigo de la Isla Espinosa [68] declared that an old map in his possession showed more than thirteen hundred and seventy leagues, [69] but he increased the amount to about two thousand and thirty leagues. Francisco de Astigarribia’s map measured eighteen hundred and fifty leagues, but his estimation was about two thousand and ten leagues. On September 18 the same three men estimated the distance from Cebu to the first land sighted—“an island off the west coast of New Spain” and lying in about thirty-three degrees—at seventeen hundred and forty leagues sixteen hundred and fifty leagues, and sixteen hundred and fifty leagues respectively; the highest point reached had been a fraction over thirty-nine degrees. (Tomo ii, no. xxv, pp. 457-460.)
1565-1567. Relation of occurrences in the Philippines after the departure of the “San Pedro” to New Spain. [70] To a Moro who presented himself as a deputy from the chief Tupas, Legazpi expressed his sorrow that the natives were fleeing to the mountains, and would not give credence to the friendship and peace offered them in the name of the king, by the Castilians. Word was sent to Tupas that Legazpi regretted the necessity of warring with the natives, and that, when they wished to return, they might do so peaceably. Although they treacherously had killed a Spaniard, he, on his part, had treated well the two women and two children captured by him, and would restore them freely to their husbands and fathers, without ransom, whenever they chose to return to ask his pardon and to make peace. That same afternoon two chiefs—one of whom, Simaquio, was the husband of one of the women and the father of the two children—came into the fort. They declared themselves to be brothers of the chief Tupas. Simaquio “came to deliver himself to the governor, saying that the latter could do what he wished with him and his, and that he should hold them as slaves, or sell them in Castilla, or do what he pleased with them.” Legazpi permitted him to see his wife and daughters, telling him “that he had been as watchful of their honor, as if he had kept them in his own house.” Simaquio signified his desire “to be ... the friend and vassal of the king of Castilla, and to have perpetual peace and friendship, and that he would never be found lacking in it.” To this Legazpi replied that it was necessary to treat with Tupas and the others jointly, “and that in this manner it would be ascertained who wished peace and friendship, and who did not; that he [Simaquio] should go and confer regarding peace and friendship with Tupas and the other chiefs; and that after such talk and conference, and getting the opinion of all, they should return to finish these negotiations and conclude the matter. Meanwhile his wife and daughters would receive good care and treatment, and he could rest assured that after peace had been made, he [Legazpi] would be their father and they his children, and he would look, after them and protect them as such.” This good treatment reassured the natives, and a few days later Tupas appeared and a treaty of peace was made, the conditions of which follow. “First, they make submission, and bind and place themselves under the dominion and royal crown of Castilla and of his majesty, as his natural vassals, promising to be faithful and loyal in his service, and not to displease him in any way. They promise to observe, fulfil, and obey his royal commands as their king and lord; and to obey, in his royal name, the governor and captain residing in these islands, and to receive the latter whenever he should come to their islands, towns, and houses—whether he were angry or pleased, whether at night or day, whether for peace or for war, without any resistance or hostility, to fulfil his commands, and not to withdraw themselves from this dominion, now or in the future. This they promised for themselves and their future descendants, under risk of falling under and incurring the penalties which should be imposed in case of treachery and treason against their king and lord.
“Item: on condition, that the chief who killed Pedro de Arana by treachery should not enjoy this peace and friendship, until he had appeared before the said governor to make his plea, and whose punishment the said governor said he reserved for himself.” The said Tupas and chiefs declared that they accepted this condition; and that, if they could, they would bring this man to his lordship so that he might be punished.
“Item: on condition that, if the said Tupas and chiefs asked the said governor for the aid of his men against any Indians hostile to them, who were making or should make war upon them, the said governor was obliged to give them aid, protection, and reenforcement of men for it. Likewise if the said governor should request people from the said Indians, they would be obliged to volunteer to fight against his enemies. All the spoils taken when the said Spaniards and Indians were acting in concert should be divided into two equal parts, of which the said governor and his people were to have one part, and the said natives the other.
“Item: on condition that, if any Indian, a native of this island, should commit any crime or wrong against any Spaniard, or take anything pertaining to and connected with the Spaniards, the said chiefs would be obliged to arrest him and bring him as a prisoner to the governor, in order that he might be punished, and justice done. And if any Spaniard should do any wrong or damage to the natives, or take anything belonging to them, the said chiefs and natives were to notify the said governor, and show him the proofs thereof, so that he might punish the wrong, and execute justice according to law.
“Item: It is a condition that, if any slave or other person flee from the Spanish camp, and should go inland where the Indians live and inhabit, the said chiefs and natives be obliged to arrest him and bring him before the governor; likewise if any Indian, man or woman, free or slave, come to the Spanish camp from the Indians, that the said governor promises to send him back and surrender him—so that neither side defraud or hide anything from the other.
“Item: It is a condition that the said chiefs and natives shall be obliged, in selling to the Spaniards any or all provisions native to their land, and which they may wish to sell the latter, to demand only the just prices current among them, and those usually imposed by them, without advancing the price above its usual value. This price shall be fixed and understood, now and in future, and there shall be no change in it. Likewise the said governor shall fix moderate rates on the articles of barter brought from Spain for the natives. After these prices are fixed, neither side may advance them.
“Item: It is a condition that none of the said natives may, now or at any time, come into or enter the camp and settlement of the Spaniards with any weapons of any kind whatever, under penalty that the person entering with weapons shall be punished by the governor.” In return for these conditions of peace, thus accepted by the natives, Legazpi promised that, for this first year, they need pay no tribute or other submission until after their harvests, “for the king of Castilla had no need of their possessions, nor wished more than that they recognize him as lord, since they were his and within his demarcation.” In token of submission, Tupas and all the other chiefs present bent the knee before Legazpi, “offering themselves as vassals of his majesty,” whom the governor ... received as such vassals of the crown of Castilla, and promised “to protect and defend as such.” As a climax, presents of garments, mirrors, strings of beads, and pieces of blue glass were given to the various chiefs. Then Legazpi told them of the necessity of the king’s having “a strong house, wherein could be kept and guarded the articles of barter and the merchandise brought thither, and his artillery and ammunition;” as well as a town-site for the soldiers. These the natives should assign, where it best pleased them, “because he wished it to be with the consent and choice of all of them; and although he had planned the house of his majesty on the point occupied at present by the camp, in order to be near the ships, he wished it to be with their universal consent.” This place was granted by the natives, whereupon Legazpi proceeded to mark out land for the fort and Spanish town, assigning the limits by a line of trees. Ail outside this line “was to remain to the Indians, who could build their houses and till the fields.” After ordering the natives “to go to the other side or the line which he had assigned to them, and the Spaniards ... within the line ... the governor passed from one part to the other, cut certain branches, and said that, in his majesty’s name he took, and he did take; possession of that site, ... and in token of true possession he performed the said acts.” Besides not being allowed to enter the Spanish town with arms, no native could come hither at night, unless by special permission. Legazpi promised that “if any wrong should be done them, or they should experience any violence from any one, he would defend and protect them as their own father and protector,” and that all wrongs would be punished according to Castilian laws. In conclusion a collation was given to the natives, and Simaquio’s wife and daughters were surrendered to him and the other hostages set free, “whereat they expressed great wonder and joy, because it is unusual among them to free prisoners without any ransom.” “The next day ... the same chiefs returned ... and said that they had come to make merry with the governor. The latter gave them a good reception, and set before them a breakfast and some liquor, in
The “San Juan” was despatched to New Spain to carry despatches and to beg aid. At the same time, July 10, came two boats from the Moluccas with letters to Legazpi from the Portuguese commanders inviting the Spaniards to their islands. From these Portuguese it was learned that they proposed a speedy descent upon the settlement. The Spaniards were but ill prepared for such a thing. “All this risk and danger has been caused by the delay in receiving aid from that Nueva Espana. May God pardon whomsoever has been the cause of so great delay and so many hardships!” [77] (Tomo iii, no. xxxix, pp. 91-225). Cebu, circa 1566. A petition to the king bearing signatures of Martin de Goiti, Guido de Labezari, Andres Cauchela, Luis de la Haya, Gabriel de Rribera, Juan Maldonado de Berrocal, Joan de la Isla, and Fernando Rriquel, sets forth the following requests: 1. That ecclesiastics be sent to Cebu, “for the preaching of the holy gospel and the conversion of the natives,” as only three of those first sent remain, namely, Fray Diego, Fray Martin de Herrada, and Fray Pedro He Gamboa. 2. More men, and arms and ammunition for five or six hundred men, so that if the natives will not be converted otherwise, they may be compelled to it by force of arms. 3. That due rewards be granted Legazpi for his faithful service. 4. The confirmation and perpetuation of the appointments
Legazpi’s son, Melchor, presented five petitions to the king, all growing out of the agreements made with the former by Luis de Velasco, and his subsequent services in the islands. The first petitioned in behalf of Legazpi: 1. That two of the Ladrones with title of adelantado, and a salary of two thousand ducats be granted him and his heirs, this concession to bear civil and criminal powers of jurisdiction, and the title of governor and captain-general of the Ladrones. 3 and 4. Exclusive right to choose men for the conquest, both in New Spain and the Philippines, or any other place, and the appointment of duties and officials; also the right to fit out ships in any port of the Indies, and authorization of agents. 5. That he be permitted to assign land to the colonists. 6 and 7. That he and his heirs be high constables of all these islands and that they hold all forts built therein. 8 and 9. To him, his sons, heirs, and successors forever, one-twelfth of all incomes from mines, gold and silver, precious stones, and fruits, in the Ladrones; and two fisheries, one of pearls and the other of fish, in the same islands. 10. That for ten years after any colony has been formed no import tax be paid on goods. 11. That only one-tenth of all gold, silver, gems, and pearls discovered for ten years after the first settlement be paid the king. 12. That Legazpi may appoint in his absence from the Philippines or Ladrones a lieutenant, who shall act in his name. 13. That for six years he may commission two vessels for navigation of the Indies, and that he may despatch them together or separately. 14. That fines be granted for the founding of churches and monasteries throughout the islands. 15. That the petition in regard to Felipe de Salcedo be granted. 16. That a dozen religious from each order go to the islands, and that their superior do not object to their going. 17. That no foreigners, especially Portuguese, be allowed in the islands, “because therefrom might follow great losses and troubles, as happened when Lope Martin was sent as pilot with Captain Pericon.” 18. That no vessels be permitted to go to these islands from the Indies, or from any other land, “without the express consent and commission of the royal Audiencia or the viceroy” of the district from which the ship sails, and the king must be fully informed thereof. The cause of this clause was that ships were fitting out in Peru and other places for these islands. 19. That Moros be prohibited from trading in the islands. 20. “Because the conquest of the Ladrones
Warrant of the Augustinian Authorities in Mexico Establishing the First Branch of Their Brotherhood in the Philippines—1564
Fray Pedro de Herrera, vicar-general of the Order of Hermits of our holy Father Augustine in the regions of the Indies, with Fray Diego de Vertavillo, provincial of the same order in this Nueva Espana, and Frays Antonio de Aguilar, Nicolas de Perea, Francisco de Villafuerte, and Juan de Medina, definitors [80]—to our very dear Brethren in Christ, Andres de Urdaneta, prior, Diego de Herrera, Andres de Aguirre, Lorenzo de San Esteban, Martin de Rada, priests, and Fray Diego de Torres, to you, all and singular, everlasting greeting in the Lord.
Very beloved sons: You are aware how Felipe, by the grace of God king of the Spains and the Indies, and our lord, has been greatly pleased with the news that some brethren of our order are to go with the expedition now being equipped by his very illustrious viceroy and captain-general, Don Luis de Velasco, in this Nueva Espana, which is to rail through the Western Sea of this kingdom toward the continent and certain of the islands that lie between the equator and the Arctic and Antarctic poles, and below the region of the torrid zone itself—to the end that according to right reason and the benign counsels of Christian piety, both at home and abroad as will best seem consonant with the purpose of his royal majesty, you may control the fleet and troops of the Spanish army. Especially too that the most brilliant light of faith may beam upon the populous races that dwell in that region of the world. Through the benignity of God most holy and supreme, and your preaching, there is hope that those benighted barbarians may cast aside the errors and more than Cimmerian darkness of idolatry for the splendor of the gospel; and that they who, so long unacquainted with gospel truth, have been groping in the gloom of Satanic bondage may now at last through the grace of Christ, the common savior of all men, gaze at the full light of truth in their knowledge of his name.
Wherefore, as it has seemed our filial and reasonable duty not to prove wanting in view of the favor and trust granted us by his royal majesty, whereby measures will be taken to add to the divine glory, our homage to the king, and the safety of many mortals,—therefore after long meditation on this matter and mature counsel, sure as we are of your piety, deep learning, charity, and merits, we have chosen you for this apostolic charge, the task (with the help of the Lord, to whom we commend you) of leading peoples to embrace the faith. In order that greater and richer merit may ensue from your obedience in undergoing these very great hardships, which you are ready to meet through your love of Christ—although we have ever found you willing and ready to comply with our mandates—yet now in virtue of die Holy Ghost we command you, the above-named brethren, to set out in this first voyage with the fleet which the illustrious and well-born knight Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, governor and commander of the fleet, whom ours [81] style captain-general, is to conduct to the aforesaid lands. We exhort and pray you earnestly, as far as we may in the Lord, to be in all things as the good actor of God, as becometh the holy ones and ministers of God, in all virtues—especially humility, patience, and discipline.
Chiefly, however, we desire to have shine forth in your deeds that singular and renowned token of Christians which our Savior Christ, when on the point of offering up his most innocent life and his most holy blood—that thereby, in rescuing us from the deadliest of fates, he might ensure the freedom of mortals—commended repeatedly to his followers as a countersign, in these words: “By this shall all men know that you are my disciples, if you have love one for another.” This is that priceless boon of charity which Paul styles “the bond of perfection,” which we trust may not only shine forth from your midst—Whereby you should cling to Christ as a companion, and seek the possession of his spirit—but that the same affection of peace and love flow thence from you to all other men as from a clear fountain, to the end that those who have made profession of this soldiership in Christ may cling to one another in the mutual bond of charity, to the maintenance amidst the clash of arms of that “grace which,” the Apostle affirms, “is above all sense.” For peace, be it known, dwells even in the midst of affrays, and is to be commended by you all, to the best of your power, to the inhabitants of those regions—to whom you should, as the heralds and vanguard of true evangelical piety, appear as in search not of what is your own, but of what is Jesus Christ’s. Moreover, we earnestly exhort your charity in the Lord, as far as lies in our power, to announce the all-holy gospel of Christ to all races, baptizing them that believe in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost; training them in the holy Catholic faith, on the same lines on which the faithful are trained by our cherished mother the Church of Rome; shunning utterly therein all novelty of doctrine, which we desire shall in all things conform to the holy and ecumenical councils and doctors acknowledged by the same Church; teaching them especially that obedience which all Christians owe to die supreme Pontiff and the Church of Rome—which in truth is always the leader, head, and mistress of all other churches of the world—then to their lawful rulers and masters; teaching them at the same time to live under the yoke and discipline of Faith, Hope, and Charity, and to forget, moreover, their old-time superstitions and errors of the Devil. And that you may the more easily fulfil the duty of your apostleship, to which you have been called by the Lord, we declare and appoint all among you who are priests among the preachers and confessors of our order, granting to you whatever privileges have hitherto been granted or shall be granted by the supreme Pontiffs themselves, or their legates, to our order especially, as well as to other orders, hospitals, houses, congregations, or other persons whatsoever—the privileges whereof may be considered as common to us by reason of many apostolic grants, among others, especially, the grants made to us by Julius the Second, Leo the Tenth, Clemens the Seventh, and Paulus the Third.
We grant you, moreover, the power to establish houses and monasteries of our order in whatever places it may seem expedient to you for the glory of God and the health of our neighbor, and all the privileges, especially those of Sixtus the Fourth, Julius the Second, and Leo the Tenth for the reception of novices to the habit of our order. Shunning, moreover, all novelty, you shall zealously bring them up in the same mode of life that you yourselves have learned from your mother, our order, under the rule of our holy Father Augustine, and the constitutions of the order.
Also, we grant you power to administer all the sacraments to commanders, soldiers, sutlers, traders, and others who go on this expedition, as well as to all other faithful in Christ, whom you may encounter wheresoever you go, in virtue of the grants made therefor to us by Adrian the Sixth, Paulus the Third, and all other supreme Pontiffs.
Also to the very venerable father Fray Andres de Urdaneta whom you all—each for himself, publicly and privately, at the same time when through our commission you were assembled in chapter—have chosen canonically as your prior and prelate for this expedition, we grant the fulness of all our authority in corporals as well as spirituals, as far as we have, it and are enabled, without reserving anything whatsoever to ourselves. And this authority we wish to terminate in the aforesaid father, whenever according to our instructions you shall choose another, and pass thence in its fulness to the newly-elect, and so on in succession for all time, until this grant of ours shall be recalled by ourselves or our chiefs.
In testimony and faith whereof, we have signed our names, with the titles of our office, to this our grant, whereto we have ordered the seals of our order to be appended.
Given in our convent of Culhuacan [Mexico], the fifth ides of February, in the year of our Redemption one thousand five, hundred and sixty-four.
Fray Pedro de Herrera, Vicar general. Fray Diego de Vertavillo, Provincial. Fray Antonio de Aguilar, Definitor. Fray Nicolas de Perea, Definitor. Fray Francisco de Villafuerte, Definitor. Fray Juan de Medina, Definitor.
On the flagship, on the fifteenth day of February, 1565, the royal fleet being anchored near a large island, which the natives indicated by signs to be called Cibabao, [82] the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, his majesty’s governor and captain-general of the people and fleet of discovery of the Western Islands, appeared before me, Fernando de Riquel, chief notary of the said fleet and government of the said islands, and declared: that whereas his lordship is sending his ensign-general, Andres de Ybarra, to make friends with an Indian, a native of this island, called Calayan, who declared himself a chief; and whereas it is fitting that possession be taken of the island in the name of his majesty; therefore he authorized fully the said Andres de Ybarra to take possession, in the name of his majesty, of the part and place where he went thus with the said Indian, and all the other districts subject and contiguous thereto. In affirmation of the above, he consented to the present ordinance before me, the said notary, and the witnesses hereunder subscribed, with their incidences and dependencies, annexes and rights, and he embossed the same in the form prescribed by law, and signed it with his name, the witnesses being the high constable Grabiel de Rribera, Amador de Arriaran [83] and Juan Pacheco, gentlemen of the governor, Miguel Lopez.
Given before me,
Fernando Riquel, chief notary.
And after the aforesaid, on this said day, month, and year aforesaid, the said ensign-general Andres de Ybarra, appeared before me, the said notary and the witnesses hereunder subscribed, being on the river Calayan to which the said chief thus named took him, having landed in a small inlet, at the edge of the water, and containing a small bay, and said that in the name of his majesty, by virtue of the power conferred on him by the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, governor and captain-general of the discovery of the islands of the West, he occupied and took possession and apprehended the tenure and true and actual possession or quasi-possession of this said land, and of all territory subject to it and contiguous to it. And in token of true possession, he passed from one end of that land to the other, cut branches of trees, plucked grass, threw stones, and performed such other acts and ceremonies as are usual in such cases—all of which took place quietly and peaceably, with common consent of those who were present, without the opposition of any one. And after the aforesaid act took place, the said Andres de Ybarra besought me, the said notary, to certify thereto, those present as witnesses being, father Fray Diego de Herrera, father Fray Pedro de Gamboa, the high constable Grabiel de Rribera and Francisco Scudero de la Portilla, [84] Pedro de Herrera, and many other soldiers. I, the said Fernando Rriquel, notary aforesaid, bear witness to the aforesaid, for it was done in my presence, and I was present at everything jointly with the said witnesses. In witness whereof I, Fernando Riquel, chief notary, affix here my signature and accustomed flourish, which in such documents is in token of truth. Collated with the original. [85]
Fernando Riquel, government notary.
