The present day Republic of Tunisia, al-Jumhuriyyah at-Tunisiyyah, has over ten million people, almost all of Arab-Berber descent. Tunis is the capitol city. Tunisia contains about 164,000 square kilometers (63,400 square miles), with the Mediterranean Sea to the north and east (1148 km. of coastline), and bounded by Libya to the southeast (459 km.), and by Algeria to the west (965 km.).[1] Jebel ech Chambi is the highest point at 1544 meters. Weather in the north is temperate, with mild rainy winters and hot dry summers, the land being wooded and fertile. Orchards and grazing fill the central coastal plains. The south is semi-arid, until merging into the Sahara desert.
Early history
Berber Background People known as the Berbers (who today call themselves the Imazighen or Tamazight), their relations and descendants, have been the major population group to inhabit North Africa during the last eight thousand years.[2] This anciently included terrain from the Nile to the Atlantic, encompassing the vast Sahara with Ahaggar and Tibesti, and the long Mediterranean shore, including the region now called the Republic of Tunisia.[3] The twenty or so Berber languages form one of the branches of Afroasiatic,[4] a world language family which itself stretches from Mesopotamia to the Niger, its other branches being: Ancient Egyptian, Semitic (which includes Arabic and Hebrew), Cushitic, and Chadic.[5] Berber, however, is no longer widely spoken in present day Tunisia; e.g., centuries ago many Zanata Berbers became Arabized.[6] Rock inscriptions in the Sahara, the Capsian stone blades and tools, and small figurines, found in al-Maghrib, as well as many of the dolmens by the Mediterranean have been associated with the Berbers.[7] Seasonal and migration routes across the Sahara evidence their travels in prehistoric times. Egyptian hieroglyphs from early dynasties testify to the cultural presence of Libyans, the Berbers of the "western desert". A Berber of the Meshwesh tribe, Shoshenq I (r.945-924) became pharaoh of Egypt, and founder of its Twenty-second Dynasty (945-715).[8] Among the ancients, the Berber peoples of North Africa were often known collectively as Libyans.[9] Berbers to the west were also know as Numidians, or Mauri or Maurisi (later Moors).[10] The Berbers developed their own writing system, called today Tifinagh.[11] Berbers, particularly those of Tunisia, became well known in antiquity due to their contact with the Mediterranean trade. Migrating Peoples Tunisia in its history has seen the arrival of many peoples. By three thousand years ago the eastern Mediterranean had prospered, resulting in an excess of population. Consequently city-states started organizing their youth to migrate in groups to where land was less densely settled. To these migrants the western Mediterranean presented an opportunity and could be reached relatively easily by ship, without marching through foreign territory. Such colonists sailed westward across the seas, following the lead of their commercial traders. The Greeks later followed, coming to (what is now) Libya, Sicily, Italy, and southern France. Earlier the Phoenicians had arrived in (what is now) Sardinia, Spain, Morocco, Algeria, Sicily, and of course, Tunisia. Throughout Tunisia's history many peoples have arrived among the Berbers to settle: most recently the French, before them came the Ottomans, yet earlier the Arabs who brought their language and the religion of Islam, before them the Byzantines, and the Vandals. Over two thousand years ago came the Romans, whose Empire long governed the region. The Phoenicians founded Carthage close to three thousand years ago. Also came migrations from the south. Perhaps eight millennia ago, there were already peoples established among whom the proto-Berbers mingled, and from whom the Berbers would spring, during an era of their ethno-genesis.[12]
Carthage
Foundation The city of Carthage (site of its ruins near present day Tunis) was begun by Phoenicians coming from the Levant. Its name Kart Hudesht in their Punic language meant "new city".[13] The Punic idiom is a member of the west Semitic language group.[14] It was Tyre, a major maritime city-state of Phoenicia, which first settled Carthage in order to enjoy a permanent station for its trade in the western Mediterranean. Legends alive in the city for centuries assigned its foundation to the queen of Tyre, Elissa, also called Dido, who was the heroine of the Aeneid by Virgil (cf., the Byrsa).[15] Sovereignty By the middle of the sixth century B.C., Carthage had grown into a fully independent thalassocracy. Under Mago (r., c.550-530) and later the Magonid family, Carthage became preeminent among the Phoenician colonies in the western Mediterranean. Trading partnerships were established among the Numidian Berbers to the west along the African coast and to the east in Lybia, as well as stations in southern Sardinia and western Sicily, Ibiza in the Balearics, Lixus south of the straits, and Gades north of the straits, in addition to other trading stations in south and east Iberia. Also, Carthage enjoyed an able ally in the Etruscans to the north of Rome.[16] One of its merchant sailors, Himilco, explored in the Atlantic to the north, along the coast of the Lusitanians and perhaps as far as Oestrymnis (modern Brittany), circa 500 B.C. Carthage would soon supplant the Iberian city of Tartessus in carrying the tin trade from Oestrymnis. Another, Hanno the Navigator explored the Atlantic to the south, along the African coast well past the River Gambia. The traders of Carthage were known to be secretive about business and particularly about their trade routes; it was their practice to keep the straits to the Atlantic closed to the Greeks.[17] In the 530s there had been a three sided naval struggle between the Phoenicians, the Greeks, and the Etrusco-Punic allies; the Greeks lost Corsica to the Etruscans and Sardinia to Carthage. The Etruscans then unsuccessfully attacked the Greek colonies in the Campania south of Rome. As an eventual result, Rome threw off their Etruscan kings of the Tarquin dynasty. In 509 Carthage and the Roman Republic entered into a treaty which defined their commercial zones.[18] Greek rivalry: The energetic presence of Greek traders and their emporia in the Mediterranean region led to disputes over commercial spheres of influence, especially in Sicily. This Greek threat, plus the foreign conquest of Phoenicia in the Levant, had caused many Phoenician colonies to come under the leadership of Carthage. In 480 B.C. (concurrent with Persia's invasion of Greece), Mago's grandson Hamilcar landed a large army in Sicily in order to confront Syracuse (a colony of Corinth) on the island's eastern coast, but the Greeks prevailed at the Battle of Himera. A long struggle ensued with intermittent warfare between Syracuse led by e.g., the tyrant Dionysius I (r.405-367), and Carthage led by e.g., Hanno I the Great. Later, near Syracuse Punic armies defeated the Greek leader Agathocles (r.317-289) in battle, who then attempted a bold strategic end-run by leaving Sicily and landing his forces at Cape Bon near Carthage, frightening the city. Yet Carthage again defeated Agathocles (310-307). Greece, preoccupied with its conquest of the Persian Empire in the east, eventually became supplanted in the western Mediterranean by Rome, the new rival of Carthage.[19] All this while Carthage only enlarged its commercial sphere, venturing south to develop the Saharan trade, augmenting its markets along the African coast, in southern Iberia, and among the Mediterranean islands, and exploring in the far Atlantic. Carthage also established its authority directly among the Numidian Berber peoples in the lands immediately surrounding the city, which grew ever more prosperous.[20]
