recollect that the promoters of these schemes in France, constantly amused the people with the idea that a new order of things—­new rights—­new principles, were to arise.  Who does not recollect to have read of the perfectability human nature—­of the enlightened age of regenerated France?  She boldly proclaimed herself the example of the world, and all nations were invited to see her glory, and enjoy her blessed liberty and her glorious equality.  But mark the issue —­Not twelve years have elapsed before she has returned to an inglorious despotism—­She has exchanged her Capets for a foreign usurper, with an incalculable loss, and here her history ends.  Such is the constant termination of such revolutions, and shall we claim to be an exception?  How do we judge as to the propriety of any course of life except by observation, experience or history?  We see industry and integrity rewarded with competence or wealth—­we see intemperance and sloth followed with disease, loss of reputation and poverty.  These are sure grounds on which to predict respecting our neighbors, and by which to regulate our own conduct.  On similar principles a wise people regard the conduct of other nations, and are solemnly admonished by their example.  Let not then the projector persuade us to adopt his theories with proofs of their danger thus glaring before our eyes.  Look at the conduct of our revolutionists for four years past, and see if you do not discover the genuine principles of the Jacobins of France—­Recollect also that they had first a Convention—­then an Executive Directory—­then a Consul for years—­then a Consul for life, and then an usurper with an hereditary descent in his family.  At each successive revolution the people were courted—­were flattered—­were promised transcendent felicity.  The people swore eternal hatred to Monarchy, and eternal fidelity to Constitutions, till, heaven, weary of their perjuries, sent them a despot in his wrath.

My fellow citizens human nature is the same here as in France—­Then before you give ear to the songs of enchantment Count the Cost—­Before you sell your birthright for a mess of pottage Count the Cost.  Before you consent to yield up the institutions of your wise and pious ancestors, Count the Cost—­Before you admit universal suffrage Count the Cost—­Before you submit to the mischievous doctrine of district elections, Count the Cost.—­Before you reject from office the men whom your hearts approve, Count the Cost, the great cost of weak and wicked rulers.—­Before you consent to be governed by men whose impudence, and vice constitute many of their claims to promotion, Count the Cost.  This evil you can prevent by attending with punctuality on our elections.  The freemen of Connecticut are mighty when they arise in their strength.  No freeman can justify absence except from necessity.—­That people who will not faithfully attend upon the Choice of their rulers, cannot expect to retain their freedom.—­Trust not to a majority—­say not that things will go well without me—­Such language is unbecoming freemen—­Despair not of a majority—­if you will not “go with the multitude to do evil,” go against them to do good.  Before you neglect an election Count the Cost —­If the loss of your Vote should prove the loss of an election of a single man, then will you not have Counted the Cost.