that he could work with men who in many matters disagreed with him, and as he left the points of disagreement on one side, he used the more effectively points of agreement.  I do not think that Jefferson could do this, or Hamilton either, and I cannot rid myself of the suspicion that Jefferson furnished Philip Freneau, who came from New York to Philadelphia to edit the anti-Washington newspaper, with much of his inspiration if not actual articles.  The objective of the “Gazette” was, of course, the destruction of Hamilton and his policy of finance.  If Hamilton could be thus destroyed, it would be far easier to pull down Washington also.  Lest the invectives in the “Gazette” should fail to shake Washington in his regard for Hamilton, Jefferson indited a serious criticism of the Treasury, and he took pains to have friends of his leave copies of the indictment so that Washington could not fail to see them.  The latter, however, by a perfectly natural and characteristic stroke which Jefferson could not foresee, sent the indictment to Hamilton and asked him to explain.  This Hamilton did straightforwardly and point-blank—­and Jefferson had the mortification of perceiving that his ruse had failed.  Hamilton, under a thin disguise, wrote a series of newspaper assaults on Jefferson, who could not parry them or answer them.  He was no match for the most terrible controversialist in America; but he could wince.  And presently B.F.  Bache, the grandson of Benjamin Franklin, brought his unusual talents in vituperation, in calumny, and in nastiness to the “Aurora,” a blackguard sheet of Philadelphia.  Washington doubtless thought himself so hardened to abuse by the experience he had had of it during the Revolution that nothing which Freneau, Bache, and their kind could say or do, would affect him.  But he was mistaken.  And one cannot fail to see that they saddened and annoyed him.  He felt so keenly the evil which must come from the deliberate sowing of dissensions.  He cared little what they might say against himself, but he cared immensely for their sin against patriotism.  Before his term as President drew to a close, he was already deciding not to be a candidate for a second term.  He told his intention to a few intimates—­from them it spread to many others.  His best friends were amazed.  They foresaw great trials for the Nation and a possible revolution.  Hamilton tried to move him by every sort of appeal.  Jefferson also was almost boisterous in denouncing the very idea.  He impressed upon him the importance of his continuing at that crisis.  He had not been President long enough to establish precedents for the new Nation.  There were many volatile incidents which, if treated with less judgment than his, might do grievous harm.  One wonders how sincere all the entreaties to Washington were, but one cannot doubt that the great majority of the country was perfectly sincere in wishing to have him continue; for it had sunk deep into the hearts of Americans that Washington was himself a party, a policy, an ideal above all the rest.  And when the election was held in the autumn of 1792, he was reelected by the equivalent of a unanimous vote.