is indebted for nothing.  The other night at a dinner, by the way, he toasted first the French Revolution, then Bonaparte.  It is more than possible that you are right, for France, whether Directory or Consulate, is not likely to change her policy regarding this country.  Nothing would please either Talleyrand or Bonaparte better than to inflame us into a civil war, then swoop down upon us, under the pretence of coming to the rescue.  Burr would be just the man to play into their hands, although with no such intention.  Jefferson is quite clever enough to foil them, if he found that more to his interest.  Well, neither is elected yet.  Let us hope for the best.  Go and ask Angelica to play for you.  I have letters to write to leaders all over the State.”

II

Burr was the author of municipal corruption in New York, the noble grandsire of Tammany Hall.  While Hamilton was too absorbed to watch him, he had divided New York, now a city of sixty thousand inhabitants, into districts and sections.  Under his systematic management the name of every resident was enrolled, and his politics ascertained.  Then Burr and his committees or sub-committees laid siege to the individual.  Insignificant men were given place, and young fire-eaters, furious with Adams, were swept in.  Hundreds of doubtful men were dined and wined at Richmond Hill, flattered, fascinated, conquered.  Burr knew the private history, the income, of every man he purposed to convert, and made dexterous use of his information.  He terrified some with his knowledge, fawned upon others, exempted the stingy from contributions provided he would work, and the lazy from work provided he would pay.  It is even asserted that he blackmailed the women who had trusted him on paper, and forced them to wring votes from their men.  He drafted a catalogue of names for the electoral Legislature, calculated to impose the hesitant, who were not permitted to observe that he smarted and snarled under many a kick.  Strong names were essential if the Republicans were to wrest New York from the Federals after twelve years of unbroken rule, but strong men had long since ceased to have aught to do with Burr; although Jefferson, as Hamilton suspected, had recently extended his politic paw.  But in spite of snubs, curt dismissals, and reiterated intimations that his exertions were wasting, Burr did at last, by dint of flattery, working upon the weak points of the men he thoroughly understood, convincing them that victory lay in his hands and no other,—­some of them that he was working in harmony with Jefferson,—­induce Clinton, Brockholst Livingston, General Gates,—­each representing a different faction,—­and nine other men of little less importance, to compose the city ticket.  All manner of Republicans were pleased, and many discontented Federalists.  Burr, knowing that his own election in New York was hopeless, was a candidate for the Assembly in the obscure county of Orange; and the Legislature which would elect the next President was threatened with a Republican majority, which alarmed the Federalist party from one end of the Union to the other.