Order to Make Declaration of the Gold Taken from the Burial-Places of the Indians
In the island of Cubu of the Western Islands, belonging to his majesty, on the sixteenth of May, one thousand five hundred and sixty-five, the most illustrious Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, his majesty’s governor and captain-general of the people and fleet of the discovery of the Western Islands, appeared before me, Fernando Riquel, government notary of the said islands, and declared: that, inasmuch as he had been informed that many Spanish soldiers and sailors have opened many graves and burial-places of the native Indians in this island, wherein a quantity of gold and other jewels has been found; and inasmuch as those opening these graves and finding the said gold have not made a report thereof to his excellency nor to his majesty’s officials, in order that his majesty may receive and take his royal fifths and rights; therefore he ordered, and did order, that proclamation should be made, in due form of law, that all who have opened any graves whence they have abstracted gold, jewels, and other valuables, and those who have in their possession gold and jewels of these islands, however they may have been obtained, shall appear and make full declaration regarding such things before his majesty’s officials, in order that what is, in this regard, fitting to his majesty’s service and the good security of his royal estate, may be provided—under penalty that whoever shall act contrary to this order shall, besides losing all the gold and other valuables thus obtained and abstracted, be proceeded against in due form of law.
Furthermore, he ordered that, from this time henceforth, no grave or burial-place be opened without the permission of his, excellency, in order that there might be present at this opening one of the king’s officials, or myself, the above-mentioned notary, so that no fraud or deceit may occur, and so that an account and memorandum may be taken of everything—under penalty of five hundred pesos de minas and of returning all that was taken from such grave or burial-place, together with the fifth over and above this for his majesty’s exchequer and treasury. This was his declaration and order, and he signed the same with his name,
Miguel Lopez
Proclamation: This said day, month, and year abovesaid, the contents of this edict were proclaimed in the form prescribed by law, by the voice of Pito Atambor, [86] in the presence of myself, the said notary, near the lodging of the said governor and general, and near the lodging of the master-of-camp, Mateo del Sas, many soldiers being present at each place. In affirmation of the above, Fernando Riquel, government notary.
Collated with the original,
Fernando Riquel, government notary.
Letters from Miguel Lopez de Legazpi and Other Officials to Felipe II of Spain—1565
To the Sacred Royal Catholic Majesty:
I gave an account to your majesty of my departure from Puerto de la Nabidad, which is located in Nueva Espana, with your royal fleet for the discovery of the Western Islands. Continuing my voyage until February thirteen of this present year, I arrived at one of the Filipinas Islands. Afterward I cruised among other islands of this archipelago, until I reached this island of Cubu, whence I despatched a vessel to Nueva Espana to discover the return route, and to give an account to your majesty of the incidents of our voyage until the departure of this vessel. The relation of the voyage is despatched together with this letter, as well as certain other information in regard to the change of feeling among the natives respecting the friendship and goodwill that they have been wont to exercise toward the vassals of your majesty, and the cause therefor; the possessions that have been taken in your majesty’s name; and the routes of the pilots of this fleet. I beseech your majesty that you will have these examined, and provide whatever seems most fitting. I shall remain in my settlement in this island of Cubu until I receive the orders your majesty shall see fit to impose upon me, although I have but few people. I am writing also to the royal Audiencia of Nueva Espana to beg succor of both people and ammunition, in order that I may sustain myself until your majesty has seen all these records, the memorandum of the articles asked by the officials of your royal hacienda [treasury] residing here, and the general and individual communications of those who remain here, and until your majesty shall have provided and ordered what is most fitting, and have signified your royal pleasure. Since this undertaking is so vast, and of so great import in regard to the spiritual and temporal, and has ended so happily, and is so seasonable, I humbly beg your majesty to order that particular account be taken of it, and that you order the succor and provision petitioned and requested from these islands; and that you will give the matter into the charge of one who will provide and effect it with all care and diligence; for I trust, with the help of God, our Lord, that very great blessings in the service of God, our Lord, and of your majesty, will result, with the increase of your royal income and the universal good of your kingdoms and seigniories. I beseech your majesty that, yielding with your accustomed magnificence in showing favor to your servants who serve you in matters of great import, you will be pleased to order that the communications accompanying this letter be examined, and that you will grant me the favor that seems most fitting to your majesty, whose sacred royal Catholic majesty may our Lord have in his keeping, and give you increase of kingdoms and seigniories for many and felicitous years. From Cubu, May 37, 1565.
Your sacred royal majesty’s faithful servant, who kisses your majesty’s royal feet,
Miguel Lopez de Legazpi
[Endorsed: “To the Sacred Catholic Royal Majesty the king Don [Felipe] our lord.—To his majesty, May 27, 1565. Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, Cubu, May 27, 1565.—Seen and to be filed with the others.”]
To the Sacred Catholic Majesty:
Because General Miguel Lopez de Legazpi is giving your majesty a full account of events throughout these districts, therefore we shall say only that we remain in your majesty’s royal service in these Filipinas—in that part where the men of Magallanes were killed, called the island of Cubu—under the protection of God, our Lord, and awaiting that of your majesty; and we remain here with very great necessity.
We beseech your majesty to provide us aid with the despatch and diligence fitting, in order that your majesty’s purpose to introduce the Christian religion into these districts, and to reduce these people, neglected for so many years, and who are in dire need of receiving the fruits of our holy Catholic faith, may be attained. We are of stout heart because of the many favors that our Lord has been pleased to bestow upon us hitherto; and for the future we trust that he will keep us in his holy service, and protect us in that of your majesty. The ship acting as flagship on the voyage hither from Nueva Spana is about to return to discover the return route to your majesty’s kingdoms. The venerable father Fray Andres de Hurdaneta sails in it. To him we refer in everything that has happened here, and we charge him with the relation of events in these districts, as one who has so well understood everything that has happened hereabout. Father Fray Diego de Herrera, Fray Martin de Herrada and Fray Pedro de Gamboa, religious from whom we receive every good instruction and counsel, remain here.
We supplicate your majesty, with all humility, to exercise the accustomed favor to your majesty’s faithful servants and vassals, in consideration of the faith, fidelity, and alacrity with which we have ever served your majesty. What is offered for your consideration by us and by this entire camp, as your servants, we make known to your majesty, which things your majesty will be pleased to provide.
In your majesty’s name we have possessed and still possess, as protector and general, Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, one for whom we give many thanks to our Lord, who has been pleased to provide us a so excellent protector, and one who with a so great desire watches over the service of your majesty—whose sacred Catholic royal person may our Lord have in his keeping, and augment with great kingdoms and seigniories; such is the wish of us the faithful servants of your majesty. The island of Cubu, May 29, 1565. Sacred Catholic Majesty, your sacred Catholic majesty’s faithful servants, who kiss your majesty’s royal feet with all humility: Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, Mateo del Saz, Fray Diego de Herrera, Fray Martin de Rada, Martin de Goiti, Fray Pedro de Gamboa, Guido de Lavezari, Andres Cabchela, Andres de Mirandaola, Andres de Ybarra, Juan Maldonado de Berrocal, Luis de la Haya, Juan de la Isla, Gabriel de Rribera.
[Addressed: “To the Sacred Catholic Majesty, King Don Felipe our lord, from his camp in the islands of the West.”]
[Endorsed: “To his majesty. xxixth of May, 1565. From Miguel Lopez de Legazpi and other persons, from Cubu, on xxixth of May, 1565. Seen, and to be added to the rest. 65.”]
Sacred Catholic Majesty:
First and foremost in this present letter, we inform your majesty, with the loyalty and fidelity which we always display, of our great need of help, which your majesty must condescend to have sent us speedily, considering that we have so great need of it in order to attain what is so much desired by us in the service of God, our Lord, and in that of your majesty.
The great service which the venerable father Fray Andres de Hurdaneta has rendered to God, our Lord, and to your majesty is worthy of great praise and many thanks; for he instructed us in all things, both spiritual and temporal, during the whole voyage, and because no other except him sailed in the fleet who did instruct us. Therefore, all of us, your majesty’s faithful servants—both the officials of the camp and all your vassals generally—humbly beseech and beg your majesty to consider his great services and merits; and as soon as he has given your majesty an account of all that has happened in these regions hitherto, to order and command him to return, in order to prosecute this undertaking, which is of so great import to the service of God, our Lord, and to that of your majesty—inasmuch as it is fitting for the future, as he is one who has so well understood everything that is occurring in all places, and as therein he may attain the result desired by your majesty in everything. This we hope to achieve, with all confidence and alacrity, through divine favor and the protection of your majesty. Therefore we beseech your majesty to grant us this favor, and succor us with father Fray Hurdaneta’s presence, because he is very necessary to us, and will gather much fruit in both spiritual and temporal affairs; and for all the aforesaid matters, and for our consolation and aid, we are sure of this gratification, which your majesty will be pleased to grant us fully, as is your majesty’s wonted custom to so faithful servants and vassals. May our Lord watch over the sacred Catholic royal person of your majesty; and may he augment you with great kingdoms and seigniories, as is desired by us, your majesty’s faithful servants and subjects. From the island of Cubu, the first of June, the year MDLXV. Sacred Catholic Majesty, your sacred Catholic majesty’s faithful servants and subjects, who with all humility kiss your majesty’s royal feet: Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, [87] Mateo Delsaz, Martin de Goiti, Guido de Lauezari, Andres Cabchela, Andres de Mjrandaola, Andres de Ybarra, Luis de la Hava, Fernando Riquel, government notary; Amador de Arriaron, Juan Maldonado de Berrocal, Gabriel de Rribera, Juan de la Ysla, Jeronimo de Moncon, Hernando Lopez, Don Pedro de Herrera,
[Addressed: “To the Sacred-Catholic Majesty, King Don Felipe our lord, from the general and his camp in the Western Islands.”]
[Endorsed: “+ To his majesty. Seen. From the island of Cubu from Miguel Lopez de Legazpi and others. June first, 1565.”]
A Letter from the Royal Officials of the Filipinas Accompanied by a Memorandum of the Necessary Things to Be Sent to the Colony
Most powerful sirs:
As your highness [88] must have already learned through the despatch carried as from us by the bachelor Mynes [Martinez], we set sail for these Western Islands on the twentieth of November, MDLXIIII. In compliance with your highness’s command, we shall relate what occurs in those islands with all faithfulness and diligence.
Since your highness will find an account of the voyage made by us, in the relation given by the pilots who come with the fleet, we shall say no more about it, except by way of reference. We shall only relate the events which concern the service of God, our Lord, the service of his majesty, and the increase which his royal exchequer can derive from these regions.
We reached these Felipinas on the thirteenth of February, MD[L]XV. From the day of our arrival here until now we have found not a friend or a people who submits to his majesty. The reason for this was disclosed to us after we had sailed about in this archipelago for two months, namely, that the Portuguese who are in the Malucos came to an island called Bohol, where we remained thirty-seven days, and there committed the following mischief: after they had made peace with the natives and given them to understand that they came to trade with them, they called together one day as many natives as they could; and while the latter, thinking themselves safe, were trading with them, the Portuguese gave a war-signal and killed five hundred people, capturing six hundred more whom they took to Maluco as slaves. This has caused us great anxiety, because the natives, having received such cruel treatment, were so frightened that whenever they saw a sail they ran to the mountains; and, if any of them remained, it was to tell us that they desired none of our friendship. Thus from the day we arrived until now, we have suffered much hardship. We stopped at an island where Magallanes’s men were killed, and there the people received us somewhat peacefully; but the following day, after they had
They abandoned their houses, and we found in them nothing except an image of the child Jesus, and two culverins, one of iron and one of bronze, which can be of no service to us; it is believed that they were brought here at the time of Magallanes. We rejoiced, as all Christians ought in like case; for we saw that the Lord had been pleased to place us under his protection and grant us prosperity and favor. We beseech him to guide us in his service and to preserve us in that of his majesty.
As far as we have seen, in all the places to which we have thus far come, we think that his majesty could turn them into great kingdoms and seigniories, if your highness send us the supply of men, arms, ammunition, and artillery; for in our present condition we need everything, and find ourselves in the midst of many and warlike peoples—who, on account of the Portuguese, have declared war against us throughout the whole of the archipelago.
The memorial of things which this camp needs accompanies this letter. [89] Your highness will order that they be supplied with great speed and diligence, for without them we shall incur great peril, and the camp will have no means of support; but with them we shall attain what his majesty desires.
As your highness probably knows, we brought no brands for the royal fifths of his majesty, so that some articles of gold which were found in the graves of these heathens have not been marked. In respect to this and all other articles which were found and delivered to us, we have done our duty. The general ordered that the persons who found anything should deposit all such articles until your highness shall command otherwise. We beg your highness to order that the right measures be taken in this case; also in regard to the fifths, and the procedure which must be adopted in these regions in all matters pertaining to the service of his majesty and other duties. A general edict was published that any person obtaining gold, pearls, jewels, and precious stones, should lose all, unless they are registered in the register of his majesty, for lack of the said brands with which to mark the fifths. We notify the officials residing in that city [Mexico], so that in case anything should appear that is not noted in the register, they shall take the necessary steps in regard to it.
The specimens of gold, cinnamon, and wax were found in a port called Butuan, where we, the treasurer, and the factor, went by order of the general to investigate a certain report which we had heard concerning things to be found in the island of Beguendanao [Mindanao]. We found the aforesaid port, and in it two Moro junks which were trading there. According to orders received, we made peace with the lord of the said port, and gave him the message and the present which the general sent him. We gave him to understand that with his pleasure we were going to trade in his land, and that we would favor and protect him in everything in the name of his majesty. He answered us through the Moros, who served as interpreters, that he was pleased with our offers. We learned that the Moros felt very uneasy about the embassy, and we think that they influenced the said ruler and the natives by their vile designs. We were obliged to trade with them because they gave no opportunity to the natives to trade with us. The said Moros demanded in exchange for their goods nothing but testones, and it was agreed that for each weight of gold six of silver should be given. At this rate we bartered for the specimens of gold, wax, and cinnamon, which we send to his majesty and to your highness. The money belonged to some deceased persons, a memorandum of which we send to the officials of the royal exchequer.
We beseech his majesty, and your highness in his royal name, that, inasmuch as the said Moros and others take all the gold, pearls, jewels, precious stones and other things of which we have no information,—thus injuring the natives, both by giving us no opportunity to plant our holy faith among them, and by taking the said gold, they should, if they continue the said trade, lose their property and be made slaves, for they preach the doctrine of Mahomet. This matter, as well as the necessary supplies to be sent for our aid, your highness will order to be looked after with great diligence; because all that we ask for in the memorandum is of great necessity in our present critical condition. May your highness add and send whatever may seem best to you, so that we may be able to accomplish in these regions what his majesty desires. There is great need of the Christian religion among these natives, as well as of the men and other things asked in the memorandum. May our Lord keep the most powerful persons of your highnesses, and cause you to prosper with large kingdoms and seigniories.
From Cubu, May xxviii, in the year MDLXV.
Most powerful sirs, we are the faithful servants of your highnesses, who very humbly kiss your most powerful feet.
Guido de Labecares Andres Cauchela Andres de Mirandaola
Memorandum of the Supplies and Munitions Asked to Be Sent from Nueva Espana to His Majesty’s Camp at the Port of Cubu
Memorandum of things—not only articles of barter, but arms and military supplies—which are necessary, to be provided immediately from Nueva Espana in the first vessels sailing from the said Nueva Espana to these Felipinas Islands; of which the following articles must be speedily furnished:
First: twelve pieces
of heavy artillery, and among
them culverins and reenforced
cannon and swivel-guns
for the fortress which is
to be built, xii
Fifty more bronze bersos
[small culverins], of the
sort brought from Espana with
double chambers, 1
Twenty falcons with double chambers, xx
A dozen new scaling ladders, xii
Balls for the artillery and the molds for making them,
Two hundred quintals [90] of powder cc
Fifty quintals of fuses, l
Two hundred quintals of lead, cc
Fifty quintals of saltpetre, l
Thirty quintals of rock sulphur, xxx
Three hundred arquebuses (not of the worthless supply there in Mexico); and with them some with flints, all with horn powder-flasks (large or small) together with their molds and gear, which are to be in good condition, ccc
One hundred corselets with their fittings, c
Two hundred morions and helmets, cc
Fifty coats-of-mail, of rather heavy mail, 1
One hundred tapir hides, c
One hundred white blankets
for light and serviceable
body armor,
c
Three hundred pikes with their iron points, ccc
Fifty cavalry lances, 1
Fifty good broadswords, of which there is great need, 1
Twelve foreign cannoniers,
for those whom we brought
with us are of little account,
xii
Three hundred well-disposed
soldiers who are to remain
here, (a third or half of
them to be sailors), ccc
A dozen carpenters to build
the vessels which must
be built here,
xii
Two smiths, with their forges and tools, ii
Four pairs of bellows with their tubes, iiii
Twelve negroes for these forges,
and among them
four sawyers,
xii
An artificer or two to make
arquebuses and locks
for them,
ii
Two other locksmiths, ii
Fifty quintals of tow, 1
A surgeon and a physician,
with their drugs; and two
other barbers, [91] because
only one remains here, iiii
Three hundred good shields, ccc
Two hundred quintals
of wrought iron plates, not
as it comes from the mine,
cc
Thirty quintals of the finest steel, xxx
One hundred tanned cow-hides, c
Three hundred pickaxes, ccc
Two hundred iron shovels, cc
A royal ropemaker, who is in Mexico,
One hundred Venetian sail-cloths, c
Ten quintals of sailmakers’ twine, x
Two bales of paper, ii
Four balances divided into three parts, iiii
Six weights for large balances, vi
Fifty horn lanterns, 1
Two hundred fanegas of salt, cc
Two hundred casks of wine, cc
One hundred casks of vinegar, c
Two hundred casks of oil, cc
Five hundred arrobas [92] of sugar, d
One dozen barrels of raisins
and almonds, since
by not having brought them
the men have suffered
great-privations,
xii
Ten large hogsheads of flour, x
Blankets for the men,
Shirts in quantity,
Doublets in quantity,
Breeches of woolen cloth and linen in quantity,
Hempen sandals in quantity,
Cowhide shoes in quantity,
Hats,
All in quantity for military supplies.
For barter, the following:
Two bolts of Valencian scarlet
cloth, with odds
and ends,
ii
Item seven bolts of Toledo scarlet cloth, vii
Six cases of headdresses, vi
A great quantity of beads,
blue, green, and yellow;
ten breadths of each sort,
xxx
Two pieces of crimson velvet, ii
Three dozen colored hats, xxxvi
One case of large gilded coins for the coast of China, i
Two bales and two boxes of linens, iiii
Two quintals of Muzavetas, ii
Four pounds of fine coral of all sorts, iiii
Three quintals of glass, (one blue), iii
One thousand bundles of glass beads—green and yellow, m
Five hundred dozen hawks’ bells, d
Coins and small bars of fine silver for trade in China,
Six large caldrons of pitch, vi
Two large caldrons, such as
are used for bucking linen;
but they must be large and
very strong, because they
are to be used in making saltpetre,
ii
One thousand sailneedles, m
Two hundred hogsheads hooped with hoops of iron, cc
Two saddles with long stirrups,
with colored velvet
trimmings, and all rivets,
bits, and stirrup-irons
to be gilded,
ii
Two cavalry saddles with colored
trimmings, all to
be of good quality,
ii
Six gilt swords with daggers
of good quality which
are for the S.S. on the coast
of China and for those
in the islands of Japan,
vi
All of the aforesaid goods should be sent as soon as possible, on the first ships that sail, for all these things are very necessary, that we may maintain ourselves in these parts.
List of articles needed by the said fleet for the oared vessels which are to be built here for his majesty. The list follows:
First: four hawsers,
of one hundred and twenty brazas
[93] each; each five quintals,
xx quintals
Two large cables, of eighty brazas
each; each one
to weigh six quintals,
xii quintals
Six hawsers, of one hundred and
thirty brazas each;
each to weigh three quintals,
xviii quintals
Two large cables additional, of
one hundred and twenty
brazas each; each to weigh ten quintals,
xx quintals
Item common sails for rigging,
thirty quintals,
xxx
quintals
We need one hundred quintals
of cordage of all sorts,
c
quintals
Two grapnels, each to weight four
quintals,
viii
quintals
Four anchors, to weigh five quintals
apiece,
xx
quintals
Six grapnels, to weigh three quintals
apiece; five
or six more, each to weigh from five to six arrobas,
xxxiii
arrobas [sic]
Four grapnels, three arrobas
each,
xii
arrobas
Twelve French saws, xii
Four frame-saws, iiii
Six hand-saws, vi
Two grindstones, ii
Five hundred pieces of cloths
from Teguintepeq
for sails,
d
One hundred quintals of tar, c
Fifty quintals of pitch, l
For sallotes ropes
which are necessary, four pieces
of one hundred and fifty brazas
each, to weigh
three quintals apiece,
xii quintals
Four hawsers of one hundred
brazas each, to weigh
four quintals apiece,
xvi
Two workmen, oar makers, to
make oars from the wood
hereabout,
ii
Two hundred pulleys; with both eyes and sheaves, cc
One hundred quintals of grease, c
Two hundred sheep-skins with the wool on, cc
All this cordage to be agave and hemp.