Religion of Carthage: The Phoenicians of Tyre brought their lifestyle and inherited customs with them to North Africa. Their religious practices and beliefs were generally similar to those of their neighbors in Canaan, which in turn shared characteristics common throughout the ancient Semitic world.[21] Several aspects of Canaanite religion have been widely criticized, particularly temple prostitution and child sacrifice.[22] Canaanite religious sense and mythology do not appear as elaborated or developed as those of Mesopotamia. In Canaan the supreme god was called El, which means "god" in common Semitic. The important storm god was called Baal, which means "master". Other gods were called after royalty, e.g., Melqart means "king of the city".[23] The gods of the Semitic pantheon that were worshipped would depend on the identity of the particular city-state or tribe.[24] After being transplanted to Africa far from its regional origins, and after co-existing with the surrounding Berber tribes, the original Phoenician pantheon and ways of worship evolved distinctly over time at the city-state of Carthage. Religion in Carthage The Constitution of Carthage The government of Carthage was undoubtedly patterned after the Phoenician, especially the mother city of Tyre, but Phoenician cities had kings and Carthage apparently did not.[25] An important office was called in Punic the Suffets (a Semitic word agnate with the Old Hebrew Shophet usually translated as Judges as in the Book of Judges). Yet the Suffet at Carthage was more the executive leader, but as well served in a judicial role. Birth and wealth were the initial qualifications. It appears that the Suffet was elected by the citizens, and held office for a one year term; probably there were two of them at a time; hence quite comparable to the Roman Consulship. A major difference was that the Suffet had no military power. Carthaginian generals marshalled mercenary armies and were separately elected. From about 550 to 450 the Magonid family monopolized the top military position; later the Barcid family acted similarly. Eventually it came to be that, after a war, the commanding general had to testify justifying his actions before a court of 104 judges.[26] Aristotle (384-322, Greek) discusses Carthage in his Politica[27] describing the city as a "mixed constitution", a political arrangement with cohabiting elements of monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy. Later Polybus of Megalopolis (c.204-122, Greek) in his Histories[28] would describe the Roman Republic as a mixed constitution in which the Consuls were the monarchy, the Senate the aristocracy, and the Assemblies the democracy. Evidently Carthage also had an institution of elders who advised the Suffets, similar to the Roman Senate. We do not have a name for this body. At times members would travel with an army general on campaign. Members also formed permanent committees. The institution had several hundred members from the wealthiest class who held office for life. Vacancies were probably filled by co-option. From among its members were selected the 104 Judges mentioned above. Later the 104 would come to judge not only army generals but other office holders as well. Aristotle regarded the 104 as most important; he compared it to the ephorate of Sparta with regard to control over security. In Hannibal's time, such a Judge held office for life. At some stage there also came to be independent self-perpetuating boards of five who filled vacancies and supervised (non-military) government administration.[29] Popular assemblies as well existed at Carthage. When deadlocked the Suffets and the quasi-senatorial institution might request the assembly to vote, or in very crucial matters in order to achieve political coherence. The assembly members had no legal wealth or birth qualification. How its members were selected is unknown, e.g., whether by festival group or urban ward or another method.[30] The Greeks were favorably impressed by the constitution of Carthage; Aristotle had a study of it made which unfortunately is lost. In the brief approving review of it found in his Politica[31] Aristotle saw one fault: that focus on pursuit of wealth led to oligarchy. So it was in Carthage. The people were politically passive; popular rights came late. Being a commercial republic fielding a mercenary army, the people were not conscripted for military service, an experience which can foster the feel for popular political action. On the other hand, Carthage was very stable; there were few openings for tyrants. "The superiority of their constitution is proved by the fact that the common people remain loyal," noted Aristotle.[32] Only after defeat by Rome devastated Carthage's imperial ambitions did the people express interest in reform.[33]
In 196, following the Second Punic War, Hannibal Barca, still greatly admired as a Barcid military leader, was elected Suffet. When his reforms were blocked by a financial official about to become a Judge for life, Hannibal rallied the populace against the 104 Judges. He proposed a one year term for the 104, as part of a major civic overhaul. His political opponents cravenly went to Rome and charged Hannibal with conspiracy, with plotting war against Rome in league with Antiochus the Hellenic ruler of Syria. Although Scipio Africanus resisted such maneuver, eventually Roman intervention forced Hannibal to leave Carthage. Thus corrupt officials of Carthage efficiently blocked Hannibal Barca's efforts at reform.[34]. The above description of the constitution basically follows Warmington. Largely it is taken from descriptions by Greek foreigners who likely would see in Carthage reflections of their own institutions. How strong was the Hellenizing influence within Carthage? The basic difficulty is the lack of adequate writings due to the secretive nature of the Punic state as well as to the utter destruction of the capitol city and its records. Another view of the constitution of Carthage is given by Picard as follows. Mago (6th century) was King of Carthage, Punic MLK or malik (Greek basileus), not merely a SFT or Suffet, which then was only a minor official. Mago as MLK was head of state and war leader; being MLK was also a religious office. His family was considered to possess a sacred quality. Mago's office was somewhat similar to that of Pharaoh, but although kept in a family it was not hereditary, it was limited by legal consent; however, the council of elders and the popular assembly are late institutions. Carthage was founded by the King of Tyre who had a royal monopoly on this trading venture. Accordingly royal authority was the traditional source of power the MLK of Carthage possessed. Later, as other Phoenician ship companies entered the trading region, and so associated with the city-state, the MLK of Carthage had to keep order among a rich variety of powerful merchants in their negotiations over risky commerce across the seas. The office of MLK began to be transformed, yet it was not until the aristocrats of Carthage became landowners that a council of elders was institutionalized.[35] The Punic Wars with Rome The emergence of the Roman Republic and its developing foreign interests led to sustained rivalry with Carthage for dominion of the western Mediterranean. As early as 509 B.C. Carthage and Rome had entered into treaty status, but eventually their opposing positions led to disagreement, alienation, and conflict.
The First Punic War (264-241) started in Sicily. It developed into a naval war in which the Romans learned how to fight at sea and prevailed. Carthage lost Sardinia and its western portion of Sicily. Following their defeat, the Mercenary revolt threatened the social order of Carthage, which they survived under their opposing leaders Hanno II the Great, and Hamilcar Barca, father of Hannibal.[36] The Second Punic War (218-201) started over a dispute concerning Saguntum (near modern Valencia) in Hispania. It was from there that Hannibal Barca set out, leading his armies over the Alps into Italy. At first Hannibal ("grace of Baal") won great military victories against Rome, at Trasimeno (217), and at Cannae (216), which came close to destroying Rome's ability to wage war. Yet the majority of Rome's Italian allies remained loyal; Rome drew on all her resources and managed to rebuild her military strength. For many years Hannibal remained on campaign in southern Italy. An attempt in 207 by his brother Hasdrubal to reinforce him failed. Meanwhile, Roman armies were contesting Carthage for the control of Hispania, in 211 the domain of armies under Hannibal's three brothers (Hasdrubal, Mago, Hanno), and Hasdrubal Gisco; by 206 the Roman general Cornelius Scipio (later Africanus) had defeated Punic power there. In 204 Rome landed armies at Utica near Carthage, which forced Hannibal's return. One Numidian king, Syphax, supported Carthage. Another, Masinissa, Rome. At the Battle of Zama in 202 the same Roman general Scipio Africanus defeated Hannibal Barca, ending the long war. Carthage lost its trading cities in Hispania and elsewhere in the Western Mediterranean, and much of its influence over the Numidian Kingdoms in North Africa. Carthage became reduced to its immediate surroundings. Also it was required to pay a large indemnity to Rome.[37] Carthage revived, which caused alarm in Rome.
The Third Punic War (149-146) began following the refusal by Carthage to alter the terms of its agreement with Rome. Roman armies again came to Africa and lay siege to the ancient and magnificent city of Carthage, which rejected negotiations. Eventually, the end came; Carthage was destroyed, its citizens enslaved.[38] Afterward The region (modern Tunisia) was annexed by the Roman Republic as the Province of Africa. Carthage itself was eventually rebuilt by the Romans. Long after the fall of Rome, the city of Carthage would be again destroyed.
