17. By William E. Niblack, of Indiana: Payment
by offending cities, counties, or districts for fugitive
slaves rescued.
18. By John A. McClernand, of Illinois:
Indemnity for fugitive slaves rescued. A special
Federal police to execute United States laws, and
suppress unlawful resistance thereof.
19. By Thomas C. Hindman, of Arkansas: Right
of property in slaves in slave-States. No interdiction
of inter-State slave trade. Protection of slavery
in all Territories. Admission of States with or
without slavery. Right to hold slaves in transit
through free-States. Deprive States enacting
personal liberty laws of representation in Congress.
Give slave-holding States an absolute negative upon
all action of Congress relating to slavery. States
to appoint the officers exercising Federal functions
within their limits. Make these provisions, together
with three-fifths representation, unrepealable.
20. By Charles H. Larrabee, of Wisconsin:
A convention to amend Constitution.
21. By Thomas L. Anderson, of Missouri:
Submit to the Supreme Court of the United States the
questions at issue between the slave-holding and non-slave-holding
States. Carry into effect by law the opinion of
said Court as a final settlement. (Submitted Dec.
13.)—“Globe,” Dec. 12 and 13,
1860, pp. 76-79, and 96.
[3] “We want nothing more than a simple declaration
that negro slaves are property, and we want the recognition
of the obligation of the Federal Government to protect
that property like all other.” Senate Speech,
“Globe,” May 17, 1860, p. 2155.
THE CONSPIRACY PROCLAIMED
To a great majority of the people the hopes and chances
of a successful compromise seemed still cheering and
propitious. There was indeed a prevailing agitation
in the Southern part of the Union, but it had taken
a virulent form in less than half a dozen States.
In most of these a decided majority still deprecated
disunion. Three of the great political parties
of the country were by the voice of their leaders
pledged to peace and order; the fourth, apparently
controlled as yet by the powerful influences of official
subordination and patronage, must, so it seemed, yield
to the now expressed and public advice of the President
in favor of Union and the enforcement of the law; especially
in view of the forbearance and kindness he was personally
exercising towards the unruly elements of his faction.
Throughout the Northern States the folly and evils
of disunion appeared so palpable that it was not generally
regarded as an imminent danger, but rather as merely
a possible though not probable event. The hasty
and seemingly earnest action of the people and authorities
of South Carolina was looked upon as a historical
repetition of the nullification crisis of 1831-32;
and without examining too closely the real present
condition of affairs, men hoped, rather than intelligently
expected, that the parallel would continue to the
end. Some sort of compromise of the nature of
that of 1850 was the prevailing preoccupation in politics.