Also two anvils of two arrobas each, ii
Also two small ones from six to seven pounds, ii
One anvil, i
Two screws for filing, ii
A half-dozen boys for ironworking, vi
Three or four bellows-pipes for forges, iiii
One hundred heavy coats of mail, c
The powder and fuse which have been asked for,
Likewise three or four pairs
more of bellows are
asked for,
iiii
Twelve more negroes, xii
Two hundred more iron axes shod in Mexico, cc
Two hundred mattocks, cc
One hundred more pieces of
Tequantepeque [Tehuantepec]
and Venetian canvas,
c
One pair of large fishing-nets
which may come in the
hogsheads mentioned above,
ii
Ear-rings, glassware, and fine coral,
The coins and bars of silver,
just as they have been
asked for,
The caldrons of pitch, because
those that were made
in Mexico were worthless,
One dozen caldrons with three compartments, xii
Four syringes, and the cupping
glasses and the lancets
which are likewise ordered,
Sail-needles with large eyes,
Workmen who understand how to build vessels,
Six cables for the flagship,
of fourteen or sixteen
quintals each
The steel that is asked for. [Certain shapes and sizes of steel spikes are specified, with drawings to illustrate; five, thirty, forty, and fifty respectively, of the various kinds are asked for.]
[Endorsed: “List of articles which are required for his majesty’s camp situated in the port of Cubu of the West.”]
Relation of the Voyage to the Philippine Islands, By Miguel Lopez de Legazpi—1565
Illustrious Sire:
I wrote to your excellency from Puerto de la Navidad giving as full an account as possible up to that port. Now I shall do the same, for I consider it a debt justly due, and I shall always consider it so whenever the opportunity presents itself. I am enjoying good health, thanks be to our Lord; and the same can be said of the whole camp, a thing which ought not to be looked upon as of little importance. May our Lord grant to your excellency the good health that I wish.
On Tuesday, November 21, three hours before dawn, I set sail with the fleet that was at Puerto de la Navidad. For five days the fleet sailed southwest, but on the sixth we directed our course westward until we reached the ninth degree. We sailed on in this latitude in search of the island of Los Reyes, in order that we might go from that point to the Felippinas. A week after we had taken this course, we awoke one morning and missed the patache “San Lucas,” with Captain Don Alonso de Arellano in command. There had been no stormy weather to make it lose sight of us; nor could it have been Don Alonso’s fault, for he was a gallant man, as he showed. It is believed that it was due to the malice or intent of the pilot. And as he had already been informed about the expedition that we were making, and the course we were to sail, and as he was fully instructed as to what he must do in case he should lose sight of us (as actually happened), and whither he must proceed to await us, we expected all the time that we would find the vessel in some of these islands. But up to this time we have heard nothing of it, which gives me not a little uneasiness. After the fleet had sailed for fifty days in the same course between nine and ten degrees, a degree more or less, we reached land, which proved to be an island inhabited by poor and naked fishermen. This island was about four leagues in circumference, and had a population of about two hundred men. That same day we sailed between two other small islands, which were uninhabited and surrounded by many reefs, which proved very troublesome
While we were in this bay, Indians and chiefs came in several boats, displaying prominently a white flag at the bow of one of them. Another flag was raised on the stern of the flagship as a sign that they could approach. These people wear clothes, but they go barefooted. Their dress is made of cotton or of a kind of grass resembling raw silk. We spoke to them and asked them for food. They are a crafty and treacherous race, and understand everything. The best present which they gave me was a sucking pig, and a cheese of which, unless a miracle accompanied it, it was impossible for all in the fleet to partake. On the occasion of the death of the gentleman whom they killed, the natives scattered themselves through the island. They are naturally of a cowardly disposition, and distrustful, and if one has treated them ill, they will never come back. They possess, in common with all these islands, swine, goats, hens of Castile, rice, millet, and in addition a great variety of excellent fruit. The people wear gold earrings, bracelets, and necklets. Wherever we went we found a great display of these articles. Although people say that there are many mines and much pure gold, yet the natives do not extract it until the very day they need it; and, even then, they take only the amount necessary for their use, thus making the earth their purse.
Leaving this bay, we sailed south until we reached the end of the island, where the land turns west. Just south of this island are other islands between which and this island there is a straight channel running west. The fleet passed through this channel, and on the second day from our departure from Cibabao, after having sailed nearly thirty leagues, we reached a port of Tandaya Island.
In this port a small river empties itself into the sea through an estuary. Some of our boats sailed up this river and anchored at the town of Cangiungo. The natives received them neither with peace nor war; but they gave our men food and drink. When they were about to eat, an Indian came to them, who spoke a few words in the Castilian tongue, saying “Comamos” ["let us eat"], “bebamos” ["let us drink"], and answering “si” ["yes"], when questioned by Anton Batista “Billalobos [Villalobos]” and “Captain Calabaca.” It seems that he had traded with the people of the fleet of Billalobos, according to what was gather from him. And because he said this, this native vexed the ruler of the village, and never came back. The next day I wished to go to the same village, and found the natives hostile. They made signs that we should not disembark, pulled grass, struck trees with their cutlasses, and threateningly mocked us. Seeing that in this case cajolery could not suffice, we withdrew in order not to disturb them; but as we departed, they began to shower sticks and stones after us, and I was obliged to order the soldiers to fire their arquebuses at them; and they never appeared again. This town has a population of twenty or thirty Indians.
On arriving at that port, I despatched Captain de Goite with a boat and a frigate, well supplied with men and provisions, to discover some port along the coast. On the way he was to examine thoroughly the town of Tandaya, which was not very far from where we were, and other towns of the island of Abbuyo. Deceived by the appearance of the coast, he sailed on past the coast for fifteen leagues, without seeing anything. Finally he reached a large bay on which was situated a large town containing many families; the people had many swine and hens, with abundance of rice and potatoes. He returned to the fleet with this news, which gave us not a little content, for all were longing for land-products. The fleet left this port, and in the afternoon of the next day we reached the above-mentioned bay, where we anchored in front of the large town of Cavalian. One thing in especial is to be noted—namely, that wherever we went, the people entertained us with fine words, and even promised to furnish us provisions; but afterward they would desert their houses. Up to the present, this fear has not been in any way lessened. When we asked the people of this village for friendship and food, they offered us all the friendship we desired, but no food whatever. Their attitude seemed to me to be quite the contrary of what had
This chief, Canutuan, by signs and as best he could, informed me of the names of the islands, of their rulers and people of importance, and their number. He also promised to take us to the island of Mancagua, [96] which was eight leagues from this island. We set sail with the Indian, and when we reached Macagua I sent him and three others, who went with him to their village in a canoe, after giving them some clothes. He was quite well satisfied, according to his own words, and became our friend.
This Macagua, although small, was once a thickly-populated island. The Castilians who anchored there were wont to be kindly received. Now the island is greatly changed from former days, being quite depopulated—for it contains less than twenty Indians; and these few who are left, are so hostile to Castilians, that they did not even wish to see or hear us. From this island we went to another, called Canuguinen. [97] Here we met with the same treatment. As the natives saw our ships along the coast, they hastened to betake themselves to the mountains. Their fear of the Castilians was so great, that they would not wait for us to give any explanation.
From this island the fleet directed its course towards Butuan, a province of the island of Vindanao; but the tides and contrary winds drove us upon the coast of an island called Bohol. Here we cast anchor, and within a small bay of this island we made some necessary repairs to the flagship. One morning the almiranta [98] sighted a junk at some distance away. Thinking it to be one of the smaller praus, the master-of-camp despatched against it a small boat with six soldiers, after which he came to the flagship to inform me of what he had done. Seeing that he had not sent men enough, I despatched another small boat with all the men it could hold; and the master-of-camp
On the same day that the boats went to the junk, I despatched the patache “San Joan” with orders to go to Butuan and sail along its coast, and to find out in what part of this island the cinnamon is gathered, for it grows there. They were also to look for a suitable port and shore where a settlement could be made. While the patache went on this mission, I kept the boat of the Burneans and the pilot. This latter was a man of experience, and versed in different dialects; and he informed me of much regarding this region that I wished to know. Among other things he told me that, if the Indians of this land avoided this fleet so much, I should not be surprised, because they, had great fear of the name of Castilla. He said that while we were among these islands no Indian would speak to us; and that the cause for this was that about two years ago, somewhat more or less, some Portuguese from Maluco visited these islands with eight large praus and many natives of Maluco. Wherever they went they asked for peace and friendship, saying that they were Castilians, and vassals of the king of Castilla; then when the natives felt quite secure in their friendship, they assaulted and robbed them, killing and capturing all that they could. For this reason the island of Macagua was depopulated, and scarcely any inhabitants
In this island of Bohol live two chiefs, one called Cicatuna and the other Cigala, who through the Bornean’s going inland to call them, came to the fleet. From these chiefs I heard the same thing that I had been told by the Burnei pilot and his companions, in regard to the great robberies that the Portuguese committed hereabout, in order to set the natives against us—so that, on our coming, we should find no friends. This fell out as they wished, because, although Cicatuna and Cigala made friendship with me, we could put no confidence in them; nor would they sell us anything, but only made promises.
While in this island, I despatched a frigate to reconnoiter the coast of certain islands that could be seen from this island. The chief pilot and Joan de Aguire accompanied it, and it was supplied with sufficient food, men, and provisions. Coming to the entrance between two islands, they were caught by the tide and drifted to the other entrance of the channel; and, in order to return, they sailed around the island. On this island they saw a town where the Moro pilot declared that he was known, and that he was on friendly terms with its inhabitants; but under pretense of friendship, the natives, treacherously killed him with a lance-thrust. The space of one week had been given to them, but it took much longer; for the return could be accomplished only by sailing around the island which was one hundred and fifty leagues in circumference.
When the patache returned from Butuan, it reported that they had seen the king, and that two Moro junks of the large and rich island of Luzon were anchored in the river which flows near the town. The Moros sold our men a large quantity of wax. When the men of Luzon saw our tostones they were very much pleased with them, and they gave nearly twenty marks of gold, which they had there in that island, giving for six tostones of silver one of gold; and they said that they had more gold, if our men would give them more tostones, and that in exchange for the latter they would give them ten or twelve quintals of gold which they had there in that island. The soldiers of the patache were so desirous to plunder the junks, that they besought permission to do so from the captain; thus importuned, and because his own desire was not less keen, he was on the point of granting it. Fortunately the officials (the treasurer and factor) aboard the patache
While in the bay of the island of Bohol, I was very anxious about the frigate, since it was to be gone but one week; while twenty-one days had passed, and it was nowhere to be seen. Meanwhile a prau which I had despatched with two soldiers and the chiefs Cicatuna and Cigala to the island of Cubu to endeavor to ascertain some news concerning it, had returned, bringing no news whatever of its whereabouts. On Holy Saturday, three hours before daybreak, while we were thus plunged in great anxiety and grief, fearing that our companions might have been lost, captured, or killed, the shout “the frigate! the frigate!” was heard in our fleet. Turning my glance, I beheld it entering the bay. Only the Burnei pilot was missing; the others looked well and strong, although they had suffered from hunger. On arriving, they informed us that the island which they had coasted had a circuit of one hundred and fifty leagues, and that on their return they had passed between it and the opposite coast of Cubu. [100] They reported that this island of Cubu was densely, populated, containing many large villages, and among them were many people inhabiting the coast, and inland many cultivated districts. The above-mentioned soldiers who went to Cibu in the prau with Cicatuna and Cigala said that the same thing was to be observed on the other coast, and that the port of the town of Cibu admitted of anchorage, and was excellent. I decided to take the fleet to that island—a plan I carried out, with the intention of requesting peace and friendship from the natives, and of buying provisions from them at a reasonable cost. Should they refuse all this I decided to make war upon them—a step which I considered justifiable in the case of these people; for it was in that same port and town that Magallanes and his fleet were well received. King Sarriparra and nearly all the natives were baptized, and admitted to our holy faith and evangelical teaching,
Copia de Vna Carta Venida de Se|-
Uilla a Miguel Saluador de
Valencia. La Qual Narra El Ventu|Roso Des-
Cubrimiento Que los Mexicanos Han
Hecho, Naue-|Gando con la Armada
Quesu Magestad Mando Hazer en|
Mexico. Con Otros Cosas Mar-
Auillosas, y de Gran| Prone-
Cho Para Toda la Chris-
Tiandad: Con|Dignas
De Ser Vistas y
Leydas.
¶_En Barcelona, Per Pau Cortey, 1566._
Desto de la China ay dos relaciones, y es, que a los dezisiete de Nouiembre del ano de mil y quinietos y sessenta y quatro, por mandado de su Mage. se hizo vna armada en el puerto de la Natiuidad e la mar del Sur, cient leguas de Mexico, de dos naues, y dos pataysos, para descubrir las yslas dela especieria, que las llaman Philippinas, por nuestro Rey, costaron mas de seyscientos mil pesos de Atipusque hechas a la vela.
¶Partieron el dicho dia del puerto, y nauegaron seys dias juntas: y a los siete les dio vna barrusca, que se aparto dellas el Patays, que era de cincuenta toneladas, y lleuana venyte [sc. veynte] hombres: el qual nauego cincuenta dias, y al fin dellos, vio tierra, que eran muchas islas entre las quales vio vna mas grande, y alli surgio. ¶Acudieron ala costa gente dela isla la qual es mas blanca que los Indios nuestros: y las mugeres muy mas blancas que los hombres, como las mugeres de cosas de palma texidas, y labradas encima con sedas de colores. Porgala. trahen los dientes colorados, y horadados, y enlos agujeros vnos clauicos de oro. Y los hombres con calcas de lieco de algodo con senogiles de seda, con muchas piecas de oro. ¶Entre ellos vino vno q parescia de mas calidad, vestido todo de seda, con vn alfange, la empunadura, y guarniciones de oro, y piedras. ¶Los nuestros les pidieron mantenimientos, y diero se losa trueque de bugerias: pero ellos pidiero hierro y dio seles: y quando vieron los clauos, no querian otro sina clauos, y estos pagauan con oro en poluo. Trayan algunos vnas dagas de azero muy galanas, y muestran ser gente politica y de mucha razo. Vsan depeso y medida: diero alos nuestros gamos, puercos, gallinas, codornizes, arroz, mijo, y pan de palmas: de todo esto ay grande abudancia. Estuno alli el Patays casi treynta dias, esperando las otras naues, y como no vinieron, determino de boluer a Mexico: y al tiepo que salio dela isla, encontro vn junco, que es navio de casi cient toneladas, enla qual venian sessenta Indios, y como vieron el Patays, todos se echarona nado, y se fueron a la tierra, que estana cerca. Entraron dentro algunos soldados, por mandado del capitan, y hallaron que yua cargado de porcellanas, y mantas, y liencos pintados, y otras cosas dela tierra, y algunos canutillos de oro molido, delos quales no tomaron mas que vno, y algunas porcellanas, y algunas mantas: y delo demas, de todo poco, para traher lo por muestra. Estuuo este Patays en yr y en boluer, dozientos, y treynta dias. Huuieron de menester subir mas de quarenta grados hazia el norte. Huuo desde el puerto do partieron, hasta esta isla, mil y sete cientas leguas. ¶Las otras tres naues dentro de cincuenta dias hallaron muchas islas, y aportaro en algunas dellas, y passaron en cada vna dellas muchas cosas, que estan grande la relacion, que ocupa veynte pliegos de papel. En fin aportaron a vna isla grande que se llama Iubu, y alli hizieron amistad conel rey della, que se hizo desta manera. Saco se el rey sangre del pecho, y el capitan assi mesmo, y echada la sangre de entrabos en vna copa de vino la partiero por medio, y el vno benio la vna mitad, y el otro la otra mitad: y aquello dizen q haze la amistad inuiolable. Co todo esto tuuiero ciertas passiones, y robaro vn lugarejo: y en vna casa pobre hallaron vn nino Iesus, destos que traen de Flandes, con su velo, y pomo enla mano, tan fresco como si se acabara de hazer entonces. En aquella isla qui sieron poblar, porq
Copy of a Letter Sent from Seuilla
To Miguel Saluador of
Valencia. Which Narrates the Fortunate
Discovery Made By the Mexicans Who
Sailed in the Fleet Which His Majesty
Ordered to Be Built in
Mexico. With Other Wonderful
Things of Great Advantage
For All Christendom:
Worthy of
Being Seen and
Heard.
¶_Printed in Barcelona, By Pau Cortey, 1566._
Of this discovery, two relations have come from China: namely, that on the seventeenth of November, [103] in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-four, a fleet was made ready by order of his majesty in Puerto de le Natividad, (which is situated on the Southern Sea, one hundred leagues from Mexico), consisting of two ships and two pataches, in order to discover the spice islands, which are named Philippinas, after our king. This fleet, when ready for sailing, cost more than six hundred thousand pesos of Atipusque. [104]
¶These vessels set sail from port on the above-mentioned day, voyaging in company for six days. On the seventh a squall struck them, separating from the others the patache, a vessel of fifty tons’ burden, and carrying a crew of twenty men. [105] This vessel sailed for fifty days, at the end of which time land was sighted. This proved to be a number of islands, among which they saw one larger than the others, where they cast anchor. ¶On the shore of the island were gathered the natives, who are lighter complexioned than our Indians, the women being of even lighter hue than the men. Men and women were clad alike in garments woven from the palm, and worked along the edges with different colored silks. By way of adornment, they color their teeth, and bore them through from side to side, placing pegs of gold in the holes. The men wear drawers of cotton cloth, silken garters, and many pieces of gold. ¶Among them was one man who seemed of higher rank than the others, clad wholly in silk, and wearing a cutlass, of which the hilt and sword guard were gold and precious stones. ¶Our men asked them for food, giving them various trinkets in exchange. But they asked for iron, which was given to them; and when they caught sight of the nails, they desired nothing else, and paid for them with gold-dust. Some of them wear very neatly-made steel daggers, and they appear to be a polite and intelligent people. They use weights and measures. They gave our men deer, swine, poultry, quail, rice, millet, and bread made of dates—all in great abundance. The patache remained here for about thirty days, waiting for the other ships; but, as these did not come, they determined to return to Mexico. As they left the island, they met a junk, which is a vessel of about one hundred tons’ burden, in which were sixty Indians. When these caught sight of the patache, all threw themselves into the water, and swam to the shore, which was not far away. Some soldiers, by command of the captain,
Sacred Royal Catholic Majesty:
Captain Martin de Goyti came with me on this expedition to serve your majesty as captain of a company of soldiers, at the order of Don Luis de Velasco (who is in glory), who was viceroy of Nueva Espana; since then, on account of the death here of the master-of-camp, Mateo del Saez, I have committed his duties to the above-named captain. In both capacities he has served and is serving your majesty faithfully and loyally in every way; and he takes great care and pains, for he is a very prudent and rigorously just man, and possessed of many good qualities for this office. Furthermore, he has shown himself in the wars to be skilful and courageous and of great valor, as an old soldier who has served your majesty many years in Italy and has always been the first in all labors and perils which have occurred. By great diligence and care he has induced many of the natives to become vassals of your majesty; and by his great industry and diligence has been one of the chief means of our being able to maintain ourselves in this land. It is well and fitting, if in this discovery any service has been rendered to your majesty, that you recompense him, for he also has served and toiled in it. May God, our Lord, watch over your majesty’s royal person and increase your kingdom for many years. Done at Cebu, July 12, 1567. Sacred royal Catholic majesty, whose royal feet your humble and faithful vassal kisses,
Miguel Lopez De Legazpi
Very exalted and powerful Lord:
At the end of the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-four, I left Nueva Espana by way of the South Sea, for the discovery of these islands of the West, by order and commission of his majesty; and having arrived at these Filipinas islands, I sent a vessel back to Nueva Espana to discover the return route, and to give his majesty an account of the voyage, and inform him that a colony had been settled in this island of Cubu. What has happened since then is, that in these fortunate times of his majesty and your highness there have been discovered and are being discovered many islands and lands, in which God, our Lord, and his majesty and your highness may be very well pleased with the great growth of our holy Catholic faith. And, not to be prolix with long relations of affairs and details concerning this land, I will refer you to those which I am writing to the royal Council of the Indies. It seemed to me that your highness would be pleased with specimens of the weapons with which these natives fight; accordingly they are bringing to your highness a Chinese arquebuse, of which there are some among these natives. Although they are very dexterous in handling these guns, when on the sea, aboard of their praus, they carry them more to terrify than to kill. And likewise they bring you a half-dozen lances and another half-dozen daggers, a cutlass, two corselets, two helmets, and a bow with quiver and arrows, all which they use. Moreover, that your highness may see how scrupulous these people are in their dealings, I send your highness a pair of balances and one of their steelyards. I beg humbly your highness to receive my desire to serve you ever as a faithful servant, and pardon my boldness.