The Roman Province of Africa
During the Republic: The province (basically what is now Tunisia and coastal regions to the east) became the scene of military campaigns directed by well known Romans. Gaius Marius celebrated his triumph as a result of successfully finishing Rome's war against Jugurtha, the Numidian king. A wealthy novus homo and populares, Marius was the first Roman general to enlist in his army proletari (landless citizens); he was chosen Consul an unprecedented seven times (107, 104-100, 86). The optimate Lucius Cornelius Sulla, later Consul (88, 80), and Dictator (82-79), had served as quaestor under the military command of Marius in Numidia. There in 106 Sulla persuaded Bocchus to hand over Jurgurtha, which ended the war.[39] In 47 B.C. Julius Caesar landed in Africa in pursuit of Pompey's remnant army, which was headquartered at Utica where they enjoyed the support of the Numidian King Juba I. Also present was Cato the Younger, a political leader of Caesar's republican opponents. Caesar's victory nearby at the battle of Thapsus almost put an end to the civil war. Cato committed suicide by his sword.[40] Caesar then annexed Numidia (the eastern region of modern Algeria). Within the Empire Juba II was restored to the throne (as King of Mauretania) by Augustus circa 27 B.C. Educated at Rome and obviously a client king, Juba also wrote books about the culture and history of Africa, and a best seller about Arabia, writings unfortunately lost. He married Cleopatra Selene, the daughter of Anthony and Cleopatra. Later, his kingdom was annexed as the Roman Provinces of Mauritania Tingitana and Mauritania Caesaria (approximately modern northern Morocco and the western coast of Algeria).[41] Renaissance of Carthage Rebuilding began under the Roman Emperor Augustus and, notwithstanding reported ill omens, Carthage flourished during the 1st and 2nd centuries. It became the Capitol of the Province of Africa. Several new towns were founded, and the older Punic and Berber settlements prospered. Its rich agricultural production made the province wealthy. Merchants came to Africa from all across the Empire; veterans retired to Africa. Before long, a sizable Latin speaking population had come to share the region with those speaking the Punic and Berber languages. The Romans governed well enough that the Province of Africa became fully integrated into the Empire.
African Emperors, 193-217 Septimus Severus (145-211, r.193-211) was born of mixed Punic Ancestry in Lepcis Magna, Tripolitania (now Libya) where he spent his youth. Although he was said to speak with a North African accent, he and his family were long members of the Roman cosmopolitan elite. His eighteen year reign was noted for frontier military campaigns. His wife Julia Domna of Emesa, Syria, was from a prominent family of priestly rulers; as empress in Rome she cultivated a salon which may have included Ulpian of Tyre, the jurist of Roman Law. After Severus (whose reign was well regarded), his son Caracalla (r.211-217) became Emperor; Caracalla's edict of 212 granted citizenship to all free inhabitants of the Empire. Later, two grand nephews of Severus through his wife Julia Domna became Emperors: Elagabalus (r.218-222) who brought the black stone of Emesa to Rome; and Severus Alexander (r.222-235) born in Caesarea sub Libano (Lebanon). Though unrelated, the Emperor Macrinus (r.217-218) came from Iol Caesarea in Mauretania (Sharshal, Algeria).[42] Emperors from the Province of Africa: In 238 local proprietors rose in revolt, arming their clients and agricultural tenants who entered Thysdrus (modern El Djem) where they killed their target, a rapacious official and his bodyguards. In open revolt, they then proclaimed as co-emperors the aged Governor of the Province of Africa, Gordian I (c.159-238), and his son, Gordian II (192-238). Gordion I had served at Rome in the Senate and as Consul, and had been the Governor of various provinces. The very unpopular current Emperor Maximinus Thrax (who had succeeded the dynasty of Severus) was campaigning on the middle Danube. In Rome the Senate sided with the insurgents of Thysdrus. When the African revolt collapsed under an assault by local forces still loyal to the emperor, the Senate elected two of their number, Balbinus and Pupienus, as co-emperors. Then Maximus Thrax was killed by his disaffected soldiers. Eventually the grandson of Gordian I, Gordian III (225-244), of the Province of Africa, became the Emperor of the Romans, 238-244. He died on the Persian frontier. His successor was Philip the Arab.[43]
Christianity Two well-known theologians arose in the Province of Africa, especially prominent being St. Augustine. Tertullian (160-230) was born, lived, and died in Carthage; his books were at that time persuasive throughout the Christian world. St. Augustine (354-430), Bishop of Hippo (near Carthage), was born at Tagaste in Numidia, his mother being St. Monica (who evidently was Berber); at Carthage Augustine received his education. While professor of rhetoric at Milano (then the Roman capitol) he was a Manichaean. Following his conversion to Christianity he returned to Africa, where he became a church leader and author of many works. Augustine remains one of the most admired of all Christian theologians. His books (e.g., The City of God, Confessions) are still today widely read and discussed in the church.[44] The Donatist schism was a major disruption; it followed a severe Roman persecution of Christians ordered by the Emperor Diocletian (r.284-305). An earlier persecution had caused divisions over whether or how to accept back into the church contrite Christians who had apostatized under state threats, abuse, or torture. Then in 313 the new Emperor Constantine by the Edict of Milan had granted tolerance to Christianity, himself becoming a Christian; this turnabout led to confusion in the Church, which became divided between wealthy urban members aligned with the Empire, and the local rural poor who were salt-of-the-earth believers. To this challenge the Church did not respond well. The Donatists became centered in southern Numidia, the Catholics in Carthage. One issue was whether a priest could perform his spiritual office if not personally worthy. The Donatist schismatics set up parallel churches in order to practice a ritual purity not required by the Catholic Church.[45] Augustine the Bishop came to condemn the Donatists throngs for rioting; there were Imperial persecutions. Long negotiations lasted until finally Catholics declared Donatism a heresy in 405, though tolerance persisted until the ban became enforced late in the 6th century.[46] Fall of the Roman Empire in the West: In the 5th century the western Roman Empire was in a steep decline. Carthage and the Roman province of Africa were captured by the Vandals in 439 and became the center of their Germanic kingdom. The Vandals tried to convert the Catholic Christians of Africa to their Arian heresy (named after the Egyptian Christian priest Arius, who taught that the Father is greater than the Son and the Spirit), without success; the Berbers remained aloof. The Byzantines, the Roman Empire in the East, eventually recaptured the province in 534. Neither the Vandals nor the Byzantines governed effectively beyond the coastal cities, so that the interior remained under the control of Berber confederacies.[47]
The Umayyad Caliphate in Ifriqiya
By 661 the Umayyads had taken firm control of the new Muslim state, which it ruled from Damascus. The Caliph Mu'awiya could see the foreign lands west of Egypt in terms of the Muslim contest with the Byzantine Empire.
