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This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 309 pages of information about Abraham Lincoln, Volume II.

I do not believe that any compromise embracing the maintenance of the Union is now possible.  All that I learn leads to a directly opposite belief.  The strength of the rebellion is its military, its army.  That army dominates all the country and all the people within its range.  Any offer of terms made by any man or men within that range, in opposition to that army, is simply nothing for the present; because such man or men have no power whatever to enforce their side of a compromise, if one were made with them.

To illustrate:  suppose refugees from the South and peace men of the North get together in convention, and frame and proclaim a compromise embracing a restoration of the Union.  In what way can that compromise be used to keep Lee’s army out of Pennsylvania?  Meade’s army can keep Lee’s army out of Pennsylvania, and, I think, can ultimately drive it out of existence.  But no paper compromise, to which the controllers of Lee’s army are not agreed, can at all affect that army.  In an effort at such compromise we would [should] waste time, which the enemy would improve to our disadvantage, and that would be all.

A compromise, to be effective, must be made either with those who control the rebel army, or with the people, first liberated from the domination of that army by the success of our own army.  Now, allow me to assure you that no word or intimation from that rebel army, or from any of the men controlling it, in relation to any peace compromise, has ever come to my knowledge or belief.  All charges and insinuations to the contrary are deceptive and groundless.  And I promise you that if any such proposition shall hereafter come, it shall not be rejected and kept a secret from you.  I freely acknowledge myself to be the servant of the people, according to the bond of service, the United States Constitution; and that, as such, I am responsible to them.  But to be plain, you are dissatisfied with me about the negro.  Quite likely there is a difference of opinion between you and myself upon that subject.  I certainly wish that all men could be free, while you, I suppose, do not.  Yet I have neither adopted nor proposed any measure which is not consistent with even your views, provided that you are for the Union.  I suggested compensated emancipation, to which you replied:  you wished not to be taxed to buy negroes.  But I had not asked you to be taxed to buy negroes, except in such a way as to save you from greater taxation to save the Union exclusively by other means.

You dislike the emancipation proclamation, and perhaps would have it retracted.  You say it is unconstitutional.  I think differently.  I think the Constitution invests its commander-in-chief with all the law of war in time of war.  The most that can be said, if so much, is, that slaves are property.  Is there, has there ever been, any question that by the law of war, property, both of enemies and friends, may be taken when needed?  And is it not needed whenever it helps us and hurts the enemy?  Armies, the world over, destroy enemies’ property when they cannot use it, and even destroy their own to keep it from the enemy.

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