Very exalted and powerful lord, may our Lord watch over the very exalted and powerful and royal person of your highness, and may he augment you with more kingdoms and seigniories for many and fortunate years. From this island of Cubu, July 15, 1567. Your highness’s very faithful servant who kisses your royal hands.
Miguel Lopez De Legazpi
Sacred Royal Catholic Majesty:
On the vessel which I sent to New Spain to discover the return route, I gave your majesty a relation of the events of the voyage, and of our arrival and settlement in these islands, up to the time of the ship’s departure. The succeeding events in this camp may be seen by the relation which I send with this letter.
Last year a vessel [111] was sent from Nueva Espana for this island with news of the arrival of the flagship which went from here. It arrived here on the fifteenth of October of last year, in great extremity and trouble, for on the way they killed the captain and a son of his, and some others, and raised mutinies, rebellions, and other troubles, as may be seen from the evidence thereof which I send. As it brought no other assistance, nor any of the articles which we sent for from here, nor any command or order from your majesty (nor have these things been sent here since then); and since after so long a time the flagship has not returned, nor have we received the assistance that was hoped for with it—the men of this camp are in extremities and distressed. Because it has not been permitted them to rob, or make war upon, or in any way harm the natives, and as they see so great delay in the sending of aid, some have not been lacking in treacherous and damnable purposes and desires, from which God, our Lord, has been pleased up to now to deliver your majesty’s loyal and faithful servants—who with all loyalty and zeal have served you and are now serving you in these regions—and I hope therefore that in his divine goodness he will continue to do so.
There have been some islands discovered in this neighborhood, and more are being continually found of which we knew nothing, and which are inhabited by many people. There is disclosed a very great foundation and opening for both the spiritual and the temporal, from which God our Lord and your majesty may derive much profit, and our holy Catholic faith be much increased, if your majesty will give the necessary orders, and provide the suitable religious and laborers who may work diligently in this great vineyard of the Lord. And from what has been hitherto seen much fruit may be had in their conversions, without much difficulty, because there are not known among them either the temples or the rites and ceremonies of other peoples—although they are a people extremely vicious, fickle, untruthful, and full of other superstitions. They all have many specimens of gold, and this they trade and wear as jewelry; but there is only a small quantity of it, by reason of there being no headmen or great lords
I have resided continuously on this island of Cubu, awaiting the orders which your majesty may be pleased to have sent. I have barely succeeded in maintaining the forces with the least possible harm to the natives, and I shall try to do the same until I see your majesty’s command, and know your royal will; because if we should make war upon these people, I think that great harm would ensue, but little advantage would be gained, and we should suffer hardships greater than those which have been suffered, although they have been bad enough. By the blessing of peace, we have succeeded in attracting into the obedience of your majesty many towns. As they have come from all this neighborhood of which possession has been taken in your royal name, the list of the towns accompanies this letter. And as these people are fickle and treacherous, and know not how to obey or serve, we ought to have here a fort and a number of Spaniards, who by good treatment might restrain them and make them understand what justice is; and who may settle in other places most convenient for the security of all those of this region. For this purpose married men should be sent and those who would have to remain permanently in this land. I beg your majesty to be pleased to have provided with all despatch what is most in accord with your royal pleasure, and give the commission to some one in Nueva Espana, who with all care and special diligence, will provide all that is necessary, without there being so much delay as in the past.
For the security of these parts, and in order to get this needed security, it would be fitting and necessary to have built half a dozen galleys. For this, and even to provide them with crews there is reasonable provision here, provided you send officers and workmen to build the vessels, as has been written to the royal Audiencia of Mexico. With these vessels all these islands may be protected, as well as many others that are farther away from them; and it might even be possible to coast along the shores of China and to trade on the mainland. They would be very profitable and effective. Your majesty will cause to be provided in this regard what is most pleasing to you.
In November of last year arrived, very near where we are, a large fleet of Portuguese who were coming from India to Maluco, where they must have thought that we were. Having arrived near our settlement, they stopped a few days, giving out that they were coming in search of us. They sent two small boats to reconnoiter our colony and station, afterward resolving to continue their voyage without stopping here. It may well be imagined that they were not pleased to see Spaniards in these parts.
Farther north than our settlement, or almost to the northwest not far from here, are some large islands, called Luzon and Vindoro, where the Chinese and Japanese come every year to trade. They bring silks, woolens, bells, porcelains, perfumes, iron, tin, colored cotton cloths, and other small wares, and in return they take away gold and wax. The people of these two islands are Moros, and having bought what the Chinese and Japanese bring, they trade the same goods throughout this archipelago of islands. Some of them have come here, although we have not been able to go there, by reason of having too small a force to divide among so many districts.
The people who remain here are very needy and poor, on account of having had, hitherto, no advantages or profits in the islands; and they have endured many miseries and troubles, with very great zeal and desire to serve your majesty, and are worthy of receiving remuneration. I humbly beg your majesty to be pleased to be mindful of their services, to grant them all favor (since these regions and districts contain sufficient for it), because a hundred merit it, and have served well and will serve much more in the future. Therefore I beg your majesty in addition, that your majesty approve the duties and offices given and assigned for these districts, and that your majesty confirm them to the persons who hold them, together with the greater favors that you may confer on them; for in these men are found the necessary qualifications, and they fulfil their duties with all fidelity.
As this ship was about to sail, there arrived at this port two small galleys from Maluco, carrying certain Portuguese with letters from the captains of the fleet that came to these regions last year for the assistance and fortification of Maluco. In these letters they ask us to go out to their fleet, as your majesty will see by the very letters which accompany this present letter, together with the copy of the one I sent back to them. Some of those who came with the letters gave us to understand that, if we would not go willingly, they would take us by force; and that very shortly they would attack us in so great force that we could not resist them. I do not consider that they have any right to attack us or make war on us, since we, on our part, are causing them no trouble or harm; and although they come, we cannot do anything else than wait for them, notwithstanding that we are few and short of ammunition and other war material, since help has not come from Nueva Espana as we expected; and we have neither vessels nor equipment in order to escape. May God provide in this what he sees necessary, and as is your majesty’s pleasure,—whose sacred royal Catholic person may our Lord watch over for many and prosperous years with increase of more kingdoms. From this island of Cubu, July 23, 1567. Your sacred royal majesty’s very humble and faithful servant who kisses your hands and feet.
Miguel Lopez De Legazpi
Sacred Royal Catholic Majesty:
When I arrived in these Filipinas islands in the year sixty-five, I despatched a ship to discover the return route to Nueva Espana. I also sent to your majesty a relation of the events of the voyage, and of my colonization in this island of Cubu, where I should await the reply that your majesty should be pleased to have sent me; and stated that I was writing to Nueva Espana that they should provide me with all the most necessary things; and those we lacked most. Seeing so much delay on all sides, last year I sent another ship with the relation of all that had occurred here, begging your majesty to be pleased to order that we should be helped and provided, with all possible expedition, with the things that we have asked for, and which were extremely necessary and important; and that the matter be committed to some one in Nueva Espana, who should provide and have charge of it, because although they sent us reenforcements of men, they sent us nothing else that we had asked for. They said that they had not your majesty’s commission for it, and that they were expecting every day the warrant that your majesty will be pleased to give in this case, so that by virtue of it they could supply us with what was needed. This great delay has subjected us to hardship and distress, and to great danger and risk—especially through our lack of powder and ammunition, and rigging and sails for the vessels, of which we are quite destitute, and of which there are not, and cannot be, any here. I beg your majesty to have the goodness to have these things seen to, as is most in accordance with your royal pleasure, with the expedition required in a matter of so great importance; and that henceforth this matter be entrusted to some one in Nueva Espana, at your majesty’s pleasure, who shall administer it as is most fitting to your royal service and the good of those here.
By the vessel that left last year, I sent your majesty seventy quintals of cinnamon which we got in trade with the natives; and this vessel about to sail carries one hundred and fifty quintals more. There is abundance of it, and we could send more, were it not for the lack of articles of barter; for those we bring are valueless, and these natives do not desire them. There are also other drugs, aromatics, and perfumes which our people do not know; nor do the natives know them, for they have but little curiosity, and care nothing for these things. In some places there are oysters, and indications of pearls; but the Indians neither know of them nor fish for them. There are gold mines; pepper might be had also if it were cultivated and cared for, because pepper trees have been seen, which some chiefs keep in their houses as curiosities, although they value the pepper at little or nothing. The country is healthful and has a fair climate, although it is very rough and mountainous. All trade therefore is by sea, and almost all the natives live on the sea-coast and along the rivers and creeks that empty into the sea. In the interior there are few settlements, although in some islands there are blacks living in the mountains, who neither share nor enjoy the sea, but are most of the time at war with the Indians who live down on the seacoast. Captives are made on both sides, and so there are some black slaves among the Indians.
If this land is to be settled, to pacify and place it under your royal dominion, in order to civilize its inhabitants and bring them to the knowledge of our holy Catholic faith, for it cannot be sustained by way of trade, both because our articles of barter have no value among them, and because it would be more expense than profit—in order to possess it for pacification, it is most necessary and important that your majesty maintain here a half-dozen galleys, with which to explore all this archipelago, and make further discoveries. Likewise they could coast along China and the mainland, and find out what there is there, and achieve other things of great importance. The galleys could be built here at very slight cost, because there is plenty of wood and timber. Your majesty would have only to provide tackle, sails, anchors, and the heavy bolts and nails for these vessels. You would also have to send from Nueva Espana two skilled ship-builders, two forges, and two dozen negroes from those that your majesty maintains at the harbor at Vera Cruz who might be taken without causing any shortage. Pitch, oakum, and grease, which are not to be had here, could be made without any further cost. The ships could be manned by slaves bought from these natives, or taken from those places which do not consent to obey your majesty.
Likewise if the land is to be settled, the mines here ought to be worked and fitted up. Since at first it will be difficult and costly and very laborious, for many causes and reasons, your majesty ought to do us the favor of giving up your royal rights and fifths, or a part of them, and for a time suitable, to those working the mines, so that they might reconcile themselves to undertaking it and expending their possessions therein; your majesty ought likewise to give them permission to buy the slaves, whom these natives barter and sell among themselves, and whom they can use on their estates and for their advantage, without taking them from their land and native home. In everything your majesty will examine and provide according to your pleasure. May our Lord keep your sacred royal Catholic majesty, and increase your kingdoms and seigniories for many and prosperous years, as your royal heart desires. From this island of Cubu, June 26, 1568. Your sacred royal Catholic majesty’s faithful and humble servant who kisses your royal feet.
Miguel Lopez De Legazpi
Negotiations Between Legazpi and Pereira Regarding the Spanish Settlement at Cebu—1568-69
(I, Fernando Riquel, [112] notary-in-chief of the royal armada which came forth to discover the Islands of the West, and to govern them for his majesty the king Don Felipe, our sovereign, certify and truly testify to all who may see the present, or its duplicates authorized in public form, that while his excellency Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, governor and captain-general for his majesty of the above-mentioned royal armada,
As for the requisition and protest which I, Goncallo Pereira, commander-in-chief of this fleet of the king, our sovereign, do make to the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Leguazpi, captain-general of the fortress and settlement which he has recently established in this our island of Cebu: you, Pero Bernaldez, notary-public in this fleet, are directed to lay it before him, and with his reply—or, if he be unwilling to give one, without it—to return to me. You shall present to him the document and documents, which I must send him, to the effect that it is true that, coming from India in order to favor and increase the Christian communities in these islands, which had been persecuted by the unbelievers, I learned in Borneo that his grace had entered into this our charge and conquest, and established himself in this island of Cebu, and that he had entered by accident and not intentionally through his having encountered severe storms, and had reached land in this possession of ours. Wherefore I arrived on the sixth of October, one thousand five hundred and sixty-six, from Borneo, having come in quest of him to aid and assist him in his need, as was my duty as a Christian, and because of the close relationship and friendliness of our sovereigns which obliged me to do this, and nothing less, in order to fulfil on our part, the compact made between the emperor Don Carlos, whom may God preserve, and the royal sovereign Don Joham the Third, whom may God maintain in glory. As it turned out I did not see him, owing to the stress of weather which constrained me to go directly to Maluco—whence I sent Antonio Rombo Dacosta and Baltesar de Sousa in two caracoas [113] to visit his grace, and ascertain from him what he needed from our fleet, offering him most willingly everything that it contained. From the fortress likewise, the same offers were made by Alvoro de Mendonca
Goncalo Pereira.
(Notification: On the fifteenth day of the said month of October of the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight, I, Pero Bernaldez, notary-public for the king our sovereign in this his fleet, went at the command of Goncalo Pereira, the captain-general thereof, to the camp of Cebu of which the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Leguazpi is the commander; and I presented to him in his lodgings there, two hours, somewhat more or less, after noon on the said day, month, and year, and delivered to him, word for word, the demand and protest above mentioned, given to me by Afonso Alvarez Furtado, factor of the fleet, who was granted due authority for this business by the said commander-in-chief. At this delivery were present the said factor and Baltesar de Freitas, the notary of the fleet; Andres d’Ibarra, captain; Guido de Levazaris, his majesty’s treasurer; Amador de Arrayaran, first ensign, and Graviel da Rabeira, head aiguazil, of the camp—all of whom signed here with me, Pero Bernaldez, notary, who writes these presents.
Pero Bernaldez, Alfonso Alvarez Furtado, Baltesar de Freitas.
And then the said Miguel Lopez, after the said demand had been read by me, said that he had heard it, and begged that a copy thereof might be given him, to which he would reply in due form; and, that there may be no doubt about the matter, Lopez says upon another line that it will be truly done. And I, Pero Bernaldez, who drew up this writing in the said day, month, and year, and at the said hour, do witness thereto, in company with the said witnesses already mentioned.
Andres de Ybarra, Guido de Lavezaris, Amador de Arrayaran, Graviel de Ribera.)
Authorization: Guoncallo Pereira, commander-in-chief of these south-by-east regions: by my authorization power is granted to Alfonso Alvarez Furtado, factor of the king our sovereign in this his fleet, so that he may, for me, and in my name, present and require from his highness all the papers and documents which may serve the ends of justice, with all the powers which I myself should have in these affairs which I am carrying on with the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, general of the fleet and forces of Nova Spanha. Therefore, in certification of the above, I, Pero Bernaldez, notary-public of this fleet, signed this document on the galleon “San Francisco,” in the port of Cebu, on the thirteenth day of the month of October, in the year of the birth of our Lord Jesus Christ one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight.
Goncalo Pereira, Pedro Bernaldez.
(Reply: This is the copy of the answer which the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Legazpi sent to Goncalo Pereira, captain-general of the armada in the South Sea. I, Pero Bernaldez, notary-public of this fleet for the king our sovereign, copied the summons of the said Miguel Lopez de Legazpi.)
I, Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, governor and captain-general for his majesty the king Don Felipe, our sovereign, of his forces and the royal fleet, for the discovery of these islands of the West: inasmuch as certain demands, contained in a summons which Pero Bernaldez—notary-public, as he said, of his armada—read to me on behalf of the very illustrious Goncalo Pereira, captain-general of the Portuguese armada, have been made upon me on the petition of Alonso Alvarez [Furtado], factor of the said armada (as in the said summons to which I refer, is set forth, at greater length); therefore replying to the said demand and to the things contained therein, I say that I came by command of his majesty the king Don Felipe, our sovereign, and with his royal fleet as the governor and general thereof, with the purpose of discovering the lands and islands of the West, which are and always were within his demarcation, in order to propagate and teach therein the gospel and the evangelical law, and to spread the Christian sway of our holy Catholic faith—the thing which, most of all, his majesty purposes in these parts. In the course of my expedition I arrived at these islands, where I was obliged to provide myself with certain supplies which I needed and which I did not have at hand; and in search of which I went about among the said islands for many days without being able to secure them, until by chance I arrived at this port of Cubu, where I was obliged to spend the winter. I sent from here the flagship, in which I came, to Nueva Spana with a report of all that had happened during the expedition; and I wrote to his majesty saying that I would await here his answer and despatches in order to learn whither he commanded me to go. And it was because no despatch or answer came to me from his majesty that I stayed here so long, and not from any intention or desire to settle or remain in this land. As a matter of fact, in my instructions I am commanded not to make entry in the islands of Maluco, or to infringe the treaty made between the kings of Castilla and Portugal, our sovereigns. In a clause contained therein, moreover, I am ordered to come to these Felipinas islands and seek for certain people, lost here, who had belonged to the armada of Rui Lopez de Villalobos; and, in case I found them alive, to ransom them at his majesty’s expense and deliver them out of their subjection to the infidels, in order to return them to their native lands and to the Christian faith in which they were born and reared. This I have successfully accomplished; of those who had come over in the said armada one was found in the island of Tandaya, and I ransomed him. And I have also received notice that two Spaniards were sold by the natives of the island aforesaid to the Indians of Burney, which piece of information has made me desirous of knowing their whereabouts and what was done with them, that I might bestow upon them the same benefit of ransom. By this it is clearly seen and inferred that his majesty is convinced
Miguel Lopez de Legaspi.
Notification: In the island and port of Cubu, in the galleon said to be called “San Francisco,” I, Fernando Riquel, notary-in-chief, and government notary at the instance of Andres de Mirandaola, factor and inspector for his majesty, read this response and summons to the very illustrious Goncalo Pereira, captain-general of the royal fleet of Portugal, in person, de verbo ad verbum exactly in accordance with the tenor thereof. He said that he had heard it, and would reply. The said Andres de Mirandaola in virtue of his authority presented it, in the name of the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, governor and captain-general of the royal fleet for the discovery of the islands of the West, there being present, as witnesses to all above-mentioned, Alonso Alvarez Furtado, factor of the royal fleet of Portugal; Pedro Dacuna de Moguemes, captain-general of the sea of Maluco: Sancho de Vasconcellos, nobleman; Guoncallo de Sousa, nobleman of the household of his highness, the king of Portugal; Pero Bernaldez, notary public; and Christoval Ponze, scrivener, notary, all of whom signed it together with me, the said Fernando Riquel.
Andres de Mirandaola, Pero Dacunha de Moguemes, Sancho de Vasconcellos, Afonso Alvarez Furtado, Guoncallo de Sousa, Pero Bernaldez, Christoval Ponce de Leon.
Fernando Riquel.
(This copy herewith above-written was well and faithfully compared with the original by me, Pero Bernaldez, notary public of this fleet, without there being found any interlineation or erasure of a kind which would occasion doubt: only the word perjuizio [harm], and the interlineations premio [reward], and dha [for dicha—said] are scratched out. Everything there is correct, and the said Fernao Riquel, notary-in-chief, was present at the comparison and subscribed his name here with me, together with Baltesar de Freitas, notary of the fleet, who affixed here his assent, on this day, the twenty-ninth of December of the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight.
Pero Bernaldez.)
(This copy was compared before me, Baltesar de Freitas, notary of the fleet, on the said day, month, and year, aforesaid.
Baltesar de Freitas.)