Islamic Conquest In 670 an Arab Muslim army under Uqba ibn Nafi, who had commanded an earlier incursion in 666, entered the region of Ifriqiya (Arabic for the Province of Africa). Arriving by land the Arabs passed by Byzantine strongholds along the Mediterranean coast. In the more arid south, the city of Kairouan was established as their base, and the building of its famous Mosque begun. From 675 to 682 Dinar ibn Abu al-Muhadjir took command of the Arab Muslim army. In the late 670s, this army defeated the Berber forces (apparently composed of sedentary Christians mainly from the Awreba tribe and perhaps the Sanhadja confederation) led by Kusaila, who was taken prisoner. In 682, Uqba ibn Nafi reassumed command. He defeated an alliance of Berber forces near Tahirt, then proceeded westward in military triumph, eventually reaching the Atlantic coast, where he lamented that before him lay no more land to conquer for Islam. Episodes from his campaigns became legend throughout the Maghrib. Yet the Berber leader held prisoner, Kusaila, escaped. Later Kusaila led a fresh Berber uprising, which interrupted the conquest and claimed the Arab leader's life. Kusaila then formed an enlarged Berber kingdom. Yet Zuhair b.Qais, the deputy of the fallen Arab leader, enlisted Zanata tribes from Cyrenaica to fight for the cause of Islam, and in 686 managed to overturn Kusaila's new kingdom.[48]
Under the Caliph 'Abd al-Malik (685-705), the Umayyad conquest of North Africa was to advance close to completion. In Egypt an new army of forty thousand was assembled, to be commanded by Hassan ibn al-Nu'man (known to Arabs as "the honest old man"). Meanwhile, the Byzantines had been reinforced. The Arab Muslim army crossed the Cyrene and Tripoli without opposition, then quickly attacked and captured Carthage.
The Berbers, however, offered stiff resistance, being led by a woman of the Jarawa tribe, whom the Arabs called the prophetess ["al-Kahina" in Arabic]; her actual name was approximately Damiya.[49] On the river Nini, the Berbers under Damiya defeated the Muslim armies under al-Nu'man, who escaped back to Cyrenaica. Thereupon, the Byzantines took advantage of the Berber victory by reoccupying Carthage. Unlike the Berber Kusaila ten years earlier, Damiya did not establish a larger state, evidently being content to rule merely her own tribe. Some commentators speculate that to Damiya the Arabs appeared interested in booty primarily, because she then commenced to ravage and disrupt the region, making it unattractive to raiders looking for spoils of war; of course, it also made her unpopular to the residents. Yet she did not attack the Muslim base at Kairouan. From Egypt the Caliph 'Abdul-Malik had reinforced al-Nu'man in 698, who then reentered Ifriqiya. Although she told her two sons to go over to the Arabs, she herself again gave battle; she lost, al-Nu'man won. It is said that at Bir al-Kahina [well of the prophetess] in the Auras the Damiya was killed.[50] In 705 Hassan b. al-Nu'man stormed Carthage, overcame and sacked it, leaving it a ruin. Nearby he founded Tunis as a naval base. Muslim ships began to dominate the Mediterranean coast; hence the Byzantines made their final withdrawal from al-Maghrib. Then al-Nu'man was replaced as Muslim military leader by Musa ibn Nusair, who substantially completed the conquest of al-Maghrib. He soon took the city of Tangier and appointed as its governor the Berber Tariq ibn Ziyad.[51] Berber Rôle The Berber people (also known as the Amazigh) "converted in mass as tribes and assmilated juridically to the Arabs," writes Prof. Hodgson; he then comments that the Berbers were to play a rôle in the west parallel to that played by the Arabs elsewhere in Islam.[52] Somewhat like the Arabs, for centuries the Berbers were living as semi-pastoralists in or near arid lands at the fringe of civilization, without losing their own isolated identity. "The Maghrib, islanded between Mediterranean and Sahara, was to the Berbers what Arabia was to the Arabs." Although the Berbers enjoyed more rainfall than the Arabs, their higher mountains made their settlements likewise difficult to access; although the Imperial cities were more proximous, those cities never incorporated the countryside with a network of market towns, but instead remained aloof from the indigenous rural Berbers.[53]
A counter argument would be that the Berbers merely imitated the success of the Arab Muslims; the better historical choice would have been more ethnically authentic, i.e., to articulate their own inner character and fate.[54] Abdallah Laroui interprets the North African panorama as indicating that the Berbers did in fact carve out for themselves an independent rôle. "From the first century B.C. to the eighth century A.D. the will of the Berbers to be themselves is revealed by the continuity of their efforts to reconstitute the kingdoms of the Carthaginian period, and in this sense the movement was crowned with success."[55] By choosing to ally not with nearby Europe but with distant Arabia, the Berbers knowingly decided their future and historical path. "Their hearts opened to the call of Islam because in it they saw a means of national liberation and territorial independence."[56] Parallels between Berber and Arab are notable, as Hodgeson adumbrates. In addition, both the languages spoken by the semitic Arabs and by the Berbers are members of the same Afro-Asiatic language family, although from different branches.[57] Perhaps this linguistic kinship shares a further resonance, e.g., in mythic explantions, popular symbols, and religious proclivity,[58] in some features of psychology,[59] and in the media of culture and the context of tradition.[60] The somewhat-Arabized Muslim Berbers, from Cyrenaica to al-Andalus, continuously remained in communication with each other throughout the following centuries. As a group their distinguishing features are easy to discern within Islam; e.g., while the ulama in the rest of Islam adopted for the most part either the Hanafi or the Shafi'i school of law, the Berbers in the west chose the Maliki madhhab, developing it in their own fashion.[61] Also inducing the Berbers to convert was the early lack of rigor in religious obligations, as well as the prospect of inclusion as warriors in the armies of conquest, with a corresponding share in booty and tribute. A few years later, in 711, the Berber Tariq ibn Ziyad would lead the Muslim invasion of the Visigothic Kingdom in Hispania. Additionally, many of the Arabs who came to settle in al-Maghrib were religious and political dissidents, often Kharijites who opposed the Umayyad rulers in Damascus and embraced egalitarian doctrines, both popular positions among the Berbers of North Africa.[62]
Ifriqiya was considered a natural center for an Arab-Islamic regime in North Africa, the focus of culture and society. It was the region with the best urban, commercial and agricultural infrastructure, essential for such a comprehensive project as Islam.
The Aghlabid Dynasty under the Abbasids
During the years immediately preceding the fall of the Umayyad Caliphate of Damascus (661-750),[63] revolts arose among the Kharijite Berbers in Morocco which eventually disrupted the stability of the entire Maghrib. Although the Kharijites failed to establish lasting institutions, the results of their revolt persisted. Direct rule by the Caliphs over Ifriqiya became untenable, even following the rapid establishment of the new Abbasid Caliphate of Baghdad in 750. Also, after several generations a local Arab-speaking aristocracy emerged, which became resentful of the distant caliphate's interference in local matters.[64] The Muhallabids (771-793) negotiated with the 'Abbasids a wide discretion in the exercise of their governorship of Ifriqiya. One such governor was al-Aghlab ibn Salim (r. 765-767). Yet Muhallabid rule came undone. A minor rebellion in Tunis took on a more ominous turn when it spread to Kairouan. The Caliph's governor was unable to restore order.
