here, would be countless in their differences.  I hear explanations of the present state of things all day long.  I like to hear them.  You think it may become monotonous.  No:  not at all; because there is so much, I will not say of random variety, but there is so much independent use of mind upon the facts that we have to deal with, that I listen with endless edification and instruction.  But, I think, and I wish I could think otherwise with all my heart—­that to sum up all these theories and explanations of the state of things with which we have to deal, you can hardly resist a painful impression that there is now astir in some quarters a certain estrangement and alienation of races. ("No no.”) Gentlemen, bear with me patiently.  It is our share in the Asiatic question.

A DIFFICULT PROBLEM.

I am trying to feel my way through the most difficult problem, the most difficult situation that a responsible Government can have to face.  Of course, I am dependent upon information.  But as I read it, as I listen to serious Indian experts with large experience, it all sounds estrangement and alienation even though it be no worse than superficial.  Now that is the problem that we have to deal with.  Gentlemen, I should very badly repay your kindness in asking me to come among you to-night, if I were to attempt for a minute to analyse or to prove all the conditions that have led to this state of things.  It would need hours and days.  This is not, I think, the occasion, nor the moment.  Our first duty—­the first duty of any Government—­is to keep order.  But just remember this.  It would be idle to deny, and I am not sure that any of you gentlemen would deny, that there is at this moment, and there has been for some little time past, and very likely there will be for some time to come, a living movement in the mind of the peoples for whom you are responsible.  A living movement, and a movement for what?  A movement for objects which we ourselves have all taught them to think desirable objects.  And unless we somehow or other can reconcile order with satisfaction of those ideas and aspirations, gentlemen, the fault will not be theirs.  It will be ours.  It will mark the breakdown of what has never yet broken down in any part of the world—­the breakdown of British statesmanship.  That is what it will do.  Now I do not believe anybody—­either in this room or out of this room—­believes that we can now enter upon an era of pure repression.  You cannot enter at this date and with English public opinion, mind you, watching you, upon an era of pure repression, and I do not believe really that anybody desires any such thing.  I do not believe so.  Gentlemen, we have seen attempts, in the lifetime of some of us here to-night, attempts in Continental Europe, to govern by pure repression.  Has one of them really succeeded?  They have all failed.  There may be now and again a spurious semblance of success, but in truth they have all failed.  Whether