(On the said day, month, and year above-mentioned, I was present at and saw the correction and comparison of this copy.
Fernando Riquel.)
(Authorization: In the island and port of Cubu, on the fifteenth day of the month of October of the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight, the very illustrious Miguel Lopez Legazpi, governor and captain-general for his majesty over his people and royal fleet for the discovery of the islands of the West, before me, Fernando Riquel, notary-in-chief and government-notary, and in the presence of the witnesses hereunto subscribed, said that, in the name of his majesty he gave and granted all and every authority he possessed—as in such case is by law required, and it may and ought to be sufficient—to Andres de Mirandaola (who was present), factor and overseer of the royal estate of his majesty, in order that in his place, and as if it were he himself, the said Mirandaola might present whatever summons, protests, and replies, and other documents whatsoever, that might prove necessary, to the very illustrious Goncalo Pereira, captain-general of the Portuguese fleet anchored in this port, in regard to the affairs under negotiation at the present moment between them concerning the service of God our Lord, and that of the kings our sovereigns; and in testimony thereof I sign the present with his name, the witnesses being Martin de Goiti, the master-of-camp, and Captain Diego de Artieda.
Miguel Lopez de Legaspi.
Done before me,
Fernando Riquel.)
(This copy was well and faithfully compared with the original by me, Pero Bernaldez, notary-public of this fleet, without there being found any interpolation or erasure which would occasion doubt; and the said Fernao Riquel was present at the comparison, and signed here with me—together with Baltesar de Freitas, notary of this fleet of the king our lord, who affixed here his assent—on this day, the twenty-ninth of December of the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight.
Pero Bernaldez.)
(This copy was compared before me, Baltesar de Freitas, notary of the fleet, in the said day, month, and year, aforesaid.
Baltesar de Freitas.)
(On the said day, month, and year, above-mentioned, I was present at the correction of this copy.
Fernando Riquel.)
Second Summons: Replying to this reply to my first summons, made by the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Leguazpi, general of the camp and of the people of Nova Spanha, I declare that the essence, subject, and right of all this matter is not contained in words, but in deeds; and that his grace has up to the present time acted in a way very displeasing to God, to his majesty and to the king our sovereign, as I shall set forth in detail. As regards his grace’s coming by authority of his royal majesty, the king Don Felipe, in order to discover lands, the islands of the West lying within his demarcation, and to propagate Christianity therein, as should be the principal purpose of so Christian a prince; and bearing withal instructions not to enter into aught, or in any way infringe the treaty and agreement made between the emperor Don Carlos and the king our sovereign Don Joan the Third (both of whom I pray God may have in glory): this does not absolve, but rather condemns him, inasmuch as he has acted in a manner so contrary to his instructions, neither making discoveries, nor founding any Christian communities, nor limiting himself to his own demarcation, but hastening with great speed to penetrate so many leagues through our demarcation—contrary to the faith, oath, agreement, and instructions of his true king and lord. He would indeed be able to say that he was ignorant of the bound and limit of these two demarcations, if Father Urbaneta had not told and requested him to settle such of the Ladrones Islands as, on his way around them, he might discover; if his majesty had not charged him not to enter, under any consideration, into the territory belonging to the king our sovereign; and if he had not been told and informed by the ships which were in this vicinity that the islands belonged to us, all which will appear, in proper time, in documents sworn before a notary. His grace’s saying, in his letter written to me at Maluco, that he entered into this our conquest in consequence of stormy weather surprised me not a little, for the Portuguese in their voyages from Portugal to India (although even more exposed to inclement weather, to more violent winds, and to rough and heavy seas), never encountered a tempest of such violence as to endure for more than twenty-four hours, or in which, however far one of our ships might run, (with sails either furled or spread forth to the wind) they ever passed over an extent of more than fifty or sixty leagues—although, it is true, I have heard it said that one of our ships once ran a distance of eighty leagues; but his grace’s having entered three hundred leagues into these waters
Therefore, from the above and from other things previously written, it remains proved, not by the Portuguese, but by the Spaniards themselves, and not by camp-followers but by his chief men, that his grace is not here through necessity, but with a very definite aim, awaiting more men and a fleet, in order forcibly to wrest Maluco, China, and Japan, from the king our sovereign. This is clearly shown by the words of the foremost men of his company, and by the many questions they put to us concerning our knowledge of these regions; as well as by the letters from Nova Espanha which have fallen into my hands.
The encampment: It is shown by the people and munitions which his grace ordered to be brought, and which were brought to him; the flagship and the patache; the extent of the defenses which he is erecting day and night; the great reenforcements which he is procuring from among the infidels to help him fight against us Christians—as was well made evident at the arrival of Antonio Ronbo and at mine; his ordering these people to hasten with their arms to this camp of his, summoning them to fill all the land with snares; and by his resolve to shed, with the aid of his ships, much Christian blood. All this consists of deeds, and not of imaginations such as he brings up before me regarding the king of Ternate; for it is much more certain that the latter has not yet gone forth from his kingdom than that he is now absent from it. It is true that I summoned that king to come with his fleet, as a vassal of the king our sovereign, for many reasons: first and foremost, to induce him to leave his land and not remain there, when I should go thither to investigate his evil deeds against God and his highness in the persecution of the Christian communities of Morobachan, Anboyno, and Celebs—as on several occasions, it was suspected, happened covertly. The second, to take satisfaction upon his people for the treasonable acts which the natives of Taguima committed in their harbor against the boats of the merchantmen from Maluco and of this fleet; but I was unable to inflict punishment by effecting a landing there on account of the country being overgrown with heavy thickets. The third, that I might negotiate for provisions for this archipelago, if his grace should long remain therein. The fourth, to chastise many Moros and natives who have injured, and are injuring, God and his highness. The fifth, to make such use as should be necessary of that king’s services and labor. But as for availing myself of his forces against Christians, may God forbid that I should ever do such a thing; and blood so old and free from stain as mine, and so Christian a nation as the Portuguese are, would never tolerate it. And that this is true I have already intimated to his grace, to the father prior, and to Guido de Lavezaris, not forgetting where I begin this reply of mine—wherein I declare that his grace is wronging God, his majesty, and his highness, and is, besides, quite well understood in other matters pertaining to this affair. I add, moreover, in so far as God is concerned: his ordering or consenting to the sale of iron and weapons in this camp to the infidels, so as to arm them against Christians; his ordering javelins [115] to be made in this settlement of negroes and in his own, which the Spaniards would take away to Mindanao and Cavetle to sell, exchanging them for cinnamon, hardwood machetes, axes, knives, and even for drugs. One of the principal items concerns the Lord’s Supper—so jealously guarded by the holy fathers, and regarding
Goncalo Pereira.
(Notification: On the nineteenth day of the month of October of the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight, in this port of Cebu, at the place occupied by the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Leguazpi, general of the fleet and forces of Nova Spanha, there was given to me by Afonso Alvarez Furtado, factor of the fleet of the king our lord, the compact made between the emperor Don Carlos (whom may God preserve) and the king Don Joan the Third our lord (may he live in glory), and likewise the answer which Guoncallo Pereira, captain-general, sent to the reply to the first summons of the said Miguel Lopez de Leguazpi; and he ordered me, on behalf of the king our lord, to read it, and acquaint him therewith. And I read, and made him cognizant thereof, de verbo ad verbum, before him personally and many persons of his camp. He replied thereto that he hnd heard the same, and would make answer. Witnesses thereto who were present at all the proceedings: the said Afonso Alvarez Furtado; Baltesar de Freitas, clerk of the said fleet; Martin de Goti, master-of-camp; Andres de Mirandaiola, factor of his majesty; Andres de Ybarra, captain; Dioguo Dartieda, captain; and Guido de Lavezaris, his majesty’s treasurer—all of whom affixed their signature with me.
Pero Bernaldez, notary.)
(In the said day, month, and year above written, with
me signed
Fernando Herrequel, notary-in-chief of this camp and
fleet. Witnesses:
Martin de Goiti, Andres de Ybarra, Andres de Mirandaola,
Guido de
Lavezaris, Diego de Artieda, Fernando Riquel, Afonso
Alvarez Furtado,
Baltesar de Freitas.
Pero Bernaldez.)
Compact: Don Sebastiao, by God’s grace King of Purtugual, and of the Algarves here and beyond the sea, in Afriqua; Seignior of Guinee and of the conquest, navigation, and commerce of Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia, and India—to all the corregidors, auditors, judges, justices, officials, and persons of my realms and fiefs, to whomsoever this my letter of testimony may be presented, and on whom the recognition thereof is incumbent, greeting: I hereby declare that, through Goncalo Pereira, knight of my household, captain-general of my fleet, now at my fortress of Maluco, I was petitioned by Alvoro de Mendonca, captain of the said fort, and knight of my household, that I should order a copy made of the compact which was made between the King Don Joao and the emperor Don Carlos, my ancestors of glorious memory, in regard to the doubt and controversy of Maluco; the same to be filed in the factory of the said fortress, in order that he might thereby justify himself completely with Miguel Lopez de Leguazpi, captain-general of the fleet of the king Don Felipe, my much loved and esteemed brother, now stationed at the island of Cebu. The copy of this contract I have ordered sent to the said captain; it is, de verbo ad verbum, as follows:
Don Johan, by the grace of God King of Purtugual and of the two Algarves here and on the other side of the sea, in Afriqua; Seignior of Guinee, and of the conquest, navigation, and commerce of Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia, and India,—to all the corregidors, auditors, judges, justices, officials, and persons of my realms and fiefs, to whom this my letter of testimony may be presented, and on whom the recognition thereof is incumbent, greeting: I hereby declare that by my governor Jorge Cabral, orders were sent to my auditor-general (whom, with appellate jurisdiction, I maintain in those parts of India), to forward a testimonial letter giving a copy of the compact made between me and the emperor, my greatly beloved and cherished brother, regarding the dispute and controversy of Maluco, in the interest of which, and thus ordered in fulfilment of my duty, the said copy of the compact was forwarded in the testimonial letter by two routes. The copy thereof, de verbo ad verbum, constitutes what follows in the consecutive pages adjoining this.
Don Joao, by the grace of God King of Purtugual and of the Algarves on this side and beyond the sea, in Afriqua; Seignior of Guinee and of the conquest, navigation, and commerce of Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia, and India, to all the corregidors, auditors, judges, justices, officials, and persons to whom this my testimonial letter shall be shown, and on whom the acknowledgment thereof is incumbent: I inform you hereby that my attorney tells me that, for the protection and preservation of my laws he needs the copy of the compact which I have made with the emperor, my greatlv beloved and cherished brother, in regard to the dispute and controversy of Maluco. It is as follows:
[Here follows the Compact or treaty of Zaragoza, April, 1529, whereby Carlos relinquishes all rights to Maluco for the consideration of three hundred and fifty thousand ducats. The essential parts of this treaty are given in vol. i, pp. 222 ff. of this series.]
[The summons or notification proper then continues:]
And, on his summoning of my said attorney, I ordered him to forward to him this my letter of testimony with the copy of the said compact given in the town of Almeyra on the ninth day of the month of December. Ordered by the king’s decree through the licentiate Francisco Diaz de Amaral, of his desembargo; and corregidor of my court with jurisdiction over criminal affairs, Antonio Ferraz drew up the same in the year one thousand five hundred and forty-five, and I, Pero Dalcaceva Carneiro, of the said Council of the said sovereign, and his secretary and notary-in-chief in all his kingdoms and possessions, countersigned it.
(This compact above preceding and declared was here copied entire from the copy sent from the kingdoms, which was signed by the licentiate Francisco Diaz de Amaral mentioned therein, approved by the chancellor’s office, and drawn up by the secretary, Pero Dalcaceva Carneiro and Joao de Figueiroa. Wherefore, coming as it does in the manner above set forth, this copy, which was derived therefrom and written here, is a true one, without any thing of a nature to cause doubt save a certain interlineation reading “within the said line, which such islands or lands.” For, to make the same a true copy, it was written on thirteen half-sheets of paper and compared, from beginning to end, by the official whose name is affixed hereto; and full faith shall be given the same wherever it shall be presented, in court or out, in view of the fact that, for greater assurance, it is sealed with the seal of my arms in this city of Goa on the twenty-third day of April. The king ordered the same through the licentiate Christovao Fernandez, member of the desembargo and auditor-in-chief of India with appellate jurisdiction. Lopo Daguiar, a notary by office, had the document written and subscribed, by the authority which he possesses, in the year of the birth of our Lord Jesus Christ, one thousand five hundred and fifty. Pagado nihil. [116] The licentiate,
Christovao Fernandez.)
(Compared with the original copy by me, a notary, in conjunction by the official here subscribed. Antonio Fernandez, Lopo Daguiar. Pagado nihil. Lopo Daguiar. The licentiate,
Andre de Mendanha.)
(This compact previously and above set forth was in its entirety copied from the copy of another copy sent from the kingdom and signed by the licentiate Christovan Fernandez mentioned therein, which was approved by the chancellor’s office, and compared by Antonio Fernandez and Lopo Daguiar: wherefore, on account of its above-mentioned source, this duplicate emanating therefrom is presented here as a true and correct copy, without there being anything therein which would cause doubt. It was all inscribed upon seventeen half-pages of paper, with the copy of the letter-patent and that of the compact, compared in its entirety by the official hereunto subscribed. Wherefore full and entire faith shall be given to the same, wherever it shall be presented, both in and outside of court, inasmuch as, to assure the same, it is sealed with the seal of my arms in this fortress of Maluco on the second day of the month of September. Ordered by the king through Alvaro de Mendonca, nobleman of his household and his captain in this said fortress, and through Thome Arnao, court-notary who had it drawn up and subscribed, by the authority possessed by him thereto, in the year of the birth of our Lord Jesus Christ one thousand five hundred and sixty-seven. Pagado nihil.
Alvoro de Mendonca.)
(Collated with the original copy of the said copy by me, a notary, in company with the officials hereunto subscribed. Dioguo de Paiva, Thome Arnao, of the chancery.
Vasco Martinez.)
(This is the copy of a reply which the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Leguazpi sent to Goncalo Pereira, captain-general in these regions of the South for the king our lord, which reply I, Pero Bernaldez, notary-public of this fleet, copied from the original at the request of the said Miguel Lopez de Legazpi.)
I, Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, governor and captain-general for his majesty the king Don Felipe, our sovereign, over his people and his royal fleet for the discovery of the islands of the West—in reply to the rejoinder made by the very illustrious captain-general of the Portuguese fleet, to the response which I made to his first summons, do now confirm my response aforesaid, which is absolutely true, as said and declared therein; and this will be proved and established with true and sufficient evidences and proofs, at any and all times, as it shall prove necessary. And I do not feel bound to reply to many of the things contained in his rejoinder, inasmuch as they are utterly irrelevant, and have nothing to do with the business here concerned—tending, as they do, to attribute fault, and cause for slander, where there is none; many of them, also, being untrue, and unworthy of a person in so serious and important a station, and of so illustrious and Christian blood as the said captain-general claims to possess. And thus denying it, in all and for all, and coming to the essential points, I declare and affirm that my entrance in this island was occasioned by the reasons and causes contained in my response; that it was forced and necessary, and without my knowing that I had passed the line of demarcation. And this I neither knew nor understood until the said captain-general assured me of it in his letters. And likewise I affirm that I was detained, and remained here against my will, through my inability to leave in any way for lack of ships and provisions; and not intentionally or purposely to harm, in any way whatsoever, the very illustrious and puissant sovereign, the king of Portugal, or any of his possessions, or to harm any third party. Nor had I the intention of taking anyone’s property away from him, as may be proved by those principal persons of this camp by whom his grace declares himself to be informed of the contrary; for, if put upon their oaths, they will, as Christians, be unable to escape the necessity of telling the truth. And, as a man who has desired, and still desires, to depart hence, the first time when Antonio Rumbo da Costa and Baltasar de Soza came here, I informed them that what I needed for that purpose was ships, and that ships were on their way; and so I have informed his grace many times. In this necessity, however, he has up to the present time given me neither remedy, aid, nor favor—which I expected from friends and vassals of a sovereign so related by kinship and blood with his majesty; and as I would have done for them, if I had found them in the plight in which they
Miguel Lopez de Leguazpi.
(Notification: In the galley “San Francisco” of the fleet of the very illustrious Goncalo Pereira, captain-general, anchored in the harbor of this island of Cebu, on the twentieth day of the month of October of the said year, I, Fernando Riquel, chief clerk, and in the government employ, did read this response and that contained therein to the said captain-general in person, in presence of the factor and inspector Andres de Mirandaola, who holds power of attorney from the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, governor and captain-general for his majesty and on his behalf. And his grace, the said captain-general, having heard the foregoing, which I read to him de verbo ad verbum, said that, not replying to what did not demand reply in the said response—which had been written by one more blinded by passion than in the free use of his senses, or than by one of the descent which he claimed—but confining himself only to the most essential points concerning the service of God and of the kings, he does deny everything which his grace says in his said rejoinder, evidences for which denial he will show in their propor time by documents worthy of credence before the sovereigns. He also states that he refuses even more emphatically to show him the instructions which he carries; for since he has been in this port (now some twenty days), his grace told him continually that he would show him his instructions, yet upon his sending Don Duarte de Meneses for this purpose, his grace would not show him the same; and likewise, when he came with the said Don Duarte upon this galley “San Francisco,” his grace refused to show his instructions to him. Moreover, when he went ashore to see his grace, and talked with him, the latter would not show the same; and on two occasions when he sent hither the said factor, Andres de Mirandaola, with a response, he did not order him, either in person or by another, to show the same, although he continually affirmed
I testify thereto, Fernando Riquel.)
(This duplicate has been compared most carefully with the original by me, Pero Bernaldez, notary-public of this fleet for the king, our lord, without there being found any interlineation or erasure which would cause doubt—save that there is an erasure where it read navios ["ships"], which was done in the interests of truth. And the said Fernao Riquel, chief clerk, was present at the comparison, and signed here with me, together with Baltesar de Freitas notary of the fleet, who placed here his approval. This day, the twenty-ninth of December, one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight.
I have compared this duplicate,
Pero Bernaldez.)
(This duplicate was compared before me, Baltesar de Freitas, notary of this fleet, on the said day and year above specified.
Baltesar de Freitas.)
(On the said day, month, and year, I was present at the collation and comparison of this duplicate.
Fernando Riquel.)
Third summons: Concerning the summons and protest that I, Gonzalo Pereira, captain-general of this fleet, make to the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Leguaspi, general of the fleet and people of Nova Espanha. You, Pero Bernaldez, notary-public of this fleet, are directed to present and read to him the same; and, with his reply (or without it, if he refuse to give one), to put into my hands the instruments necessary to me to prove the truth of what follows. I affirm that on arriving at this port of Cebu, and exchanging such courtesies with his grace as were befitting to the requirements of my position and rank, besides offering both by letters and requests
Gonzalo Pereira.
(Notification: On the twenty-first day of the month of October of the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight, at the present place of habitation of the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Leguazpi, general of the fleet and people of Nova Espanha, I, Pero Bernaldez, notary-public, in his presence and that of his captains and many other persons of his camp, read, de verbo ad verbum, the foregoing summons, together with the letter of the emperor Don Carlos (may he rest in glory). In reply, he said that he heard the same and would respond as was befitting. Witnesses thereto: Martin de Goete, master-of-camp; Andres de Ybarra, captain; Guido de Lavezaris, treasurer of his majesty; Luis de a Haya, captain—all of whom affixed their signatures together with me. Martin de Goiti, Luis de la Haya, Guido de Lavezaris, Andres de Ybarra.
Pero Bernaldez.)
(Response: This is a duplicate of a response which the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Leguaspi sent to Goncallo Pereira, captain-general in these parts of the south for the king our lord. This response, I, Pero Bernaldez, notary-public of this fleet copied from the original at the request of the said Miguel Lopez de Leguazpi.)