Ibrahim ibn al-Aghlab, a provincial leader (son of al-Aghlab ibn Salim) in command of a disciplined army, did manage to reestablish stability in 797. Later he proposed to the 'Abbasid caliph Harun al-Rashid, that he be granted Ifriqiya (as the Arabs called the former Province of Africa) as a hereditary fief; the caliph acquiesced in 800. Thereafter, the 'Abbasids received an annual tribute and their suzerainty was named in the khubta at Friday prayers,[65] but their control was largely symbolic, e.g., in 864 the Caliph al-Mu'tasim "required" that a new wing be added to the Zaituna Mosque near Tunis. From 800 to 909, Ibrahim ibn al-Aghlab (800-812) and his descendants, known as the Aghlabids, ruled in Ifriqiya, in proximous Algeria (to the west) and in Tripolitania (to the east) on behalf of the 'Abbasid Caliphate. The Aghlabids were predominantly of an Arab tribe the Bani Tamim. Their military forces were drawn from: (a) Arab immigrant warriors (those recently sent against the Kharajite revolts, and descendants of earlier Arab invasions), (b) Islamized and bilingual natives (Afariq), and (c) black slave soldiers. It was on their black soldiery that the rulers often relied.[66] Despite the political peace and stability, followed by the economic expansion and prosperity, and despite a developing culture and grand construction projects, many in the Arabic-speaking elite developed an increasingly critical attitude toward the regime. First, the Arab military officer class was dissatisfied and often fell to quarreling which could turn into violent struggles. Their latent hostility also surfaced when they began making extortionist demands on the population, and in general insubordination. A dangerous revolt from within the Arab army (the jund) broke out near Tunis and lasted from 824 until 826. The Aghlabids retreated to the south and were saved only by enlisting the aid of Berbers of the Kharajite Jarid.[67] Second, the Muslim ulema looked with reproach on the ruling Aghlabids. Aggravation in religious circles arose primarily from the un-Islamic lifestyle of the rulers. Disregarding the strong religious sentiments held by the community, many of the Aghlabids led lives of pleasure and often were seen drinking wine. Other opponents criticized their contemptuous treatment of mawali Berbers who had embraced Islam. The Islamic doctrine of equality regardless of race was a cornerstone of the Sunni movement in the Maghrib, and also of the Maliki school of law as developed in Kairouan; these principles formed the core of the hostility of Ifriqiya toward Arab-caliphal rule from the east. As recompense, the Aghlabid rulers saw that mosques were constructed or augmented, e.g., at Kairouan (Mosque of the Three Doors), at Tunis (the Olive Tree, the Zaituna Mosque), and at Sfax. A well known ribat or fortified monastery was built at Monastir, and also at Susa (in 821 by Ziyadat Allah I); here warriors trained. In 831 the son of Ibrahim, Ziyadat Allah I (r. 817-838), launched an invasion of Sicily. Placed in command was Asad ibn al-Furat, the qadi or religious judge. This expedition proved successful; Palermo was made the capitol of the region captured. Later raids were made against the Italian peninsula; in 846 Rome was attacked and the Basilica of St. Peter sacked. In orchestrating the invasion of Sicily, the Aghlabid rulers had managed to unite two rebellious factions (the army and the clergy) in a common effort against outsiders.[68] Later Islamic rulers in Sicily severed connections with Ifriqiyah, and their own Kalbid dynasty (948-1053) governed the Emirate.[69] The invasion of Sicily worked to stabilize the political order in Ifriqiya, which progressed in relative tranquility during its middle period. In its final decline, however, the dynasty self-destructed, in that its eleventh and last amir, Ziyadat Allah III (r. 902-909) (d. 916), due to insecurity stemming from his father's assassination, ordered all his brothers and uncles executed. This occurred during the assaults made by the Fatimids against the Aghlabid domains.
Culture & Society Ifriqiya flourished under Aghlabid rule. Extensive improvements were made to the pre-existing water works in order to promote olive groves and other agriculture (oils and cereals were exported), to irrigate the royal gardens, and for livestock. Aqueducts to supply the towns with water were rebuilt under Abu Ibrahim Ahmad, the sixth amir. In the Kairouan region hundreds of basins were constructed to store water for raising horses. Mediterranean commerce increased, particularly to the east with Alexandria. Improved trade routes linked Tunisia with the African interior, the Sahara and the Sudan, regions regularly incorporated with Mediterranean trade for the first time during this period; Sijilmasa serving the primary trading junction and entrepôt.[70] In the Aghlabid government generally, the high positions were filled by "princes of the blood, whose loyalty could be relied on." The post of qadi of Kairouan would be given "only to outstanding personalities notable for their conscientiousness even more than their knowledge."[71] On the other hand, the administrative staffs were composed of dependent clients (mostly Arab and Persian immigrants), and the bilingual mostly Berber Afariq (which included many Christians). Islamic rule in Ifriqiya paralleled in many respects the government structure formed in Abbasid Baghdad,[72] There was the vizier, the hajib, the sahib al-barid [master of posts and intelligence], and the numerous kuttab [secretaries] (e.g., of taxation, of the mint, of the army, of correspondence). Jews formed a small elite group. As in an earlier periods (e.g., under Byzantine rule), the majority of the population consisted of rural Berbers, distrusted now because of Kharajite or similar tendencies.[73] A prosperous economy permitted a refined and luxurious court life and the construction of the new palace cities of al-'Abbasiya (809), and Raqada (877) for the residences of the ruling amir. The architecture was later imitated in Fez, Tlemcen, and Bougie. The location of these Aghlabid government centers was outside of Kairouan, a city dominated by Muslim clerical institutions. Kairouan (or Qayrawan) had become the cultural center of not only of Ifriqiya but of the entire Maghrib. A type of book then current, called tabaqat which concerned the handling of documents, indirectly discloses sketches of elite life in Aghlabid Ifriqiya; one such writing being the Tabaqat 'ulama' Ifriqiya [Classes of Scholars of Ifriqiya] by Abu al-'Arab.[74] Among the Sunni Muslim ulema, two learned professions then came to the fore: (a) the faqih or the jurist; and (b) the 'abid or the religious scholar. Among the faqih, the more liberal Hanafi school of law was once predominant in Ifriqiyah, but before long a strict form of the Maliki school came to prevail completely, becoming the only widespread madhhab, a situation which continues as the norm today not only in Ifriqiya, but throughout the Maghrib. The Maliki school was introduced to Ifriqiya by the jurist Asad ibn al-Furat (759-829), who nonetheless wavered between these two schools of law. The Mudawanna, written by his disciple Sahnun ('Abd al-Salam b. Sa'id) (776-854), provided a "vulgate of North-African Malikism" during the period in which this madhhab won the field against its rival, the Hanafi.[75] Foremost of the 'abid scholars or ascetics was Buhlul b. Rashid (d. 799), who reputedly despised money and refused the post of grand judge; his fame spread throughout the Islamic world. By virtue of their piety and independent, the abid gained prestige and a voice in politics, speaking for the cities, especially in their criticism of the regime regarding finance and trade. Although substantially very different, the status of the abid relates somewhat to the later figure of the Maghribi saint, the wali, who as keeper of baraka (spiritual charisma) become the object of veneration by religious believers, and whose tomb the destination of pilgrimage.[76] Ifriqiyah during the era under the Aghlabid Dynasty (799-909) for the most part continued its leading rôle in the Maghrib, due generally to its peace and stability, recognized cultural achievements, and material prosperity.[77]
The Fatimids: origins, and the Zirids
As the Fatimids grew in strength and numbers nearby to the west, they began to launch frequent attacks on Ifriqiya, which of course contributed to its political instability and general unrest. The Fatimids eventually managed to capture Kairouan in 909, forcing the last of the Aghlabid line, Ziyadat Allah III, to evacuate the palace at Raqadda. On the east coast of Ifriqiaya facing Egypt, the Fatimids built a new capital on top of ancient ruins, calling their seaport Mahdiya.