I, Miguel Lopez de Leguazpi, governor and captain-general for his majesty King Don Felipe, our lord, of his people and the royal fleet for the discovery of the islands of the West, declare in response to the third summons of the very illustrious Gonzalo Pereira, captain-general of the Portuguese fleet, served on me by Pero Bernaldez, notary-public thereof, that I am ready and prepared to do and fulfil everything specified and offered by me in the answers which I have previously given to the summons which he has sent me. Basing my reply once more upon them, I repeat that on my part there will be no failure to respect and carry out the treaty made by the kings our lords, and to maintain the peace, friendship, and alliance which have existed and still exist between them, and which is incumbent upon us owing to the close relationship of the two. As for the conditions contained in the said summons aforesaid, which command me to go with all my people to his fleet, to depart therein for India, I declare that this is impossible for me, as it would be a direct violation of the instructions which I have received from his majesty; nor could I give over my people and my fleet to any person whomsoever, without his majesty’s express permission and command. Moreover, it would be a violation of the compact and treaty existing between the kings our lords. And, in the event of my not doing this, he says that within three days from now I must leave this island and these lands. This I myself desire, and would be glad to do so, if it were possible. And I promise to do the same immediately, if his grace will furnish me means therefor. But it is neither right nor reasonable to oblige me to perform the impossible. And I declare, therefore, and promise that when I shall have ships I will depart, and leave the land free to whomsoever it may belong, without allowing my stay therein to result in harm to any one; and if it shall so result, then I stand ready to pay and to give payment and satisfaction therefor, to a sufficient and adequate amount, and to do everything in my power to the end that the treaty between the kings our sovereigns shall not be transgressed, or any injury be done or ensue to any of the parties hereto. And regarding what he says in his summons concerning the new fort, I admit that it is true that some fortifications were begun—a thing most usual and customary wherever there is a garrison of Spanish soldiers—for protection from any one who might undertake to do me injury or violence. But it was not done to injure his fleet, or anything else belonging to him, which did not previously do me injury. This is especially evident in view of the fact that although yesterday I had begun the erection of the new fort, aforesaid, on receiving a letter from his grace in which he asked me to cease and not continue work upon the same, I immediately ordered that work to cease and to be suspended; and nothing more has been or will be done thereon, if his grace and his fleet are willing
Miguel Lopez de Legazpi.
(Notification: The foregoing answer and clauses, I, Fernando Riquel, notary-in-chief in the government employ, read and made known to the said very illustrious Gonzalo Pereira, captain-general of the Portuguese fleet, in his own person, as well as to the other captains of his fleet, de verbo ad verbum, in such a way that it was understood—those captains being Alvaro de Mendonca, Don Duarte de Meneses, Simon de Mendoca, Lorenco Furtado de Mendoca, and Mendo Ruellas de Vasconcelos—on the twentieth day of the month of October of the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight. And let it be understood, that although I reckon today as the twentieth of October, the summons to which this is the response, was made upon the twenty-first everything having been done upon the same day. The cause for this is the difference between the Portuguese and the Castilians, the former reckoning one day ahead, and so it is in all the rejoinders and summons. I delivered this notification and summons to the said parties on the galley “San Francisco,” this day, the twentieth of October, in the presence of the foregoing persons, and of Alonso Alvarez Furtado, factor of his highness—all of whom signed their names here, together with me; likewise Christoval Ponce, notary of his majesty’s camp. Simaon de Mendonca, Alvoro de Mertdonca, Lourenco Furtado de Mendonca, Don Duarte de Meneses, Alfonso Alvarez Furtado, Mendornellas de Vasconcellos, Christoval Ponse de Leon.
I testify thereto, Fernando Riquel.)
(This copy was closely and faithfully compared with the original by me, Pero Bernaldez, notary-public of this fleet, without there being found any interlineation or erasure of a kind which would cause doubt—although there is an interlineation—dha [dicha, “said”] which was truthfully inserted. The said Fernao Riquel, notary-in-chief, was present at the comparison, and signed his name together with Baltesar de Freitas, notary of the fleet, who placed here his approval. This day, the twenty-ninth of December of the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight.
Pero Bernaldez.)
(This copy was compared before me, Baltesar de Freitas, notary of the fleet, on the said day and year above specified.
Baltesar de Freitas.)
(On the day, month, and year aforesaid, I was present at the collation and comparison of this copy.
Fernando Riquel.)
(This is the copy of certain clauses of [the instructions given by] the royal Audiencia of Mexico, which the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Leguaspi sent to Goncalo Pereira, captain-general in the regions of the south for the king our sovereign—which document was copied at the request of the said Miguel Lopez de Leguaspi.
I, Fernando Riquel, notary-in-chief of the royal fleet for the discovery and administration of the islands of the West, for his majesty, King Don Felipe, our sovereign, testify and affirm to all persons, who may see the present: that in a set of instructions and regulations, signed by Don Luis de Velasco, former viceroy of Nueva Espana; the licentiate Valderrama, visiador-general and member of the council of his majesty; Doctor Ceynos, Doctor Villalobos, Doctor Horozco, Doctor Vasco de Puga, and Doctor Villanueva—all auditors of the said Royal Audiencia of Nueva Espana, resident in the City of Mexico—and countersigned by Antonio de Turcios, secretary of the Audiencia, is contained, among many other clauses, the following:)
“The course of conduct which you, Miguel Lopez de Leguaspi, appointed as governor and general on his majesty’s behalf, for the discovery of the islands of the West, by the very illustrious viceroy Don Luis de Velasco, late governor and captain-general of this Nueva Espana, and president of the royal Audiencia resident therein, are to adhere to in the voyage and expedition which with the aid of God, our lord, you are about to undertake for the discovery aforesaid, with the ships which have been constructed for that purpose by his majesty’s orders and are now at Puerto de la Navidad in this Nueva Espana, on the coast of the South Sea is as follows:”
[See ante, p. 89 ff., for synopsis of these instructions.]
[The clauses sent thus by Legazpi relate in general to the course to be pursued in the expedition in regard to the Portuguese and their possessions in the eastern seas—assuming, however, that the Philippines fell within Spain’s demarcation, wherein Legazpi was ordered to effect a settlement. The document continues:]
(I took the above clauses from the said instructions and regulations. They were signed by the above-mentioned viceroy [Antonio de Mendoza], the visitador, and the auditors, as is sufficiently apparent; and to that document I refer, by order of the most illustrious governor Miguel Lopez de Leguaspi. The same are well and faithfully copied, and the comparison and collation thereof took place before Christoval Ponze, notary of this camp, and Juan de Gamboa. And they are well and faithfully copied. Given in the island of Cubu, on the twentieth day of October, in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight. Therefore, I, the said Fernando Riquel, affix hereunto my signature and accustomed flourish, in attestation of truth. Fernando Riquel.)
(I, Fernando Riquel, notary-in-chief of the government, read and made known to the said most illustrious Goncalo Pereira, captain-general of the Portuguese fleet in his own person, and to the other captains of his fleet—to wit, Alvaro de Mendoca, Don Duarte de Meneses, Simon de Mendoca, Lorenco Furtado de Mendoca, Mendornellas de Vasconcellos—the above reply and clauses, word for word, so that he might have full understanding thereof, on the twentieth day of the month of October, in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight. It is understood that, although I reckon today as the twentieth of October, the summons to which this is a reply was dated on the twenty-first, all which took place on one and the same day. The cause for this difference between the Portuguese and Castilians is that the Portuguese are one day ahead. [117] This is so in all their replies and summons. I delivered this notification and summons abovesaid in the galleon “San Francisco” on the twentieth day of October abovesaid, in the presence of those above-mentioned, and Alonso Alvarez Furtado, factor of his highness; and they all signed their names jointly with me and Christoval Ponze, notary of his majesty’s camp. Simon de Mendoza, Don Duarte de Meneses, Alvoro de Mendoca, Lorenco Furtado de Mendoca, Mendornellas de Vasconcelos, Alonso Alvarez Furtado, Christoval Ponze. Fernando Riquel.)
(This copy was collated thoroughly with the original by me, Pero Bernaldez, notary-public of this fleet. It has no interlineations or erasure which would cause doubt. There occurs only the following interlineation, namely, entender ["to understand"], which was added to make it correct. The said Fernao Riquel was present at the collation, and signed here jointly with me and Baltesar de Freitas, notary of the fleet, who placed here his approval. Collated on the twenty-ninth day of December of the year one thousand, five hundred and sixty-eight.
Pero Bernaldez.)
(I certify that this copy was collated in my presence, Baltesar de Freitas, notary of this fleet, on the day as abovesaid. Baltesar de Freitas.)
(On the said day, month, and year abovesaid, I was present at the correction and collation of this copy.
Fernando Riquel.)
Fourth summons: Replying to this third answer of the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Leguazpi, general of the fleet and people of Nova Espanha, I declare, as I have already said in my reply, that actions speak louder than words. Up to this point I have acted in a way pleasing both to God and to the kings our lords, being bound to serve both equally well, on account of the close and long enduring union which, always existing between the former sovereigns of Castella and Purtugual, does now likewise exist between these present rulers. And, understanding from the instructions which his highness [of Portugal] gives to his captains for such cases, that he orders them to serve the interests
Guoncallo Pereira.
(Notification: In the island and port of Cubu, in the Filipinas, on the twenty-seventh day of the month of October of the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight, before the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, governor and captain-general for his majesty of the war and of the fleet for the discovery of the islands of the West, and in the presence of me, Fernando Riquel, chief notary of the same, there appeared Roque Bras, a servant, claiming to be in the service of the very illustrious Goncalo Pereira, captain-general of the Portuguese fleet anchored in this port; and, in his name, presented this document as contained above. And he asked me, the said Fernando Riquel, to read the same, and the said governor ordered me to read it; wherefore, to carry out his commands, I did read it, de verbo ad verbum, as well and exactly as I could, considering that it was written in Portuguese. The said governor, on hearing the same, said that he had heard it and would respond thereto—witnesses to all the abovesaid being the master-of-camp Martin de Goiti, Captain Diego de Artieda, Captain Luis de la Haya, and Captain Juan de Salzedo, all of whom signed the same jointly with me. Martin de Goiti, Diego de Artieda. Luis de la Haya, Juan de Salzedo.
Fernando Riquel.)
(Response: This is the copy of a response which the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Leguaspi sent to Guoncallo Pereira, captain-general in these regions of the south for the king our lord. I, Pero Bernaldez, notary-public of the said fleet, copied the same from the original at the request of the said Miguel Lopez de Leguaspi.)
I, Miguel Lopez de Leguaspi, governor and captain-general for his majesty King Don Felipe, our lord, of his people and royal fleet for the discovery of the islands of the West: in response to the summons of the very illustrious Gonzalo Pereira, captain-in-chief of the Portuguese fleet, served on me the twenty-seventh day of this present month of October I declare that it is true, as contained in his summons, that “actions speak louder than words,” as also do offers without actions—which in his case we have seen to be very different. For it is manifest and known to all that his actions have been, and are, very different from good words; since on the twentieth day of this month, without any cause or legitimate reason, or without the removal of the assurances given by one to the other, or without making or giving any warning or information, his grace ordered his galleys and small vessels to make an attack on certain fortifications and defenses of ours. And they attacked and fired many cannon and arquebuse-shots at the people on the shore and bank near the fort aforesaid, without any artillery being fired at them in return from this camp, which could do them harm, until the outcome of the affair was seen. On the contrary, astonished at the treatment afforded us when we had not given any occasion whatsoever for the same, I wrote to his grace that very day. He, without any reply to what I had written, sent, the next morning, two galleots and a pinnace to take up a position in the other entrance of this harbor (where they now are), in order to prevent us from receiving any supplies or provisions. He has blockaded us upon all sides; and, what is most intolerable of all, the galleys and pinnaces aforesaid have sacked, fired, and burned all the neighboring villages, and killed the natives and inhabitants, without exempting even women and children, in the towns of Gavi, Cotcot, Diluan, Denao, and Mandavi—for the sole reason, and no other, as I understand, that they had been at peace with us, and had supplied and sold us provisions for our money. All this cannot be denied, inasmuch as we have seen it all with our own eyes. This may well be called deeds, and not words: and he has answered with a war of incredible cruelty. And in view of this, it is not surprising that we should have taken or that we do take some precautions, since he has made war so openly, and now tries to do us so open violence and injury. As far as the pleasing of God and of our rulers is concerned, it is of very little service, or none at all, to say that we should go to his fleet; for this cannot be done without violating his majesty’s
Miguel Lopez de Legaspi.
(Notification: In the galley “San Francisco” of the royal fleet of Portugal, on the twenty-eighth day of October in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight, I, Christoval Ponze, notary, read and made known this response and summons of the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, governor and captain-general of the fleet for the discovery of the islands of the West, to the very illustrious Gonzalo Pereira, captain-general of the royal fleet of Portugal, in his own person, de verbo ad verbum, in such a way that he understood it. He responded that he heard and would make answer to the same, witnesses being Don Duarte de Meneses, admiral of the said fleet, Antonio Lopez de Sequeyra, Mendornellas de Vasconcellos, and the factor Alonso Alvarez Furtado, all of whom signed here their names. Don Duarte de Meneses, Antonio Lopez de Sequeyra, Mendornellas de Vasconcellos, Alfonso Alvarez Furtado.)
(This copy was carefully collated with the original by me, Pero Bernaldez, notary-public of this fleet, without there being found any interlineation or erasure which would cause doubt—although there is an erasure of the word no ["not”] which was made without deceitful purpose. At this comparison was present the said Fernao Riquel, who signed here with me, together with Baltesar de Freitas, notary of the fleet, who placed here his approval on this twenty-ninth day of December, in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight.
Pero Bernaldez.)
(This copy was compared before me, Baltesar de Freitas, notary of this fleet, on the day aforesaid.
Baltesar de Freitas.)
(I was present at the correction and comparison of this copy on the month, day, and year aforesaid.
Fernando Riquel.)
Fifth summons: In response to the fourth reply which the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Leguaspi, general of the fleet and people of Nova Spanha, sent and had conveyed to me on the twenty-ninth day of the month of October in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight, by Christovao Ponze de Leon, notary of his camp, I say that I cannot help being amazed again and again at seeing how his Grace attempts to depreciate my actions and give luster to his own—those on the one side being so different from those on the other, and done in sight of his camp yonder and of this fleet stationed here. When there are, however, so many noblemen and gentlemen of such reputation for sincerity and truth, his Grace will not be able to deny that during the forty days of peace in this port, he did not see any sign of hostility in this our fleet of the king, our lord, or any indication thereof, inasmuch as ships were allowed to enter to him with men and provisions aboard—when by capturing them, as could have been done easily, I could have caused him much annoyance, if my intention had been to bring about such a consummation. His Grace, however, in great contrast to my own procedure, on the same days and during the same peace, had many breastworks and defenses constructed in his fortress, and corresponding defenses outside of the same with a great amount of artillery mounted on many baskets filled with earth. These were quite sufficient to defend himself against a great army, rather than a small band of Portuguese zealous in the service of God and of the kings our lords, and reluctant to shed Christian blood even in so just a cause. Nor will he deny that—not content with having so strong a fortress, with so many Spaniards to make defense against us in our own territory in case I should undertake to do him violence therein—he ordered, during the term of the peace, an artillery station to be established on the bank opposite where he took in water, in order to prevent me from obtaining any; and up to the present time he has refused to let me have any, although this is our own land. Moreover, he desired to cannonade the fleet at short range from the fortress aforesaid, as afterward more clearly appeared; for, on my immediately writing his Grace through Baltesar de Freitas, notary of the fleet, to do me the favor to order that this should not occur again, since it seemed more the act of an enemy than of a friend, he wrote me in return things irrelevant to the case, while the rest of his letter consisted only of vain words and compliments. I wrote to his Grace again the next day, sending my letter by Pero Bernaldez, notary-public of this fleet. In this letter I asked him again to do me the favor of ordering the work to be destroyed; otherwise, I should consider myself authorized to declare that war
Goncalo Pereira
(Notification and Reply: On the thirtieth day of the month of October in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight, at the place now occupied by the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Leguazpi, general of the fleet and forces of Nova Spanha, at the command of Goncallo Pereira, captain-general of the fleet of the South Sea, I, Pero Bernaldez, notary, read and made known to him de verbo ad verbum, this reply as above written. He responds as follows to the same: “that the captain-general should well remember that, in the first letter in which this summons is mentioned, he asked only for the cessation of the work of erecting the wicker defenses, which request was granted immediately and the work ceased, although baskets cannot constitute war, and are rather for defense than offense. And on the following day, by a second letter which his Grace wrote, he again reiterated and requested that the baskets should be taken down, and that he should receive either yes or no as an answer, with which he would consider himself to have received a final answer. With the same letter he sent me word by the factor Andres de Mirandaola and Hernando Riquel, notary-in-chief of this camp, that if the baskets were not taken down by nightfall, he would consider war to have broken out between us. While I was engaged in framing an answer to this, and before the time-limit set by him had expired, he sent his galleys and small boats to attack the defenses and the people who were stationed on the shore. Then our soldiers, seeing that the Portuguese were attacking them and had begun hostilities, determined to complete their defenses, and fought with the Portuguese from about noon-time until sunset, without any cannon-shots being fired at the Portuguese from this camp. And on the morning of the following day, without any new action on our part, the said captain-general sent two galleys and a small boat to seize upon the other entrance to this harbor, and this order was executed. They have been and still are located there, toward the east; and they refuse to allow any person, or supplies, or anything else whatsoever, to come in or go out from this camp—a procedure for which I am at a loss to find the proper designation, unless it be war and the intention to starve us to death, which is not a usual action on the part of Christians. Consequently, he should
Pero Bernaldez
Sixth summons: In response to this fifth answer from the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Leguazpi, general of the fleet and people of Nova Spanha. I admit briefly that in my first letter to him, I requested him to discontinue the defenses, and in the second, to destroy them—which his Grace refused to do, although it was a thing so just and so important to the lords of the land, as well as to my own advantage, for him not to employ hostilities against me, or give me occasion to accept the same; for it was but a slight cost or humiliation for a
Goncallo Pereira
(In the island and port of Cubu in the Filipinas, on the thirty-first day of the month of October, in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight, before the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, governor and captain-general for his Majesty of the people and fleet for the discovery of the islands of the West, and in the presence of me, Fernando Riquel, notary-in-chief and official notary, appeared Pero Bernaldez, notary-public, who declared that he belonged to the fleet of the very illustrious Goncalo Pereira, captain-general, and read this response above-written. The said governor after hearing the same, said that, “as his Grace the said captain-general says, he had written in the first letter that the work on the wicker fortifications should cease; and that, with the intention of pleasing and satisfying him in all respects, he, the said governor, had ordered the work thereon to cease; and it would not have continued, had not his Grace ordered them to be bombarded with many pieces from four galleys and small boats—whereupon the soldiers seeing that they were being fired upon completed their defenses at the great risk of their
Before me, Fernando Riquel)
Last summons: I conclude with this my last response, weary of so many papers containing so many irrelevancies on a thing so clear and evident; for though I admit the possibility of his Grace’s having ordered the work to cease, as he affirms in his rejoinder, yet I declare it to be of no avail to give an order if the order be not carried out, or not obeyed. The work, on the contrary, was continued with greater haste and care for four hours after the time-limit which I had written to his Grace, saying that if the work were not destroyed I should consider myself as answered. I stated that oared boats would then be sent to frighten them, and prevent the execution of a work so unjust and of so ill a
Goncallo Pereira
(In the island and port of Cubu, on the first day of the month of November, in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight, in the presence of me, Christoval Ponze, scrivener of this camp of his Majesty, there appeared Pero Bernaldez, notary-public, who claimed to be of the royal fleet of Portugal, and read this answer from the very illustrious Goncalo Pereira, captain-general of the said fleet, to the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, governor and captain-general for his Majesty of the royal fleet for the discovery of the islands of the West, in his own person, in such wise as to be heard by him. He declared that he had already answered and replied to the said captain-general, on many distinct occasions, concerning the fact that his intention and will had not been nor is to injure the exalted and puissant king of Portugal, or anything belonging to him in any way; or to seize upon or take from him, or occupy this or any other land belonging to him. “I desire, as I have desired always, to depart from this land; and if up to the present moment this design has not found realization and I have not departed, it has been through lack of equipment and of ships, and not through any expectation of reenforcements of men and a fleet, as, on the contrary, he affirms.” Wherefore he begged the said captain-general to sell him ships, in order that he might immediately depart; or else to suggest to him some other way by which he could leave, since he neither wishes nor desires any other consummation. As for the fortifications and defenses which his Grace mentions, they are for the purpose of defense against any one trying to do him violence or injury unjustly and unreasonably, until such time as he may be enabled to depart and leave this land free, as he has declared and promised he would do. Neither on his own part nor on that of anyone belonging to his camp has he desired to make war upon his Grace or on the members of his royal fleet; but rather to serve them in all possible ways, as he has offered in past summons and responses, to which he begs to refer, and on all of which he takes his stand anew. On the other hand, it is quite clear and evident that the captain-general is trying to do him violence and injury in wishing to carry him to India with him without consenting to any other means whatsoever; and in having begun and initiated war against him and blockaded him, by ordering the entrances and outward passages of this harbor blockaded, on account of which he is bound to make defense. And since the said captain-general wishes it so, and continues doing so great injury to God our lord, and to our sovereigns, by the war, and sheds Christian blood, unreasonably and without justification, all the blame and responsibility, and all the damages, losses and deaths resulting therefrom, shall be upon his shoulders. He protests again by all protested and demanded by him in his past replies, and by all which most devolves upon him in this case to protest,
Before me, Christoval Ponze, notary)
(All the above papers, writings, replies, responses, and other documents above set forth, I, the said Fernando Riquel, took manu propria, as best I could, from the originals, writing them down de verbo ad verbum and letter for letter, at the request of the said governor Miguel Lopez de Lagazpi, who signed the same here with his name. And they are accurate and true, witnesses of the correction and comparison with the originals thereof being Miguel Lopez, Francisco de Cocar, and Juan de Gamboa y Lezcano, soldiers in this camp—in testimony whereof I have made my usual signature and rubric. Given at Cubu, the second day of the month of June in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-nine.
In testimony of the truth, Fernando Riquel)
(This copy was written on twenty-three sheets of paper, including the present, and bears the corrections, erasures, and interlineations following: [These follow, in the original document.] And note should be taken that the contract was corruptly and badly written for so it was in the original.)
(In the City of Mexico, on the twenty-third day of the month of December in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-nine, the presidents and auditors of the royal Audiencia of Nueva Spana said that, inasmuch as in a docket of letters and despatches from Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, governor and captain in the islands of the West, which came addressed to this royal Audiencia, this relation was found therein of negotiations between the said governor and Goncalo Pereira, a Portuguese, captain of the most serene King of Portugal, regarding the summons repeatedly served, to the effect that the said Miguel Lopez should depart from the islands, region, and spot, where he was situated as is declared in the said relation, it is fitting that this docket be sent to his Majesty in his royal Council of the Indies. In order that entire faith may be given thereto, a judicial inquiry shall be received confirming the signature as that of the said Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, and of the handwriting and signature of Hernando Riquel, his notary. Having been received as signed from the secretary of this royal Audiencia it shall be sent to his Majesty. And accordingly they ordered it, by decree, to be set down in writing.
Sancho Lopez de Agurto)
(Attestation: And then upon the said day, month, and year above specified for the said inquiry, there was received an oath in the name of God and the blessed Mary, and upon the sign of the cross +, in the form prescribed by law, from Sancho Lopez de Agurto, secretary of the royal Audiencia of this Nueva Spana, and he took the same in the presence of me, Juan Augustin de Contreras, notary of his Majesty and receiver of this royal Audiencia, under which he promised to tell the truth in this affair. On being interrogated by the aforesaid, and after having seen the writing contained in this other part, and the signatures thereof, where occur the names of Miguel Lopez and Fernando Riquel, he said that this witness knew the said Miguel Lopez and Fernando Riquel, whom many times he had seen write and sign their names; and that he knows that the said Miguel Lopez de Legaspi went as governor and general to the islands of the West, and took as his official notary the said Fernando Riquel, on the authority of the viceroy Don Luis de Velasco; and that the said signatures at the end of the said narration and writing, to wit, “Miguel Lopez” and “Fernando Riquel,” together with the handwriting of the said narration are, of a truth so far as this witness knows, those of the parties aforesaid; and he says this without the slightest doubt, for, as already said, he has seen them write and sign their names, and he has written papers and signatures of theirs in his possession similar to those of the said narration, without the slightest variation. The said Hernando Riquel was held and considered as an upright man, and a lawyer of much veracity; and as such this witness held and still holds him. And he declares on the oath taken by him that his entire deposition is true, and he has affixed his signature to the same.
Sancho Lopez de Agurto
Before me, Johan Augustin, notary of his Majesty.)
[The sworn depositions of Juan Augustin de Contreras and of Alonso de Segura, made before Sancho Lopez de Agurto, follow. They are substantially the same as the above. The document continues:]
(I, the said Sancho Lopez de Agurto, notary of the chamber of the said royal Audiencia of Nueva Espana, who was present at the said inquiry made therein, affixed my seal in testimony of the truth. [119]
Sancho Lopez de Agurto)
Expedition of Garcia de Loaisa
Resume of contemporaneous documents.—These documents, dated from 1522 to 1537, are briefly synopsized from Navarrete’s Col. de viages, v, pp. 193-439. This editor obtained the material for his series from the archives of Sevilla, Madrid, and Simancas.
Voyage of Alvaro de Saavedra
Resume of contemporaneous documents.—These documents are dated in 1527-28, and are published by Navarrete, ut supra, pp. 440-486.
Expedition of Ruy Lopez de Villalobos
Resume of contemporaneous documents.—These documents, also synopsized, for the period 1541-48, are obtained from Doc. ined., as follows: Ultramar, ii, part i, pp. 1-94; Amer. y Oceania, v, pp. 117-209, and xiv, pp. 151-165.
Expedition of Miguel Lopez de Legazpi
Resume of contemporaneous documents.—These documents, covering the period 1559-69, are also synopsized from Doc. ined. Ultramar, ii, pp. 94-475, and iii, pp. v-225, 244-370, 427-463.
Warrant for establishment of Augustinian Mission (1564).—The original of this document was found among the archives of the Augustinian convent at Culhuacan, Mexico. The only publication of this Patente of which we are aware is that (in Latin) from which our translation is made, in a work by Elviro J. Perez, O.S.A.,—Catalogo bio-bibliografico de los religiosos agustinos (Manila, 1901), pp. xi-xiv. At present, we are unable to give further information concerning the document.
Possession of Cibabao (Feb. 15, 1565).—The original MS. (from a copy of which our translation is made) is conserved in the Archivo de Indias at Sevilla; pressmark, “Simancas—Filipinas; descubrimientos, descripciones y poblaciones de las Islas Filipinas, anos 1537 a 1565; est. 1, caj. 1, leg. 1, 23.” It has been published in Doc. ined. Ultramar, i i, pp. 351-355.
Proclamation regarding gold found in burial places (May 16, 1565).—The data for the preceding document apply to this one also—save that to pressmark should be added “ramo 25;” and that the pagination for this one in Doc. ined. is 355-357.
Letter to Felipe II (May 27, 1565).—The original MS. is also in Sevilla; pressmark, “Simancas—Filipinas; descubrimientos, descripciones y gobierno de Filipinas; est. 1, caj. 1, leg. 1, 23.” It was published, ut supra, pp. 357-359. There are two copies in the Archivo, one of which is incorrectly endorsed “1569.” In such cases it should be remembered that despatches and other official documents were often sent in duplicate—sometimes in triplicate, or even quadruplicate,—and by different vessels, to ensure that at least one copy should reach its destination.
Letters to Felipe II (May 29, June 1, 1565).—The original MSS. (from copies of which our translations are made) are also in the Archivo de Indias; pressmark. “Patronato, Audiencia de Filipinas—Cartas de los gobernadores.” More definite designation is not possible, as these MSS. were not in their regular place in the above patronato at the time when our transcripts were made. With the letter of June 1 we present a photographic reproduction of the signatures. Both of these documents were published in Doc. ined. Amer. y Oceania, xiii, pp. 527-531.
Letter to the Audiencia of Mexico (May 28, 1565).—The original MS. is in the Archivo de Indias; pressmark, “Simancas—Filipinas; descub. descrip. y pob. Filipinas, anos 1537 a 1565; est. 1, caj. i, leg. 1, 24, no. 24.” This letter was accompanied by a memorandum of supplies needed for the military post established in the Philippines by Legazpi; and with the above-named MS. is a list of this sort—which, however, must have been placed in this legajo by some error, as it mentions some articles that had been sent in the year 1570. But in another patronato—which has the same title as the above, but for the years 1566-68—in “est. 1, caj. 1, leg. 2, 24,” is a list of similar character, with the title, Memoria de los rescates y municiones que se pidieron a Nueva Espana, para enviar al campo de S.M. que reside en el puerto de Cubu. This document is undated; but internal evidence makes it probable that it is the list which was sent with this letter to the Audiencia, with which we have accordingly placed it, transferring the other list to a later date, 1571.
Legazpi’s Relation (1565).—The original MS. is in the Museo-Biblioteca de Ultramar, Madrid; pressmark, “170-20-3_a_, caja n_o_. 22.” It has not, so far as is known, ever been published. Nothing indicates positively the name of the person to whom it was written; but we may reasonably conjecture, from the style of address, that it was probably sent to the president of the Audiencia of Mexico. As Legazpi’s own account of his voyage and achievements, this document possesses special interest and value.
Copia de vna carta venida de Seuilla a Miguel Saluador de Valencia (1566).—This little pamphlet (Barcelona, Pau Cortey, 1566) is generally regarded as the first printed account of Legazpi’s expedition. But one copy is known to exist—the one which was in Retana’s collection, now the property of the Compania General de Tabacos de Filipinas, Barcelona. For this reason, we present this document in both the Spanish text and English translation—the former being printed from an exact transcription made from the original document at Barcelona. The original is in two sheets (four pages) of quarto size, printed in type about the size of that used in this series; it is bound in red boards, and is in good condition.
Letters to Felipe II (July 12, 15, 23, 1567, and June 26, 1568).—The original MSS. of these four letters (from copies of which our translations are made) are in the Archivo de Indias at Sevilla; pressmark, “Simancas—Secular, Audiencia de Filipinas; Cartas y expedientes de gobernador de Filipinas vistos en el consejo. Anos de 1567 a 1599; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 6.”
Negotiations between Legazpi and Pereira (1568-69).—The originals of these documents are in the Archivo de Indias at Sevilla; pressmark, “Est. 1. caj. 1, leg. 2, 24, n_os_. 5, 6, 7, 8, 9.” A MS. copied or compiled from these originals for use in the South American boundary negotiations at Paris in 1776, is in the Archivo general at Simancas; pressmark, “Leg. 7412, fol. 87 y 88;” from a copy of this MS. our translation is made.
[1] This document is printed in both the original language and English translation.
[2] Navarrete says in a note that this must have been made about the time the Junta of Badajoz closed, in 1524.
[3] The hospital (and, later, military) order of St John of Jerusalem, was first established in that city in 1023, and received papal recognition in 1113. Its knights served with distinction in the crusades. From 1291 to 1523 the order had its seat in the island of Rhodes; but in 1530 that of Malte was ceded to it by the emperor Charles V. After the capture of Malta by the French, the order became small and insignificant. This order was known in the course of its history by various names, among them being the Order of Rhodes (Rodas).
Garcia Jofre de Loaisa, the commander of this expedition, was a native of Ciudad Real. He must not be confounded with the noted archbishop of Seville, of the same name, whose kinsman he was. The commander died at sea in July, 1526.
[4] This was a priest who accompanied the expedition. After passing the Strait of Magellan, the ship “Santiago,” in which Areizaga sailed, was compelled by lack of supplies to direct its course toward the Spanish settlements on the west coast. This priest returned thence to Spain, where the historian Oviedo saw him; the latter compiles from Areizaga’s narrative a long account of his adventures, and of Loaisa’s voyage as far as the strait (see Oviedo’s Hist. de Indias, lib. xx, cap. v-xiii).
[5] Hernan Cortes, the conqueror of Mexico, was born in 1485, at Badajoz, Spain. When a mere boy, he resolved upon a military career, and in 1504 went to the West Indies, where he took part in various expeditions, and held some official posts of importance. During 1519-27, Cortes effected the conquest of Mexico and subjugation of its people. Returning to Spain in triumph (1528), he received from the emperor titles and lands, and was made captain-general of New Spain, an office which he held from 1530 to 1541. He sent Saavedra to search for Loaisa (1527); and in 1533 and, 1539 sent out expeditions of discovery—the latter, under Ulloa, ascending the western coast of America to thirty-two degrees north latitude. Cortes died at Seville, December 2, 1547.
[6] Andres de Urdaneta was born in 1498, at Villafranca de Guipuzcoa. He received a liberal education, but, his parents dying, he chose a military career; and he won distinction in the wars of Germany and Italy, attaining the rank of captain. Returning to Spain, he devoted himself to the study of mathematics and astronomy, and became proficient in navigation. Joining Loaisa’s expedition, he remained in the Moluccas, contending with the Portuguese there, until 1535, when he went back to Spain. Going thence to Mexico (about 1540), he was offered command of the expedition then fitting out for the Moluccas,
[7] The “zebra” was the guanaco or South American camel (Auchenia). The feathers were those of the South American ostrich (Rhea rhea), also called “nandu” and “avestruz” by the natives, or possibly of the smaller species R. darwinii; both are found as far south as the Strait of Magellan.
[8] It was the custom of many of the writers of these early documents to give in dates only the last two or three figures of the year.
[9] His name was Alvaro de Loaisa.
[10] This was the flagship of Magalhaes, which remained at Tidore after the departure of the “Victoria.” The “Trinidad” set out for Panama on April 6, 1522, but was compelled by sickness and unfavorable winds to return to the islands. She was then captured by the Portuguese; the ship was wrecked in a heavy storm at Ternate, and her crew detained as prisoners by the Portuguese. Hardships, disease, and shipwreck carried away all of them except four, who did not reach Spain until 1526.
[11] Sebastian Cabot (Caboto) was born about 1473—probably at Venice, although some claim Bristol, England, as his birthplace; he was the son of the noted explorer John Cabot, whom he accompanied on the famous voyage (1494) in which they discovered and explored the eastern coasts of Canada. A second voyage thither (1498), in which Sebastian was commander, proved a failure; and no more is heard of him until 1512, when he entered the service of Fernando V of Spain, who paid him a liberal salary. In 1515 he was a member of a commission charged with revising and correcting all the maps and charts used in Spanish navigation. About this time, he was preparing to make a voyage of discovery;
[12] Joao Serrao, one of Magalhaes’s captains, was elected, after the latter’s death, to the command of the fleet. On May 1, 1521, he was murdered by natives on the island of Cebu, having been treacherously abandoned there by his own companions.
[13] The “Santiago,” in which was the priest Areizaga (see note 3).
[14] Saavedra died at sea in the month of December, 1529. See Navarrete’s Col. de viages, v, p. 422.
[15] Lib. xx of Oviedo’s Hist. de Indias is devoted to the relation of these early expeditions to the Philippines of Magalhaes, Loaisa, and Saavedra.
[16] Ruy Lopez de Villalobos is said to have been a man of letters, licentiate in law, and born of a distinguished family in Malaga; he was brother-in-law of Antonio de Mendoza, who (then viceroy of New Spain) appointed him commander of the expedition here described. Departing from Navidad, Mexico (November 1, 1542), he reached Mindanao on February 2 of the following year; he was the first to make explorations in that island. It was he who bestowed upon those islands the name Filipinas (Philippine), in honor of the crown-prince Don Felipe of Spain, afterward known as Felipe II; he conferred this appellation probably in 1543. The Portuguese, then established in the Moluccas, opposed any attempt of Spaniards to settle in the neighboring
[17] Pedro de Alvarado was, after Hernan Cortes, the most notable of the early Spanish conquerors of New Spain. He was born at Badajoz, about 1485, and came to America in 1510. He served with distinction in many wars and expeditions during the conquest, and received from Cortes various important commands. Among these was the post of governor and captain-general of Guatemala (1523); in the following year he founded the old city of Guatemala, which later was destroyed by the eruption of a volcano. In 1534 he planned to send an expedition to the Pacific islands; but news of the discovery of Peru and the conquests of Pizarro caused him to defer this enterprise, and he sent instead troops to Peru, fitted out through his extortions on the inhabitants of his province. Afterward he planned, with Mendoza, the expedition conducted by Villalobos, but never knew its outcome; he died on July 4, 1541, from wounds received while attacking an Indian village.
[18] Antonio de Mendoza belonged to a family of distinction, and was born at Granada, toward the close of the fifteenth century. He was the first viceroy of New Spain, being appointed April 17, 1535. He was beloved by the people for his good government; he made wise laws, opened and worked mines, coined money, founded a university and several colleges, and introduced printing into Mexico. He despatched two maritime expeditions of discovery—that of Villalobos, and another to California; and made explorations by land as far as New Mexico. In 1550 he was sent as viceroy to Peru, and administered that office until his death, which occurred July 21, 1552, at Lima.
[19] The title of Marquis del Valle de Oaxaca was conferred upon Hernan Cortes, July 6, 1529. He had taken great interest in the exploration of the Pacific Ocean and its coasts; and had spent on expeditions sent out with that object no less sum than three hundred thousand pesos (Helps’s Life of Cortes, p. 282.)
[20] This compares favorably with the homestead law of the United States. The institution mentioned in the next sentence apparently was peculiar to Spanish colonial administration in America. Its origin was in the repartimiento, which at first (1497) meant a grant of lands in a conquered country; it was soon extended to include the natives dwelling thereon, who were compelled to till the land for the conqueror’s benefit. In 1503 encomiendas were granted, composed of a certain number of natives, who were compelled to work. The word encomienda is a term belonging to the military orders (from the ranks of which came many officials appointed for the colonies), and corresponds to our word “commandery.” It is defined by Helps (practically using the language of Solorzano, the eminent Spanish jurist), as “a right conceded by royal bounty, to well-deserving persons in the Indies, to receive and enjoy for themselves the tributes of the Indians who should be assigned to them, with a charge of providing for the good of those Indians in spiritual and temporal matters, and of inhabiting and defending the provinces where these encomiendas should be granted to them.” Helps has done good service to historical students in recognizing the great importance, social and economic, of the encomienda system in the Spanish colonies, and its far-reaching results; and in embodying the fruits of his studies thereon in his Spanish Conquest in America (London, 1855-61), to which the reader is referred for full information on this subject; see especially vols. iii, iv.
[21] See the Treaty of Zaragoza, vol. i, p. 222.
[22] This was the dust or residue of the filings from the various assays and operations in the founding of metals, and was usually applied to the benefit of hospitals and houses of charity. It belonged to the king, and was placed under lock and key, one key in possession of the founder and the other of the king’s factor.—Note by editor of Col. doc. ined.
[23] This name is variously spelled Labezaris, Labezares, Labezarii, Lavezarii, and in other ways. This man occupied an important place in Legazpi’s expedition, and was later governor of the Philippine Islands. Several documents by him will appear in this series.
[24] A note by the editor of Doc. ined. says that the religious sent in this expedition were Fray Jeronimo de San Estevan, prior of the Augustinians; Fray Nicolas de Perea, Fray Alonso de Alvarado, and Fray Sebastian de Reina.
[25] A small vessel with lateen sails.
[26] This was the Portuguese governor of Ternate and the Moluccas. The correspondence may be found in the archives of Torre do Tombo.
[27] Apparently a reference to the islands Sarangani and Balut, off the southern point of Mindanao. Regarding Mazaua (Massava, Mazagua) Stanley cites—in First Voyage by Magellan (Hakluyt Society Publications, no. 52), p. 79—a note in Milan edition of Pigafetta’s relation, locating Massaua between Mindanao and Samar. It is doubtless the Limasaua of the present day, off the south point of Leyte.
[28] A map by Nicolaus Visscher, entitled Indiae Orientalis nova descriptio (undated, but probably late in the seventeenth century) shows “Philippina al Tandaya,” apparently, intended for the present Samar; but Legazpi’s relation of 1565 (post) would indicate that Tandaya was the modern Leyte. Ortelius (1570) locates the Talao Islands about half-way from Mindanao to Gilolo they are apparently the Tulour or Salibabo Islands of today.
[29] The names in brackets are the modern appellations (see Col. doc. ined. Ultramar, ii, pp. xvi, xvii).