The Fatimid movement had originated locally in al-Maghrib, among the Kotama Berbers in Kabylia (Setif, south of Bougie, eastern Algeria). However, both founders of the movement were recent immigrants from the Islamic east, religious dissidents: Abu 'Abdulla ash-Shi'i, originally from San'a in al-Yemen; and, coming from Salamiyah in Syria, 'Ubaidalla Sa'id (who claimed descent from Fatima the daughter of the prophet Muhammad, and who was to proclaim himself the Fatimid Mahdi). Their religious affiliation was the Ismaili branch of the Shia. By agreement, the first founder to arrive (circa 893) was Abu 'Abdulla, the Ismaili dai or propagandist, who found welcome in the hostility toward the Arab regime that was expressed by the Kotama Berbers.[78] After his success in recruitment and in building the organization, Abu 'Abdulla was ready in 902 to send for 'Ubaidalla Sa'ed, who (after adventures and imprisonment) arrived in 910, proclaimed himself Mahdi, and took control of the movement. Abu 'Abdulla was killed in a dispute over leadership. From the start the Mahdi was focused on expansion eastward, and he soon attacked Egypt with a Fatimid army led by his son, once in 914, and again in 919, both times quickly taking Alexandria but then losing to the Abbasids. Turning west, the Mahdi invaded with his Ismaili Shia Fatimid armies of Kotama Berbers, but with mixed results. Many Sunnis, including the Umayyad Caliph of al-Andalus, opposed him. The Mahdi did not follow Maliki law, but taxed harshly, incurring further resentment. His capitol Mahdiya was more a fort than a princely city. The Maghrib was disrupted, being contested between the Zenata and the Sanhaja.[79] After the death of the Mahdi, there came the Kharijite revolt of 935, which under Abu Yazid (nicknamed "the man on a donkey") was said by 943 to be spreading chaos far and wide.[80] The Mahdi's son, the Fatimid caliph al-Qa'im, became besieged in Mahdiya. Eventually Abu Yazid was defeated by the next Fatimid caliph, Ishmail, who then made his residence in Kairouan. In 969 the Fatimid caliph al-Mu'izz sent his best general Jawhar al-Rumi leading a Kotama Shia army against Egypt. He managed the conquest without great difficulty. The Fatimids founded al-Qahira (Cairo) ["the victorius" or the "city of Mars"]. Three years later al-Mu'izz the caliph left Ifriqiyah for Egypt, taking everything, "his treasures, his administrative staff, and the coffins of his predecessors."[81] Once centered in Egypt the Fatimids expanded their possessions further, northeast to Syria and southeast to Mecca, while retaining control of North Africa. From Cairo they were to enjoy relative success; they never returned to Ifriqiyah.[82] The Zirids After removing their capital to Cairo, the Fatimids withdrew from direct governance of al-Maghrib, which they delegated to local vassals; for Ifriqiya: the Zirid (972-1148) and for Algerian territory: the Hammadid (1015-1152). Although Ifriqiya remained submerged in confusion, the Fatimid province of Ifriqiya remained relatively prosperous. Yet civic security was poor due to political quarrels countenanced by the Zirids and the Hammadids. In 1048, the Zirids broke with Shi'a Fatimid suzerainty from Cairo, becoming Sunni (always favored by the populace) and declaring their allegiance to the Abbasid Caliphate of Baghdad. In retaliation, the Fatimids sent against the Zirids an invasion of nomadic Arabians who passed through Egypt on their way west.[83]
The Bedouins of the Banu Hilal defeated in battle Zirid and Hammadid armies and sacked Kairouan in 1057. It has been said that much of the Maghrib's misfortunes to follow could be traced to the chaos and regression occasioned by their arrival, although opinion is not unanimous.[84] As the Banu Halali tribes took control of the plains, the local sedentary people were forced to take refuge in the mountains. In central and northern Ifriqiya farming gave way to pastoralism. Even after the fall of the Zirids the Banu Hilal were a source of disorder, as in the 1184 insurection of the Banu Ghaniya.[85] These rough Arab newcomers did accelerated the process of Arabization, with the Berber languages decreasing in use even in rural areas.[86] Substantially weakened, the Zirids lingered on, while regional trade declined. Legacy The Fatimids were Shi'a (specifically, of the more controversial Isma'ilis branch), while the majority of Tunisians identify as members of the opposing Sunni. Accordingly, Tunisians take little pride in the great extent and relative endurance, the peace and prosperity of the Fatimid rule in Egypt and of the Fatimid era in Islamic history generally. The Fatimids were responsible for sending the destructive Banu Hilal to Ifriqiya, which led to chaotic, ragged social conditions. In addition, during the Fatimid era the position of leadership within al-Maghrib shifted decisively away from Ifriqiya and came to rest in al-Andalus.
The Almohads (al-Muwahiddin)
Anarchy in Ifriqiya (Tunisia) made it a target for the Norman kingdom in Sicily, which between 1134 and 1148 seized Mahdia, Gabes, Sfax, and the island of Jerba. The only credible Muslim rulers in the Maghreb at the time were the Almohads, then led by their caliph a Berber Abd al-Mu'min (c.1090-1163). He responded with a several military counters which by 1160 had forced the Normans to retreat back to Sicily.
The Almohad movement [Arabic al-Muwahhidun, "the Unitarians"] ruled in the Maghrib from about 1130 to 1269. This movement had been founded by Ibn Tumart (1077-1130), a Masmuda Berber from the Atlas mountains of Morocco. After a pilgrimage to Mecca followed by study, he returned inspired by the teachings of al-Ash'ari and al-Ghazali. He preached an interior awareness of the Unity of God. A reformer, he gathered a following in the Atlas, founded a radical community, and began attacking the current rulers, the Almoravids [Arabic al-Murabitum, from Ribat, e.g., "defenders"]. The Almoravids (1056-1147) had also been a Berber Islamic movement of the Maghrib, which had run its course and since become decadent and weak. Although Almoravid power had reached from south of Morocco to al-Andalus (southern Spain), it had not controlled Infriqiya. In 1130 Abd al-Mu'min had become the Almohad caliph following Ibn Tumart's death. He immediately had attacked the ruling Almoravids and had wrestled Morocco away from them by 1147, suppressing subsequent revolts there. He intervened in al-Andalus, then in 1152 successfully invaded the Hammadids of Bougie (in Algeria). As mentioned, he had entered Ifriqiya, removing the Normans.[87] Despite their power, the narrow religious doctrine championed by the unitarian Almohads was never successfully implemented. Although it might have worked to deepen the religious awareness of the Muslim people of the Maghrib, it could not suppress all other traditions and teachings. Alternative expressions of Islam, including that of the Maliki jurists, the popular cult of saints and Sufis, and the philosophy of Averroës (Ibn Rushd in Arabic), were always tolerated in Ifriqiya. The Almohad empire, like its predecessor, eventually dissolved.
The Hafsid Dynasty of Tunis
The Hafsids dynasty (1230-1574) succeeded Almohad rule in Ifriqiya, while claiming to represent the true spiritual heritage of its founder, the mahdi Ibn Tumart (c.1077-1130).
![Flag of Tunis under the Hafsids. [Catalan Atlas, circa 1375]](http://72.232.229.42/thumb/6/6f/Tunis_hafsid_flag.png/180px-Tunis_hafsid_flag.png)
Abu Hafs 'Umar Inti was one of the Ten, those crucial early adherents of the Almohads or al-Muwahhidun, circa 1121. The Ten were companions of Ibn Tumart the mahdi, and formed a "privy council" consulted on all important matters. Abu Hafs was wounded in battle in 1130 and, under the first caliph 'Abd al-Mu'min, he became vizier (and for a time in line for the caliphate). His son 'Umar al-Hintati (appointed by the Almohad caliph al-Nasir) was governor of Ifriqiya from 1207 until his death in 1221. His son, the grandson of Abu Hafs, was Abu Zakariya.[88] Abu Zakariya (1203-1249) served the Almohads in Ifriqiya as governor of Gabès, then in 1226 as governor of Tunis. In 1229 during disturbances within the Almohad movement, Abu Zakariya declared his independence: thus the Hafsid dynasty. In the next few years he secured his hold on the cities of Ifriqiya, then captured Tripolitania (1234) to the east, and Algiers (1235) to the west and later Tlemcen (1242). He then solidified his rule among the Berber confederacies. Although he reached a limit to his expansionary efforts, Abu Zakariya became the foremost ruler in the Maghrib.[89] For an historic moment, the self-declared caliph of the Hafsids, al-Mustansir (1249-1277), was recognised by Mecca and the Islamic world, due to the termination of the Abbasid caliphate by the Mongols in 1258. But the moment passed; the Hafsids remained a local sovereignty.[90] Hafsid government structure followed the Almohad model of rather strict centralization. In 1270 Louis IX of France, whose brother was the king of Sicily, landed an army near Tunis; disease devastated their camp.[91] Hafsid influence was later reduced by the rise of the Marinids of Fez, who captured and lost Tunis twice (1347, and 1357). Later Hafsid fortunes would recover; two notabe rulers being Abu Faris (1394-1434) and his grandson Abu 'Amr 'Uthman (r. 1435-1488).[92] At the beginning, Tunisia prospered under the Hafsids through increasing European, Mediterranean and Sudanese trade. Al-Mustansir used the derived income to transform Tunis, his capital, with a palace and the Abu Fihr park. The estate he created near Bizerte was said to be without equal in the world. There became a marked divide between the governance of the cities and that of the countryside; at times rulers granting rural tribes autonomy in exchange for support regarding an intra-maghribi struggle. Muslim and Jewish migration came into Ifriqiya from al-Andalus, especially after 1492 with the fall of Granada, the last Muslim state on the Iberian peninsula. These new immigrants brought appreciated talents, e.g., trade connections, crafts, agricultural techniques, as well as infusions of the developed arts of al-Andalus. Regarding general prosperity, however, there was a sharp decline starting in the fourteenth century due to various factors.[93] After an hiatus under the Almohads, the Maliki school of law continued in its jurisdiction over the Maghrib. Developments by Hafsid jurisprudents introduced the concept of maslahah or "public interest" into the operation of their madhhab. This opened up Maliki fiqh to considerations of necessity and circumstance regarding the general welfare of the community. By this means, local custom was admitted in the Sharia of Malik, to become an integral part of the discipline. Education was improved by the institution of a system of madrasah. Sufism, e.g., Sidi Bin 'Arus (d. 1463 Tunis) regarding the Arusiyya tariqah, became further established, linking city and countryside. Poetry blossomed, as did architecture. For the moment, Tunisia had regained cultural leadership of the Maghrib.[94] Toward the end, internal disarray within the Hafsid dynasty created vulnerabilities, while a great power struggle arose between Spaniard and Turk over control of the Mediterranean. The Hafsid dynasts became pawns, subject to their rival strategies. By 1574 Ifriqiya had been incorporated into the Ottoman Empire.
Ibn Kaldun A major social philosopher, Ibn Khaldun (1332-1406) is well regarded as a pioneer in sociology, historiography, and related disciplines. Although having Yemeni ancestry, his family enjoyed centuries-long residency in al-Andalus before leaving in the 13th century for Ifriqiyah. As a native of Tunis, he spent much of his life under the Hafsids, whose regime he served on occasion. Ibn Khaldun entered into a political career early on, working under a succession of different rulers of small states, whose designs unfolded amid shifting rivalries and alliances. At one point he rose to vizier; however, he also spent a year in prison. His career caused him to relocate to Fez, Granada, and eventually Cairo where he died. In order to write he retired from active political life for awhile. Later, after his pilgrimage to Mecca, he served as Grand Qadi of the Maliki rite in Egypt (appointed and dismissed several times). While he was visiting Damascus, Tamerlane took the city; the cruel conquorer interviewed the elderly jurist and social philosopher, yet allowed him to escape. The philosophic history written by Ibn Khaldun was informed in theory by his learning as a faylasuf [philosopher], especially regarding al-Ghazali. Yet it was his participation in the small unstable governments of the region that inspired many of his key insights. His history seeks to account for the apparent cyclical progression of these states of the Maghrib, in which a new ruling association comes to power with strong loyalties, which over the course of several generations fall apart, leading to the collapse of the ruling strata. The social cohesion (necessary for the initial rise to power and for the continued exercise of it) is called in Ibn Khaldun Asabiyyah. His Kitab al-'Ibar [Book of Examples] (shortened title) is a telescoped "universal" history, which concentrates on the Persian, Arab, and Berber governments. Its lengthy prologue, called the Muqaddimah, presents the development of long-term social and political events as a field for study of natural phenomena, in quasi-sociological terms. It is widely considered to be a gem of sustained social analysis. Unfortunately, Ibn Khaldun did not attract enough local scholars, so that his studies were later neglected in Ifriqiyah; in the Persian and Turkish world he acquired a sustained following. In the later books of the seven volume Kitab al-'Ibar, he focuses especially on the history of the Berbers of the Maghrib. At the end, the perceptive Ibn Khaldun comments on events he himself witnessed or encountered.[95] In the later books of the seven volume Kitab al-'Ibar, he focuses especially on the history of the Berbers of the Maghrib. At the end, the perceptive Ibn Khaldun comments on events he himself witnessed or encountered.[96] As an official of the Hafsids, Ibn Khaldun experienced first hand the effects on the social structure of troubled regimes and long term decline in the region's fortunes.
The Ottoman Empire, and the Beys
The Tunisian state was rebuilt by the imposition of Ottoman rule in the late 16th century. The Ottomans made Tunisia a province of their empire in 1574, and garrisoned Tunis with 4,000 Janissaries recruited from Anatolia, reinforced by some Christian converts to Islam from Italy, Spain, and Provence. In 1591 the local Janissary officers replaced the Sultan's appointee with one of their own men, called the Dey. While the Dey dominated the city of Tunis, a Corsican-born Tunisian tax collector (Bey) named Murad (d. 1640), and his descendants, dominated the rest of the country. The struggle for power made allies of the Dey, the Janissaries, and Bedouin tribes against the Beys, the towns, and the fertile region of the countryside. The Muradid Beys eventually triumphed, and ruled until 1705, when Hussein ibn Ali came to power. The period from 1705 to 1957 witnessed the reign of the Husseinite Beys, including the highly effective Hammouda Pasha (1781-1813). In theory, Tunisia continued to be a vassal of the Ottoman empire -- the Friday prayer was pronounced in the name of the Ottoman Sultan, money was coined in his honor, and an annual ambassador brought gifts to Istanbul -- but the Ottomans never again were able to exact obedience.
Modernity, & la République Française
As the 19th century commenced, the country remained quasi-autonomous, although officially still an Ottoman province. Trade with Europe increased dramatically with western merchants arriving to establish businesses in the country. In 1861, Tunisia enacted the first constitution in the Arab world, but a move toward a modernizing republic was hampered by the poor economy and by political unrest. Loans made by foreigners to the government were becoming difficult to manage. In 1869, Tunisia declared itself bankrupt; an international financial commission, with representatives from France, the United Kingdom, and Italy, took control over the economy.