[30] Antonio Galvano explains this by declaring that he had in 1538 (being then the Portuguese governor of the Moluccas) sent Francisco de Castro to convert the natives of the Philippines to the Catholic faith. On the island of Mindanao he was sponsor at the baptism of six kings, with their wives, children, and subjects. See Galvano’s Tratado (Hakluyt Society reprint of Hakluyt’s translation, Discoveries of the World, pp. 208, 233).
[31] See Col. doc. ined. Ultramar, ii, p. xvii.
[32] On old maps Abuyo; the aboriginal appellation of the island of Leyte (Retana-edition of Combes’s Mindanao, p. 749).
[33] Probably the cannon belonging to Magalhaes’s ship “Trinidad,” which the Portuguese seized in October, 1522; they had built a fortified post on the island of Ternate in the preceding summer, their first settlement in the Moluccas. Ternate, Tidore, Mutir, and two others, are small islands lying along the western coast of Gilolo; on them cloves grew most abundantly when Europeans first discovered the Moluccas.
[34] Bisayas or Visayas is the present appellation of the islands which lie between Luzon and Mindanao.
[35] This document is printed in both the original text and English translation.
[36] Luis de Velasco succeeded Antonio de Mendoza as viceroy of New Spain, taking his office in November, 1550, and holding it until his death (July 31, 1564). He was of an illustrious family of Castile and had held several military appointments before he became viceroy. He exercised this latter office with great ability, and favored the Indians to such an extent that he was called “the father of the Indians.” He died poor and in debt, and was buried with solemnity in the Dominican monastery at the City of Mexico.
[37] A small vessel used as a tender, to carry messages between larger vessels, etc.
[38] The Treaty of Zaragoza, q.v. vol. i, p. 222.
[39] This opinion is correct, referring as it does to the five islands lying along the coast of Gilolo.
[40] Miguel Lopez de Legazpi who, with Andres de Urdaneta, rediscovered and conquered the Philippine Islands, was born in Zubarraja in Guipuzcoa in the early part of the sixteenth century, of an old and noble family. He went to Mexico in 1545, where he became chief clerk of the cabildo of the City of Mexico. Being selected to take charge of the expedition of 1564, he succeeded by his great wisdom, patience, and forbearance, in gaining the good will of the natives. He founded Manila, where he died of apoplexy August 20, 1572. He was much lamented by all. He was succeeded as governor of the Philippines by Guido de Lavezaris.
[41] Navarrete says (Bibl. Marit., tomo ii, p. 492), that Legazpi was fifty-nine years old when the fleet set sail in 1564, which makes him six years older than the age given above. See Col. doc. ined. Ultramar, tomo ii, p. 116, note.
[42] The Ladrones or Marianas number in all sixteen islands, and are divided into two groups of five and eleven islands respectively. They extend north and south about nine hundred and fifty kilometers, lying between thirteen degrees and twenty-one degrees north latitude, and one hundred and forty-eight degrees and one hundred and forty-nine degrees forty minutes longitude east of Madrid. They are but thinly populated; their flora resembles that of the Philippines. The largest and most important of these islands, Guam, is now the property of the United States.
[43] Although this allusion cannot well be identified, it indicates some episode of the great eagerness and readiness for western discovery then prevalent in France. Cartier’s explorations (1534-36, and 1540-43), and later those of Jean Allefonsce, had already been published to the world; and maps of the eastern coast of North America showed, as early as 1544, the great St. Lawrence River, which afforded an easy entrance to the interior, and might readily be supposed to form a waterway for passage to the “Western Sea”—especially as New France was then generally imagined to be a part of Asia; Japan and China being not very far west of the newly-discovered coast.
[44] These two vessels were rechristened “San Pedro” and “San Pablo” before actually sailing. The admiral of the fleet was to have been Juan de Carrion; but he was left behind because of his dissensions with Urdaneta, and Mateo del Saz fulfilled his duties.
[45] The Theatins were a religious congregation founded in Italy (1524) by Gaetano de Tiene and Giovanni Pietro Caraffa, archbishop of Theato (the modern Chieti)—who afterward became pontiff of Rome, under the title of Paul IV. Their object was to reform the disorders that had crept into the Roman church, and restore the zeal, self-sacrifice, and charity of apostolic days. They would neither own property nor ask alms, but worked at various trades and were thus maintained, with voluntary offerings from the faithful. During the next century they spread into other European countries (where they still have many houses), and undertook missions in Asia.
[46] The total cost of the preparation of Legazpi’s fleet was 382,468 pesos, 7 tomines, 5 grains of common gold; and 27,400 pesos, 3 tomines, 1 grain of gold dust. These expenses cover the period from December 13, 1557, until March 2, 1565. See Col. doc. ined. Ultramar, iii, no. 36, pp. 461-463.
The gold dust here mentioned (Spanish oro de minas) means gold in the form of “gravel” or small nuggets, obtained usually from placers, or the washings of river-sands. The “common” gold (oro comun) is refined gold, or bullion, ready for coinage.
[47] This vessel, after trying to find—or at least making such a claim—the fleet in Mindanao and other islands, returned to New Spain, anchoring at Puerto de la Navidad August 9, 1565. A relation by its captain Alonso de Arellano, gives an account of this voyage (published in Col. doc. ined. Ultramar, iii, no. 37, pp. 1-76). Testimony as to the truth of this relation is given under oath by its author, his pilot Lope Martin, and others. It is quite evident throughout that it was written with the hope of explaining satisfactorily the “San Lucas’s " sudden disappearance and failure to rejoin the flagship. Accounts of islands passed by the vessel are given and the various and frequent mishaps of wind and wave detailed at length. On January 8 an island was reached where the people “were afraid of our ship and of us and our weapons. They are well proportioned, tall of stature, and bearded, their beards reaching to their waists. The men wear their hair long like women, neatly combed and tied behind in a knot. They are greedy, very treacherous, and thoroughly unprincipled.... They are Caribs, and, I understand, eat human flesh. They are warlike, as it seemed to us, for they were always prepared, and they must carry on war with other islands. Their weapons are spears pointed with fish bones, and masanas [a wooden weapon, generally edged with sharp flint, used by the early Mexican and Peruvian aborigines.].... They are much given to hurling stones from slings, and with very accurate aim. They are excellent swimmers and sailors. We called this island Nadadores [Swimmers], because they swam out to us when we were more than a league from the island.” A mutiny sprang up after reaching the Philippines, but was checked. Arellano claims that he left the prescribed tokens of his visit in Mindanao. The patache reached Puerto de la Navidad on August 9, after its crew had suffered many hardships and much sickness. Legazpi, quite naturally, was much displeased at the evident desertion of the “San Lucas” and caused action to be taken against Arellano and Lope Martin, by Gabriel Diaz of the Mexican mint. This latter presented various petitions before the Audiencia of Mexico, detailing the charges and asking investigation. The charges were desertion,—“in which the loss he occasioned cannot be overestimated,” because this vessel was intended for a close navigation of the islands and their rivers and estuaries, which the larger vessels could not attempt,—assuming to himself powers of jurisdiction that belonged to Legazpi as general of the expedition,—executing summary justice on two men (causing them to be thrown overboard),—cruelty, and “many other grave and serious offenses;” which “he had committed in company with the pilot and others.” Diaz asked that Arellano be made to render an account to Legazpi and to serve for his pay, as he had served in the expedition but ten days. However just the demand for an investigation, it was never made,
[48] See the notarial attestation of the taking of possession of Barbudos in Col. doc. ined. Ultramar, iii, pp. 76-79. This was apparently one of the Marshall Islands.
[49] On January 26, 1565, Legazpi in person took possession of the Ladrones, for the Spanish crown. This possession was made in the island of Guam, before Hernando Riquel, government notary, and with all the necessary formalities. The witnesses were “Fray Andres de Urdaneta, prior; the master-of-camp, Mateo del Sanz; the accountant, Andres Cauchela; the factor, Andres de Mirandaola; the chief ensign, Andres de Ybarra; Geronimo de Moncon, and many others.” See the record of possession, Col. doc. ined. Ultramar, iii, pp. 79-81.
[50] Cf. with this the thievishness, and dexterity therein, of the Huron Indians, in Jesuit Relations (Cleveland reissue), v, pp. 123, 241, 243, and elsewhere.
[51] This island is styled variously Guam, Goam, Guan, and Boan (see Col. doc. ined. Ultramar, ii, p. 243). The United States government now uses it as a coaling station.
[52] From an official document drawn up by Hernando Riquel, it appears that the fleet reached the Philippines in very poor condition, due to insufficient and careless preparation. In response to a petition signed by the royal officials “Guido de la Vacares [Lavezaris], Andres Cauchela, and Andres de Mirandaola,” that testimonies be received from certain officers and pilots of the fleet, in regard to its poor condition, Legazpi ordered such depositions to be taken, which was done on May 23, 1565. These testimonies show that the fleet left Puerto de la Navidad with insufficient crews, marine equipment, artillery, and food, in consequence of which great sufferings had been and were still being endured. It was testified “that the provisions of meat, lard, cheese, beans and peas, and fish lasted but a short time, because of putrefying and spoiling by reason of having been laid in many days before sailing.” See Col. doc. ined. Ultramar, iii, pp. 305-318.
[53] The notarial testimony of this taking of possession will be given in this volume, p. 167.
[54] Probably the island of Leyte. See Col. doc. ined. Ultramar, ii, p. 258.
[55] This ceremony of blood friendship will be explained in later documents. It was characteristic of Malayan peoples. The present Cabalian is in the extreme S.E. part of Leyte.
[56] Camiguin, north of Mindanao, and north by west from Butuan Bay.
[57] The testimonies of the “wrongs inflicted on the natives in certain of the Philippines, under cover of friendship and under pretext of a desire to trade,” by Portuguese from the Moluccas, and the injuries resulting therefrom to the Spaniards, are recounted in Col. doc. ined. Ultramar, iii, pp. 284-305.
[58] Probably in pique because Urdaneta’s advice to colonize New Guinea had been disregarded, and because these islands were, as Urdaneta declared, in Portugal’s demarcation.
[59] The notarial memorandum of the finding of the Nino Jesus will be found in Col. doc. ined. Ultramar, iii, pp. 277-284. It gives Legazpi’s testimony concerning the discovery, and his appointment of the date of finding as an annual religious holiday, as well as the testimonies of the finder, Juan de Camuz, and of Esteban Rodriguez, to whom Camuz first showed the image (which is described in detail). Pigafetta relates _{First Voyage of Magellan,_ pp. 93, 94) that he gave an image of the Infant Jesus to the queen of Cebu, April 14, 1521—evidently the same as that found by Legazpi’s men.
[60] On this day Legazpi took formal possession of the island of Cebu and adjacent islands for Spain. The testimony of Hernando Riquel, government notary, of this act appears in Col. doc. ined. Ultramar, iii, pp. 89, 90.
[61] This image is still preserved in the Augustinian convent at Cebu; a view of it is presented in this volume.
[62] The preceding relation says three hours.
[63] Probably the casava root.
[64] The native race inhabiting Guam is called Chamorro.
[65] This was the island of Negros (Col. doc. ined. Ultramar, ii, p. 410).
[66] The pilot makes use of the familiar second person singular forms throughout this relation.
[67] His relation of this voyage, continued until a few days before his death), is preserved in the Archivo general de Indias, at Seville. See Col. doc. ined. Ultramar, ii, p. 456.
[68] His full name. He was a brother of Captain Juan de la Isla. See Col. doc. ined. Ultramar, vol. ii, p. 458.
[69] The number in the printed document is one thousand three hundred and seventy. This must be an error for one thousand eight hundred and seventy, as so great a difference between the three maps would hardly be likely to occur.
[70] This relation may be considered as the continuation of that which records the voyage from New Spain, until the departure of die “San Pedro” from Cebu. Neither is signed, but the former seems to have been written by a military officer, as he speaks in one place of “the men of my company.”
[71] Cf. the Chinese belief, and the reverence of the American Indian for his ancestors.
[72] Cf. the burial rites of North American tribes, as described in the Jesuit Relations (see Index, article: Indians).
[73] This chief’s name is also spelled in this relation Mahomat.
[74] The fanega is a measure of capacity that was extensively used throughout Spain and the Spanish colonies, and in the Spanish-American republics; but it is now largely superseded by the measures of the metric system. Its value varied in different provinces or colonies. Its equivalents in United States (Winchester) bushels are as follows: Aragon, O.64021; Teruel (Aragon), I.23217; Castile, 1.59914; Asturias, 2.07358; Buenos Aires, 3.74988; Canary Islands, 1.77679 (struck), 2.5 (heaped). The fanega of Castile is equivalent to 5.63 decaliters. The name was also applied to the portion of ground which might be sown with a fanega of grain.
[75] A detailed relation of the voyage of the “San Geronimo” was written by Juan Martinez, a soldier, being dated Cebu, July 25, 1567. It is given in Col. doc. ined. Ultramar, ii, no. 47, pp. 371-475. From the very first the insubordination of the pilot Lope Martin was manifest, who said to the easy-going captain. “If you think you are going to take me to Cebu, you are very much mistaken; for as soon as he saw me there, the governor would hang me.”
[76] In regard to this use of precious gums, see East Africa and Malabar (Hakluyt Society Publications, no. 35), pp. 31, 230; in that text yncenso is incorrectly translated “wormwood.”
[77] Document no. xli, pp. 244-276, tomo iii, consists of memoranda made by Hernando Riquel, notary of the expedition. These were drawn up by order of Legazpi, and relate to occurrences after the fleet reached Cabalian (March, 1565), until the resolution to colonize in Cebu. They are mainly concerned with negotiations with the natives, and are fully attested; but contain nothing additional to the matter in the relations.
[78] A tax paid to the monarch by those not belonging to the nobility.
[79] See note 18, ante, on repartimientos and encomiendas.
[80] Counselors of the provincial or other high official, whose advice was considered by him in all important affairs.
[81] Ours: a familiar term in use by members of a religious order, referring to their fellows therein.
[82] This island is called by the French pilot Pierres Plun, in his relation, Zibaban, Zibao, and Zibaba. La Concepcion calls it (Historia, vol. i, p. 331) Ybabao. The editor of Cartas de Indias conjectures this to be the island of Libagas (near Mindoro); but that would not agree with the statements made about it in various documents. Retana (Zuniga, vol. ii, p. 383*) says that Cibabao is Samar, which is, however, not an altogether satisfactory identification.
[83] This name is given at Arrezun in Col. doc. ined. Ultramar.
[84] In Col. doc. ined. Ultramar, this name it given as Francisco Escudero de la Portolla.
[85] In another document, dated February 20, 1565 (published in Col. doc. ined. Ultramar, iii, pp. 81, 82), Legazpi personally verified the possession taken by Ybarra, Andres de Urdaneta being witness thereto. On that day Legaspi took possession not only of Cibabao but of the adjacent islands.
[86] In Col. doc. ined. Ultramar (p. 336), this name is given as “ypolito atanbor.”
[87] Many of these names are signed with a rubrica or flourish, which, like the French paraphe, was customary as a protection against forgery.
[88] Apparently referring to the president of the Audiencia of New Spain, although the formal address is to that body as a whole.
[89] This list does not accompany the letter, either in the Sevilla archives or in Doc. ined; but see Bibliographical Data for this document, at end of this volume.
[90] The Spanish quintal varied in different provinces and colonies as follows (equivalents given in U.S. pounds): Aragon, 109.738476; Castile (and Chile), 101.6097; Asturias, 152.281185; Catalonia, 87.281; Valencia (old measure), 109.728476; Buenos Aires, 101.4178. This unit of weight has been generally replaced by those of the metric system.
[91] Evidently this word is used in its early sense, of one who practiced blood-letting, etc., as the barber often performed duties now strictly pertaining to the physician.
[92] The arroba was equal to four quintals.
[93] The braza was a measure of length, equivalent to 16.718 decimeters, or 1.82636 yards (U.S.) The name originated (like the French brasse) in the primitive use of the human arm as a measure of length. The braza (square) was used in the Philippines as a measure of surface, being equivalent to 36 Spanish, or 30.9168 English, square feet.
[94] A short dagger with a broad blade.
[95] In the relation published in Col. doc. ined. Ultramar, ii, pp. 265-277, where these transactions are recounted in greater detail, these names are spelled Camutrian (Camutuan, Camotuan), and Maletec, respectively.
[96] Apparently the same as the Massaua of earlier documents.
[97] In the relation cited above, note 92, the name of this island is spelled (p. 277) Camiguinin.
[98] The second ship of the fleet, “San Pablo.” The “San Pedro” or flagship was spoken of as the capitana.
[99] A veil of thin gauze worn by the Moors. Evidently the term is used in this connection, as the Mohammedans of these islands were called Moros (Moors) by the Spaniards.
[100] Apparently referring to the island of Negros.
[101] The word is escaupiles, which was a species of ancient Mexican armor.
[102] An equestrian exercise with reed spears.
[103] The actual date of departure was the twenty-first.
[104] See note 43, ante, as to the cost of the fleet. The reference in the text is apparently to some Mexican mint or mine.
[105] This vessel was the “San Lucas,” commanded by Alonso de Arellano; see account of its adventures in “Expedition of Legazpi.”
[106] A reference to the relation sent to Felipe II by Legazpi—probably by the “San Pedro.”
[107] A measure for grain containing one-third of a fanega.
[108] An error naturally made, in those early days of acquaintance with the Philippines, since the island of Mactan (Matan), where Magalhaes was slain, lies near the coast of Cebu. According to the U.S. Philippine Gazetteer (p. 69), the archipelago comprises twelve principal islands and three groups, with one thousand five hundred and eighty-three dependent islands.
[109] Apparently meaning the “San Pedro,” which was despatched from Cebu by Legazpi on June 1, 1565. It reached Navidad on October 1, and probably arrived at Seville in May or June, 1566.
[110] The concha and blanca were ancient copper coins of the value of one-half and three maravedis, respectively. The coins above-mentioned evidently resembled these in size.
[111] The “San Geronimo.”
[112] Throughout this document, the statements and comments of the notaries will be enclosed in parentheses, to enable the reader more easily to separate the various letters and writs from one another.
[113] The caracoa is a large canoe used by the Malayan peoples—“with two rows of oars, very light, and fitted with a European sail, its rigging of native manufacture” (Dic. Acad.). According to Retana (Zuniga, ii, p. 513*), the word caracoa is not to be found in Filipino dictionaries.
[114] Referring to the rule of Sebastiao, the infant king of Portugal, and of his grandmother Catarina, regent during his minority.
[115] Javelins: the Portuguese word is azagayas, with which cf. assagai, the name of a like weapon among the Kaffirs of Africa.
[116] This phrase (meaning “nothing paid”) is no longer used in notarial documents. Sometimes when documents are legalized by the Mexican Legation at Washington, the fee is not paid there, but is to be paid at Mexico on presentation of the document there; the secretary of the Legation accordingly writes on it, No se pagaran derechos—perhaps a similar procedure to that noted in the text.—Arthur P. Cushing (consul for Mexico at Boston).
[117] This arose from the fact that the Portuguese navigated eastward from Europe to reach their oriental possessions, while the Spaniards voyaged westward. The reckoning of the Spaniards in the Philippines was thus a day behind that of the Portuguese. This error was corrected in 1844, at Manila and Macao respectively. See vol. i, note 2.
[118] Sevilla, one of the centers of Mahometan power in Spain, was besieged for more than two years (1246-48) by Fernando III of Castilla, who finally captured it. The expedition against Tunis here referred to was undertaken by Carlos I of Spain (1535). to restore Muley Hassan, the Mahometan king of Tunis, to his throne, whence he had been driven by Barbarossa, King of Algiers; the usurper was expelled, after a brief siege.
[119] This is followed by the certification of the copyist who transcribed this document for the South American boundary negotiations between Spain and Portugal in 1776, at Paris. It reads thus: “I, Don Juan Ignacio Cascos, revisor and expert in handwriting and old documents, and one of those appointed by the Royal and Supreme Council of Castilla, made the foregoing copy, and collated it with the original, which was written on twenty-four sheets of ordinary paper, and signed, each in his own hand, by Miguel Lopez de Legazpi and Fernando Riquel. Madrid, the twenty-sixth day of August in the year one thousand seven hundred and seventy-six.
Juan Ignacio Pascos.”