In the spring of 1881, the French army occupied Tunisia, claiming that Tunisian troops had crossed the border to Algeria, France's primary colony in Northern Africa. Italy, also interested in Tunisia, protested, but did not risk a war with France. On May 12 of that year, Tunisia was officially made a French protectorate with the signature of the treaty of Bardo by Muhammad III as-Sadiq.[98] The French progressively assumed the more of the important administrative positions, and by 1884 they supervised all Tunisian government bureaus dealing with finance, post, education, telegraph, public works and agriculture. They decided to guarantee the Tunisian debt, and then abolished the international finance commission. French settlements in the country were actively encouraged; the number of French colonists grew from 34,000 in 1906 to 144,000 in 1945, occupying approximately one-fifth of the cultivated land. Roads, ports, railroads, and mines were developed. In rural areas the French administration strengthened the local officials (qa'ids) and weakened the independent tribes. An additional judicial system was established for Europeans but available generally, set-up without interfering with the existing Sharia courts, available as always for the legal matters of Tunisians. Many welcomed the progressive changes, but preferred to manage their own affairs. Kayr al-Din in the 1860s and 1870s had introduced modernizing reforms before the French occupation. Some of his companions later founded the weekly magazine al-Hadira in 1888. A more radical one al-Zahra ran from 1890 until suppressed in 1896; as was the Sabil al-Rashad of 'Abd al-'Aziz al-Tha'alibi, who was inspired by Muhammad 'Abduh of Cairo, among others. Bashir Sfar initiated the discussion group Khalduniya in 1896. 'Ali Bash Hamba founded the French language journal Tunisien to inform the French public of the Tunisian complaints, but only increased unrest. Tha'alibi founded the Arabic language Tunisien in 1909, to challenge Hamba from a Tunisian view point. In 1911 there were civil disturbances started within the universities. Hamba and Tha'alibi came together. A political party was begun, al-Ittihad al-Islami [The Evolutionist], which had pro-Ottoman leanings. Issues concerning a Muslim cemetery, the Jallaz, sparked large demonstrations which ended with martial law and the killing of many Tunisians in late 1911. Further demonstrations in 1912 led to the closing of the nationalist newspapers and the exiling of nationalist leadership.[99] Organized nationalist sentiment among Tunisians, driven underground in 1912, came forward again following the Great War. Encouragement came from many directions, e.g., the formation of the League of Nations in 1919. The nationalist Destour [Constitution] Party was set up in 1920. Its successor the Neo-Destour Party, established in 1934 and led by Habib Bourguiba, was later banned by the French. During World War II, the local French authorities in Tunisia supported the Vichy government which ruled France after its capitulation to Germany in 1940. After initial victories to the east the German General Erwin Rommel,[100] lacking supplies and reinforcements, in 1942 lost the decisive battle of al-Alamein (near Alexandria in Egypt) to the British General Bernard Montgomery. After learning of Allied landings in the west (Operation Torch), the German army retreated westward to Tunisia and set up defensive positions. The British following on his heels eventually broke these lines, although Rommel did have some early success against the "green" American troops advancing from the west, until the arrival of General George Patton who beat Rommel in battle. The fighting ended in early 1943. General Eisenhower (who earned trust by talking straight if not always clearly) stated that "far from governing a conquered country, we were attempting only to force a gradual widening of the base of government, with the final objective of turning all internal affairs over to popular control." Tunisia became a staging area for operations in the invasion of Sicily later that year.[101]
After World War II, the struggle for national independence continued and intensified. The Neo-Destour Party reemerged under Habib Bourguiba. Yet with a lack of progress, violent resistance to French rule began in the mountains during 1954. The Tunisians coordinated with independence movements in Algeria and Morocco, although it was Tunisia that first became independent. Ultimately, the Neo-Destour Party managed to gain sovereignty for its people by maneuver and finesse.[102]
al-Jumhuriyah at-Tunisiyah
Independence from France was achieved on March 20, 1956. The State was established as a constitutional monarchy with the Bey of Tunis, Muhammad VIII al-Amin Bey, as the king of Tunisia. In 1957 the Prime Minister Habib Bourguiba abolished the monarchy and established a strictly structured state under the Neo-Destour (New Constitution) party. He also terminated the dey, an old quasi-monarchist institution. Bourguiba dominated the country for 31 years, repressing Islamic fundamentalism and establishing rights for women unmatched by any other Arab nation.[103] The vision that Bourguiba offered was of a Tunisian republic. Politics would be secular, populist, and imbued with a kind of French rationalist vision of the state that was buoyant, Napoleonic in spirit.
"Bourguibism" was also resolutely nonmilitarist, arguing that Tunisia could never be a credible military power and that the building of a large military establishment would only consume scarce investment resources and perhaps thrust Tunisia into the cycles of military intervention in politics that had plagued the rest of the Middle East. In the name of economic development, Bourguiba nationalized religious land holdings and dismantled religious institutions. Socialism was not initially part of the project, but redistributive policies certainly were. Nonetheless in 1964, Tunisia entered a short lived socialist era. The Neo-Destour party became the Socialist Destour, and the new minister of planning, Ahmed Ben Salah, formulated a state-led plan for agricultural cooperatives and public-sector industrialization. The socialist experiment raised considerable opposition within Bourguiba's old coalition. Ahmed Ben Salah was eventually dismissed in 1970, and many socialized operations (e.g., the farm cooperatives) were returned to private ownership in the early 1970s.[104] In 1978, a general strike was repressed by the government with its forces killing dozens; union leaders were jailed. After independence, Tunsian economic policy had been primarily to promote light industry and tourism, and developed its phosphate deposits. The major sector remained agriculture with small farms prevailing, but these did not produce well. In the early 1960s the economy slowed down, but the socialist program did not prove to be the cure. In the 1970s the economy of Tunisia expanded at a very agreeable rate. Oil was discovered, and tourism continued. City and countryside populations drew roughly equal in number. Yet agricultural problems and urban unemployment led to increased migration to Europe. In the 1980s the economy performed poorly. In 1983 the International Monetary Fund (IMF) forced the government to raise the price of bread and semolina, causing severe hardship and protest riots. In this situation, the Islamic Tendency Movement (MTI) under Cheikh Rached el-Ghannouchi provided popular leadership. Civil disturbances, including those by the Islamists, were repressed by government security forces under General Zine El abidine Ben Ali. Ben Ali was named prime minister. The 84-year-old President Bourguiba was overthrown and replaced by his Prime Minister Zine El Abidine Ben Ali on November 7, 1987. President Ben Ali changed little in the Bourguibist system except to rename the party the Democratic Constitutional Rally (RCD by its French acronym). In 1988 Ben Ali tried a new tack with reference to the government and Islam, by attempting to reaffirm the country's Islamic identity; several Islamist activists were released from prison. He also forged a national pact with the Tunisian party Harakat al-Ittijah al-Islami (Islamic Tendency Movement), founded in 1981; later it changed its name to an-Nahda (the Renaissance Party). An-Nahda claims to have run strongly in the 1989 elections, which appeared to be unfair; reports describe pro-government votes often over 90%. Ben Ali subsequently banned Islamist political parties and jailed as many as 8,000 activists.[105]
Tunis, the capital, has a population of about 700,000, and the second city of Sfax numbers approximately 250,000. The population growth rate measured as births per female has fallen from 7 (1960s) to 2 (2007). Life e